ࡱ> xyz{|}~ K g _ Q ^M ?bjbj== WWs[pl |||p>t>t>tuRwTpq3^p=$a m2222222$W6 w83|u@=uu3Y+ }&+3Y+Y+Y+u@ |2Y+u2Y+Y+70V{y?R*|dZ !p`>tq)M8dZA30q3,T89)>9dZY+pp  Social Evaluation Study for the Milne Bay Community-Based Coastal and Marine Conservation Program PNG/99/G41 Jeff Kinch April 2001 UNOPS Contract for Services Ref: C00-1076  EMBED PBrush  EMBED PBrush   EMBED PBrush    EMBED PBrush  EMBED PBrush   Contents Maps and Tables Acronyms Time Line Recommendations Chapter 1 The Milne Bay Community-Based Coastal and Marine Conservation Program (MBP) and the Social Evaluation Study (SES) Introduction Methodology Limitations of the SES The Proposed Conservation Strategy The CBMMCAs Chapter 2 The Natural Environment The Marine Environment of Papua New Guinea (PNG) The Marine Environment of Milne Bay Province The Marine Biodiversity of Milne Bay Province Zone 1 CBMMCA 1 CBMMCA 2 CBMMCA 3 Zone 2 Zone 3 Climate Rainfall Winds Geology Soils Chapter 3 History Prehistory History of Contact History of Ethnographic Study Raiding in the Early Colonial Period Divine Intervention Millenarism and Cargo Cults World War II Government History Chapter 4 The Social Environment Language Clans and Social Structure Matrilineages Division of Labour and Work Effort Landownership Feasting Status of Women Leadership Electing Leaders Conflict Avoidance Summary and Conclusion Chapter 5 Population and Demography Migration in Prehistory Migration Today Population The Human Development Index The Rural Domestic Factor Income Current Population in the CBMMCAs CBMMCA 1 CBMMCA 2 CBMMCA 3 Population Control Population Densities Population Growth Implications for the MBP Summary and Conclusion Chapter 6 Services and Infrastructure Education and Delivery Health Services Malnutrition Family Planning and Family Health Disease Communications and Infrastructure Service Centres Transport Police The Village Court System Government Capacity Ward Development Committees Summary and Conclusion Chapter 7 The Subsistence Economy Land Pressure and Food Security Agriculture CBMMCA 1 CBMMCA 2 CBMMCA 3 Plant Use Housing Faunal Use: Animal Husbandry and Hunting and Collecting Domesticated Animals: Pigs and Chickens Birds and Other Wild Animals Subsistence Fishing CBMMCA 1 CBMMCA 2 CBMMCA 3 Fish Consumption Non-Commercial Fisheries Turtles Dugong Shellfish Trading in Zone 1 CBMMCA 1 CBMMCA 2 CBMMCA 3 Canoes Summary and Conclusion Chapter 8 The Cash Economy Income Sources CBMMCA 1 CBMMCA 2 CBMMCA 3 Cash Crop Agriculture Copra Copra Marketing Board Other Cash Crops Potential Cash Crops Tradestores and Cooperatives Business Groups within Zone 1 Misima Associations The Deboyne Islands Development Association Problems of Business Development Tourism CBMMCA 1 CBMMCA 2 CBMMCA 3 Other Tourism Activities Misima Mines Limited Effects of MML Closure Summary and Conclusion Chapter 9 The Fisheries Sector Summary History of Commercialisation The Milne Bay Fisheries Authority Coral Sea Fisheries Nako Fisheries and Kiwali Exports Asiapac and Coral Sea Delights Other Interests Live Reef Fish Trade The Long Liner Issue Other Shipping Threats Commercial Fisheries Beche-de-mer Fishery Shark Fishery Trochus Fishery Clam Fishery Blacklip Fishery Fish Fishery Crayfish Fishery Areas of Exploitation Milne Bay Exports Summary and Conclusion Chapter 10 Tenure and Rights to Resources Rights to Resources Property Rights and the Commons Debate Community-Based Co-Management Enforcement Current Tenure Disputes CBMMCA 1 CBMMCA 2 CBMMCA 3 Summary and Conclusion Chapter 11 Conservation Conservation Dichotomies The Case for Local Ecological Knowledge The Current Status of Local Knowledge and Cultural Loss Tradition and Place Community-Based Marine Management and Conservation Sites Wildlife Management Areas Traditional Practices: Reef Closures, Tabus and Monsters Summary and Conclusion Chapter 12 Conclusion Best Opportunities for Conservation CBMMCA 1 CBMMCA 2 CBMMCA 3 Appendix 1: Activities to Date for the MBP. Appendix 2: Population by age groups in Zone 1. Appendix 3: All Schools in or Near Zone 1. Appendix 4: Aidposts in Zone 1. Appendix 5: 1999 Family Planning Rates in Zone 1. Appendix 6: Cash Earnings from Sale of Marine Resources at Brooker (CBMMCA 3): July 1998-June 1999. Appendix 7: Household Production for CBMMCAs 2 and 3. Appendix 8: Brooker (CBMMCA 3) Names of Geographical Features and their Meanings. Appendix 9: Indicators for Community Conservation and Resource Management. References Map and Tables Map 1: The CBMMCAs in the Zones Table 1: Regional Comparison of the Estimated Total Number of Fish and Coral Species. Table 2: Religious Affiliation in Milne Bay Province: 2000. Table 3: Milne Bay Electorates and Local Level Governments. Table 4: The CBMMCAs and their Associated Ward and Local Level Government Table 5: Major Language Groups of Milne Bay. Table 6: Languages within the CBMMCAs of Zone 1. Table 7: Clan Names Found at Panaeati (CBMMCA 2) and Brooker (CBMMCA 3) and Associated Totems. Table 8: Major Clans of the CBMMCAs. Table 9: Sequence of Mortuary Feasts with Sponsors and Recipients at Panaeati (CBMMCA 2) and Brooker (CBMMCA 3). Table 10: Milne Bay Provincial Population Figures 1966 - 2020. Table 11: Milne Bay Province Mortality Indicators. Table 12: Milne Bay Province: Natural Increase Indicators. Table 13: Milne Bay Province: Age and Sex Composition in 1990. Table 14: Population of CBMMCA 1. Table 15: Population of CBMMCA 2, The Engineer Group. Table 16: Population of CBMMCA 2, The Deboyne Islands. Table 17: Population of CBMMCA 3. Table 18: CBMMCA Population, Households and Population Increase Between 1980 and 2000. Table 19: Brooker Island (CBMMCA 3) Census Data: 1944-1999. Table 20: Provincial Population and Growth Rates. Table 21: Number of Small Islands in Milne Bay and Estimated 2000 Population. Table 22: CBMMCAs by Land and Reef Area and Persons Per Km. Table 23: Cost of Education. Table 24: Educational Level by Grade and by Sex for All People Living in CBMMCAs 2 and 3. Table 25: Total number of Continuing Students and Costs for CBMMCAs 2. Table 26: Schools by Agency in Milne Bay. Table 27: Health Staff per 100,000 Population for Milne Bay Province, and for the Samarai Murua District (which includes most of Zones 1 and 2). Table 28: Health Services for total Population of Milne Bay Province and the Samarai Murua District (which includes most of Zones 1 and 2). Table 29: Brooker (CBMMCA 3) Health Problems and Priorities. Table 30: Aidposts in Zone 1 as of June 2000. Table 31: Provinces with Highest Malnutrition Rates in 1994. Table 32: Brooker Island (CBMMCA 1) Number of children Under and Over 80% Weight for Age: March1999. Table 33: Percent Deliveries of Low Birth Weight. Table 34: Leading Causes of Morbidity and Mortality in the Samarai Murua District, Which Encompasses Most of Zones 1 and 2. Table 35: Presence of Filarial Antigeamia (%) in the Samarai Murua District, Which Encompasses Most of Zones 1 and 2. Table 36: 1999 Immunisation Levels of Total Population in Milne Bay Province and the Samarai-Murua District and Health Centres in Zone 1. Table 37: CBMMCA Community Infrastructure: 2000. Table 38: Brooker (CBMMCA 3) Community Problems and Priorities. Table 39: Number of Gardens by Island for Brooker (CBMMCA 3): 1999. Table 40: Plant Use on Brooker (CBMMCA 3). Table 41: Types of Fishing Techniques Used at Brooker (CBCMMA 3). Table 42: Fishing Equipment Used at Brooker (CBCMMA 3). Table 43: Turtle Species Found in the Deboyne Islands (CBMMCA 2) and Brooker (CBMMCA 3) Waters. Table 44: Monthly Catch Rates for Turtles at Brooker (CBMMCA 3): 1998-1999 Season. Table 45: Location at Which Turtles Were Harvested by Brooker Islanders (CBMMCA 3): 1998-1999 Season. Table 46: Trading Places for Turtles by Brooker (CBMMCA 3): 1998-1999 Season. Table 47: CBMMCA Water Craft: 2000. Table 48: Produce Sold at Alotau by Nuakata in 1999-2000 (CBMMCA 1). Table 49: Cash Earnings from Sale of Marine Resources at Brooker (CBMMCA 3): July 1998-June 1999. Table 50: CBMMCA Tradestores: 2000. Table 51: Stores from the Deboyne Islands (CBMMCA 2) and Their StockValue: January to September 2000. Table 52: Tradestore Price List (CBMMCAs 2 and 3): January 1998 to October 2000. Table 53: Yearly Value Breakup of MML Tax Credit Scheme Projects by LLG. Table 54: MBFA Fish Collection (kg) by Outstations: 1984-1990. Table 55: Coral Sea Fisheries Export. Table 56: Exports (kgs) from Milne Bay by Kiwali: 1994-1998. Table 57: Exports (kgs) from Milne Bay by Asiapac: 1994-1998. Table 58: Areas of Exploitation Recorded by Brooker (CBMMCA 3) Tradestore Purchases in Kgs: January-September 1999. Table 59: Milne Bay Marine Product Export: 1998. Table 60: Freehold Status of the Conflict Group (CBMMCA 2). Table 61: Islands Around Brooker (CBMMCA 3) and Their Clan Ownership. Table 62: Marine Resources Subject to Customary Taboos on Brooker Island. Acronyms AIDS Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome CBMMCA Community-Based Marine Management Area CBMMCS Community-Based Marine Management Site Zone Community-Based Marine Management Zone CDT Community Development Team CI Conservation International CODE College of Distant Education CSF Coral Sea Fisheries CWO Co-operative Wholesale Organisation DIDA Deboyne Islands Development Association GEF Global Environment Facility HDI Human Development Index ICAD Integrated Conservation and Development LEK Local Ecological Knowledge LGC Local Government Council LLG Local Level Government MBP Milne Bay Community-Based Coastal and Marine Conservation Program MBFA Milne Bay Fisheries Authority MML Misima Mines Limited NDOE National Department of Education PhD Doctor of Philosophy PMV Public Motor Vehicle PNG Papua New Guinea PNGAS PNG Agricultural Systems PNGRIS PNG Resource Information System RAP Rapid Appraisal Program SES Social Evaluation Study SFS Social Feasibility Studies SMART Samarai-Murua Agriculture, Research and Training Centre STD Sexually Transmitted Disease TB Tuberculosis UNDP United Nations Development Program UNESCO United Nations Education, Science and Culture Organisation VBA Village Birth Attendant VIG Village Interest Group VTT Village Training Team WDC Ward Development Committee WHO World Health Organisation Milne Bay Time Line with Emphasis on the Community-Based Marine Management Conservation Zone 1 Year Activity Louis Vaez de Torres traverses the Louisiade Archipelago. 1699 Dampier makes geological observations in the northern islands. 1768 Louis Antoine de Bougainville names the area Golfe de la Louisiade. 1771 Capt. Edwards sails through in Her Majesty's Ship Pandora. 1793 Bruny DEntrecasteaux arrives searching for the lost La Perouse. 1793 John Hayes sails through the Louisiade Archipelago. Coutance Bristow visits the area. DUrville goes to Ware and begins surveying the Calvados Chain. 1847 Marist station started on Woodlark. 1849 Owen Stanley surveys Sudest and Rossel. 1873 Captain Moresby explores the China Straits and the Samarai Islands. 1877 London Missionary Society mission started at Suau and Ware Island. 1878 Massive mortality in Milne Bay and the outer islands. John McOrt and William Ingham killed at Brooker. 1879 Europeans start moving from Suau to Samarai. 1884 Declaration of a protectorate over Suau, Samarai, Milne Bay, Killerton and Ware. 1885 Captain Friar murdered on Basilaki and Reed murdered at the Engineer Group. Government agent posted to Samarai. Britain Appendixes the protectorate and the Eastern Division formed. Colonial administration buys land at Misima and establishes station at Sudest. Nivani (in the Deboyne Islands) is chosen as the centre of Southeastern Division. The whole of the Louisiade Archipelago declared a gold field. Mining starts at Misima. 1890 Reverend George Brown selects Dobu as the centre for the Methodists to begin work. 1891 Start of Methodists expansion, they arrive at Ware and Bromilow replaces the London Missionary Society teachers with Samoan teachers. Reverend Samuel Fellows begins missionary work at Panaeati and an outstation is built at Tubetube. Large depopulation at Tubetube. Kwato mission set up by missionary Charles Abel. Part of the Eastern Division becomes the Louisiade (Southeastern) Division. Nivani Island planted by prisoners for copra. Panasesa Island in the Conflict Group is leased by Henry Alexander Wickham 1901 Trobriand Islands are included in the Southeastern Division. 1902 The Southeastern Divisions headquarters are moved from Nivani to Woodlark as the Louisiade goldfields wind down. 1909 J. G. Munt takes over plantations at Nivani. Resident magistrate and Government Headquarters return to Bwagaioa from Woodlark. Panasesa in the Conflicts granted freehold status. United Church starts work at Rossel Island. Cargo Cult begins at Misima. 1932 Catholics begin work at Sidea. First motor vessel arrives in Milne Bay. Translation of New Testament into the Misima language is completed. 1940 Panapompom plantations are taken over by F. Palisbo. Japanese bomb Samarai. People evacuated from Samarai and Misima and Civil Administration ends. A Japanese floatplane is based in Deboyne Lagoon. Lieutenant Mader is murdered at Motorina as part of a cargo cult at Misima. United States Armed Forces withdraw. Hanging of those responsible for Lieutenant Mader's murder. Catholic Church starts work at Nimoa. Catholic Church starts work at Rossel Island. Polio epidemic at Misima. Primary school is opened at Misima. Samarai overseas wharf rebuilt. Cyclone damages Misima and all villages on outer islands. Local Government Councils system formed. Louisiade Local Government Council established at Misima. Cargo Cult at Panaeati. 1962 Motor Vessel Karu is wrecked at Jomard. 1965 Yeleamba Local Government Council established at Sudest. Bwanabwana Local Government Council established at Samarai. Movement of Government Administration from Samarai to Alotau. 1970 Summer Institute of Linguistics arrives in Milne Bay and start literacy and translation work. Aerodrome built at Sudest. Masurina begins business. PNG Independence. Milne Bay Provincial Government set up. Milne Bay Fisheries Authority starts with assistance from the International Food and Development Program. Milne Bay Fisheries Authority opens outstation at Brooker. National Executive Council approval given for Misima Mines Limited development. Final Environmental Plan approved by Department of Environment and Conservation. Construction of Misima Mines Limited begins. State of Papua New Guinea acquires 20% ownership in Misima Mines Limited. 1989 Misima Mines Limited starts operations. 1990 Milne Bay Fisheries Authority wound up after costing US $12 million. Initiation of Educational Reforms. Formal Elementary Schools introduced. Tuna vessel runs aground at Liak on Misima. Nako Fisheries is started. Coral Sea Fisheries is also started at Misima. 1996 Coral Sea Fisheries is wound up. Political reform begins with introduction of the Organic Law. Cyclone Justin devastates the Louisiade Archipelago. CI begins work in Milne Bay. Worst drought on record. Author begins fieldwork at Brooker into marine resource management. Misima Hospital opened. Ware people confiscate beche-de-mer from Brooker at Nabaina escalating their dispute. New Testament re-translated into Misima. Three longliners run aground at Bramble Haven and the Long/Kosman Reef area. Container Vessel runs aground at Sariba Island. Milne Bay Beche-de-mer Management Committee formally set up. (Sources: National Statistical Office, 2000; Roe, 1961, McIntyre and Allen 1990; Berde, 1976; Whiting, 1975; Brass, 1959; Lewis, 1996; Nelson, 1976; Kinch, 1999) Recommendations 1. Establish a good communications strategy between the MBP and targeted communities. Fully inform stakeholders of the MBPs objectives and activities. 2. The MBP must identify opportunities for community participation to develop capacity, systems and processes in strategic management and planning for sustainable resource management and conservation. 3. The design of the MBP should take a long-term view to conservation and resource management, and should be based on the Community Entry Approach utilising PRA tools to allow communities to facilitate and implement activities in accordance with their own wishes, needs and desires. Consider and/or cultivate more active involvement with other NGOs with experience and expertise in community development. 5. Recognise the role and importance of local institutions such as churches, women's fellowships and youth groups. Church leaders will play an important role. They will provide a potent and innovative vehicle for reaching large constituencies on conservation resource management issues. 6. Conservation, awareness and other materials should be produced in Dobu for the Nuakata and East Cape areas (CBMMCA 1); in Tubetube for the Engineers (CBMMCA 2) and Ware (CBMMCA 3); and in Misima for the Deboynes (CBMMCA 2) and Brooker (CBMMCA 3). 7. Recognise that forming new organisations and the relationships embedded within them requires significant time, effort, and resources. The design of program interventions should acknowledge the economic, cultural and institutional needs of various allied and culturally related groups. 8. Thoroughly analyse the Census 2000 to more accurately forecast future population levels. Information is also needed on maximum sustainable threshold population for islands in the CBMMCAs. 9. Continue and support the Village Census Books and regularly monitor and analyse the data collected. The Provincial Data System is trying to re-establish this process as this information is useful to the LLG and District Planning processes. The MBP needs to support these efforts. 10. Conduct research on garden yields to more accurately understand the relationships between agricultural productivity and dependency on marine resources. 11. Continue supporting environmental education program activities. Environmental literacy is important to communities and should be encouraged by the MBP as it has the potential of providing an important means to create awareness of options for conservation, development and resource management. 12. Build the capacity of Village Recorders, Magistrates and District Court systems to actively enforce community rules and regulations related to resource use and management. 13. Recognize and address the need for institutional strengthening and capacity building at all government levels. 14. Incorporate land use surveys into the MBP since land availability for subsistence productivity is one of the most important future constraints to sustainable livelihoods. Investigate the impact of the introduced African snail and other exotic species. Support research on rehabilitating existing cash crops and developing alternative cash crops such as low volume/high weight spices. 16. Produce awareness materials on sound business practices for communities to encourage improved management. 17. Continue to facilitate rates of payment between resource owners in CBMMCA 1 and Zone 3 and dive operators. 18. Recognise the impact of the Misima Mine closure and the consequences that this will have on the capacity of Local Level Government and portions of CBMMCAs 2 and 3. Support any plans by MML that contribute to LLG strengthening, food security and general welfare of communities and the environment. 19. Recognise problems encountered in previous fisheries development projects to avoid unrealistic expectations in business development and adopt a go-slow approach. 20. Investigate a cooperative relationship with marine resource exporters and buyers, who could be involved in extension work delivering management and quality control messages to remote communities. 21. Address the need for a strong surveillance component to be built at all levels of government and at the community level. 22. Conduct a thorough stock assessment, biogeographical survey and community resource-mapping program. 23. Contract a fisheries-modeller to quantitatively describe the potential biological performance of CBMMCSs and other alternative approaches to managing marine resources. 24. Conduct research to determine the level of dependency on marine resources and community cash requirements. 25. Provide recognition and support to all levels of government for community developed regulations and CBMMCSs. 26. Conduct in-depth study of property relations for the CBMMCAs. Data on marine tenure needs updating with the implementation of a social mapping program. With each grouping of peoples having its own myths, legends and migration stories, it is important that an attempt is made by the MBP to gain at least some understanding of these and how they may (or may not) relate to claims to or ownership of marine resources. 27. Support Milne Bay Provincial Government programs in conflict resolution and mediation, either through informal/formal court systems and/or demarcation and registration of claims to traditional fishing rights. This would benefit villagers, particularly from Ware and Brooker, in CBMMCA 3. 28. Given the lack of a conservation ethic among communities in the CBMMCAs, the MBP will have to link conservation to issues which local people find important and which move them to think about resource management, planning and conservation. 29. Appropriate marine resource management systems should be designed, implemented and monitored. Construct an appropriate feedback mechanism from top to bottom and vice versa. 30. Investigate the suitability of closed seasons for different species and the problems of multi-species fisheries at different spatial and temporal scales. 31. Western and local scientific knowledge of marine systems management are jointly employed to reinforce the interdependency between humans and nature, and to provide a platform for the introduction of more Western concepts of conservation. 32. Encourage, train and equip communities to participate in the monitoring and surveillance of their own marine resources. 33. Design activities to create a mechanism for recognising the value, role, and importance of Local Ecological Knowledge. 34. Involve LLGs in future demarcation of conservation and management areas and the provision of services that would offset these conservation and management areas costs. There is a need to establish linkages with the LLGs and assist in giving advice on the formulation of LLG laws that are useful to the MBP. Chapter 1 The Milne Bay Community-Based Coastal and Marine Conservation Program (MBP) and the Social Evaluation Study (SES) Introduction Before making a commitment to a given area, programs such as the Milne Bay Community-based Coastal and Marine Conservation Program (MBP) must collect information on local institutions, community history, social and political structures, and opportunities for, and constraints to conservation, development and management. In some areas, the combination of social, economic, institutional and political factors may make conservation simply unworkable. Social Assessments or Social Feasibility Studies (SFS) can be useful in designing activities to deal with specific local issues and may serve to alert conservation proponents to unmanageable local problems. The role of a Social Feasibility Study is to ascertain whether communities in a proposed conservation area have an interest in, and the ability to participate in biodiversity conservation initiatives. In the Milne Bay Community-Based Coastal and Marine Conservation Program (MBP) the term SFS has been changed to Social Evaluation Study (SES) because communities were already targeted as a result of the Site Selection Workshop held in July 2000. Consequently all work for this study has involved communities located in Community-Based Marine Management Conservation Zone (Zone) 1. The rationale for this current SES is based on the lessons learned from previous Integrated Conservation and Development (ICAD) work at Lak and Bismarck-Ramu where there was insufficient understanding of the local socio-economic situation, which later led to difficulties with resource owners (see McCallum and Sekhran 1997). Following these experiences, it was decided that the collection of social and economic data was to be an integral part of future United Nations Development Program (UNDP) sponsored conservation programs. The SES aims at collecting the necessary economic and socio-cultural information to assist in the design of biodiversity conservation and resource management initiatives by: (i) describing livelihood strategies; (ii) identifying groups with an interest and willingness to participate; (iii) providing information needed to facilitate participation; (iv) defining relevant socio-economic, political, and cultural factors that should be taken into account; and (v) describing activities which threaten biodiversity (adapted from World Bank, 1994). Methodology Background data collection for the SES began with a Province-Wide Assessment that culminated in a presentation on Social Aspects for the Milne Bay Program (see Kinch, 2000a) at the Site Selection Workshop (see Mitchell, 2000a). The Site Selection Workshop was conducted in July 2000, in Alotau, Milne Bay Province. Stakeholders from local communities and NGOs, churches, Departments of the Provincial and National governments, UNDP and Conservation International (CI) were asked to provide input on a wide range of biological, social and economic issues in Milne Bay and to determine which areas in the Province required improved management and conservation measures. Through that process, three Community-based Marine Management and Conservation Zones (Zones) were selected to secure a representative sample of globally significant biodiversity, where such management and conservation measures were both socially and economically feasible.  This Site Selection Workshop set the stage for initial community entry. Community Entry Patrols were conducted after a two-day Community Entry Workshop, which was held in August 2000, again in Alotau. The aim of the workshop was to discuss issues on the Community Entry/Approaches processes that are appropriate and relevant for the MBP. Consensus amongst participants at the end of this two-day workshop was that for long-term sustainability and for a successful exit strategy, Ward Development Committees (WDCs) are to be used throughout the MBP at differing degrees of intensity. This approach was viewed as a good way of building interest, involvement and confidence in the program (see Kinch, 2000b, c; 2001). In the next stage, community entry patrols were conducted in October and November to build community awareness on the MBP and the results of the Marine RAP (see Kinch, 2000d; Mitchell, 2000b,c). Discussions with targeted communities and villagers were initiated in the identified sites to assess their resource management needs and receptivity to conservation, and to guage the likelihood of success in securing conservation outcomes. Some of these targeted communities are now recognising that marine resources can be exhausted, and some are seeking assistance to monitor and manage these changes to ensure sustainability of the species for food security and income sources. These discussions provided a large quantity of data for the SES and systematic information was also collected on the availability of services in the CBMMCAs, the characteristics of community stakeholders, their agricultural and fishing practices and income generating activities available to people in the CBMMCAs. Field data for the SES were collected using a combination of mapping techniques, observation, and semi-structured interviews with a range of different respondents. A literature search and review was contracted to Robin Hide and completed by HSM Associates (HSM Associates, 2000). This literature study was supplemented with data gleaned from government and patrol reports and the author's Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) study on marine resource use at Brooker (CBMMCA 3) (see Kinch, 1999). Throughout the SES, the most in-depth and accurate data for examples, tables, etc. will be those using information concerning Brooker and the Misima District. A fisheries survey at Nuakata (located in CBMMCA 1) also was conducted by CI in conjunction with the Provincial Fisheries Division in December 1999 and July 2000 (see Kelokelo, 2000; Kelokelo and Kinch, 2000). See Appendix 1 for work to date. By combining the information taken from the literature, pre- and post-Independence patrol reports, the author's PhD research, field observations and interviews, it is hoped that this study provides a reasonably objective overview of the issues at stake for the MBP. The multifaceted work carried out and published by Bourke et al (1995) as part of the PNG Agricultural Systems program (PNGAS) has proved to be also of immense value. Recommendations: 1. Establish a good communications strategy between the MBP and targeted communities. Fully inform stakeholders of the MBPs objectives and activities. 2. The MBP must identify opportunities for community participation to develop capacity, systems and processes in strategic management and planning for sustainable resource management and conservation. 3. The design of the MBP should take a long-term view to conservation and resource management, and should be based on the Community Entry Approach utilising PRA tools to allow communities to facilitate and implement activities in accordance with their own wishes, needs and desires. 4. Consider and/or cultivate more active involvement with other NGOs with experience and expertise in community development. Limitations of the SES Limitations of the SES lie with the timeframe allowed to research and write it and with the information collated in the literature review by HSM Associates. All the ethnographic data on many island communities in the ZONE 1 dates from at least 20 years ago. This could have presented some difficulties in attributing customs, behaviour, and motivations etc. from that time to current populations living in the CBMMCAs, and care and sensitivity have been exercised in relation to using this information. Fortunately for the MBP, the previous PhD research by the author and the work done by the staff of CI in Milne Bay make up some of these shortfalls that have been largely addressed. The other limitation for the SES is that, this report is based on one Province-Wide Assessment patrol to some of the targeted areas and only one Community Entry patrol. Subsequently the SES is heavily dependent on the judgements of the author who was based in one of the targeted areas and the knowledge of the Program Manager (who is a National from Milne Bay) and the Sustainable Development Officer, an expatriate with 16 years experience in local communities and conditions. The Proposed Conservation Strategy Within the large Community-based Marine Management Conservation Zones (Zones), several small-scale Community-based Marine Management and Conservation Sites (CBMMCSs) will be established in high biodiversity priority locations for which community-based management and different degrees of protection are socially and economically feasible. These community-based management and conservation efforts will be complemented and supported by appropriate marine resource use policy changes covering all of Milne Bay Province, and targeting institutional capacity building of the Local Level Governments (LLGs) and WDCs with jurisdiction over the three prioritised CBMMCAs (see Kinch, 2001). The development of stronger community-based management and local government capacities hopefully will lead to the recovery and long-term sustainability of currently over-harvested species (such as trochus, beche-de-mer and giant clam) and ensuing long-term livelihood strategies for local communities. The incentives for communities to manage and protect these high biodiversity priority areas will depend to a large degree on the performance of these management and conservation measures in securing fisheries benefits. To accomplish this the following will be implemented as part of the MBP strategy (i) training and empowerment of WDCs and Village Interest Groups (VIGs) to serve as key village-based awareness and outreach contacts; (ii) conducting education and awareness; (iii) conducting in-depth biological and social inventories; (iv) improving conservation values and raising stakeholders' awareness; (v) mobilising communities to improve local management of marine resources by building capacity of local stakeholders and providing supporting resource materials; (vi) ensuring government is commited to community empowerment and provides valid legislative support for community action; (vii) creating economic incentives for marine conservation and sustainable use of marine resources; (vii) utilising exchange programs; (ix) creating a network of community-based management and conservation areas by developing a sustainable CBMMCSs approach with appropriate checks, benefits, monitoring, surveillance and support; and (x) evaluating activities success in Zone 1 and replicating CBMMCSs in selected Zones 2 and 3 communities. The CBMMCAs The three CBMMCAs in Zone 1 are: (i) CBMMCA 1: Nuakata, Iabam/Pahilele and East Cape; (ii) CBMMCA 2: The Engineer Group including Tubetube, Kwairawa, Skelton and Tewatewa, the Conflict Group and the Deboyne Islands Group including Panaeati, Panapompom and Nivani; and (iii) CBMMCA 3: Ware, Anagusa, Long/Kosman Reef, Bramble Haven and Brooker. Throughout the report, their CBMMCA number will indentify these areas. Chapter 2 The Natural Environment The Marine Environment of Papua New Guinea (PNG) The country of PNG comprises the eastern half of the island of New Guinea (the worlds largest tropical island) and over 600 offshore islands. It has an extensive coastline that stretches over 17,110 km and an immense area of sea encompassing 3,120,000 km (of which 40,000 km is coral reef). PNGs marine ecosystems are generally in excellent environmental condition and have some of the best remaining examples of the worlds most biologically rich coral reefs. Table 1: Regional Comparison of the Estimated Total Number of Fish and Coral Species (Source: Seeto, 2000) TypePNGMilne Bay ProvinceIndonesiaPhilippinesReef Fish1419110916561525Corals500429427411 The Marine Environment of Milne Bay Province Milne Bay, as PNGs largest maritime Province, is a key conservation priority within PNG, and a global priority within its own right. Milne Bay Province has a sea area of approximately 110,000 km containing 13,000 km of coral reefs (Frelink, 1983), which is equivalent to 32% of PNGs total reef area (Munro, 1989; Dalzell and Wright, 1986). The Marine Biodiversity of Milne Bay Province Rapid Assessment Programs (RAPs) were conducted in Milne Bay Province in 1997 and 2000, with sponsorship by Conservation International (CI) (see Werner and Allen, 1998; Kinch, 2000d; Mitchell, 2000b,c). The RAPs recorded approximately 945 species of molluscs (Wells, 2000), over 429 species of reef coral (Fenner & Turak, 2000) and 1,109 known reef and shore fish species (Allen, 2000; Werner and Allen, 1998). This inventory work continues to uncover new endemics, new species of coral, fish and other fauna, and the area contains many globally rare species, including endangered marine fauna such as the dugong, marine turtles, giant clams and black corals (Seeto, 2000). In Milne Bay, the Nuakata region (CBMMCA 1) and the Conflict Group (CBMMCA 2) are the richest areas for reef fishes, followed by the Cape Vogel area (in Zone 3) and the West Louisiades-Bramble Haven area (CBMMCA 3). The Louisiade/Conflict Group of reefs had the greatest number of species of coral, followed in order by the mainland coastal areas, Amphlett Islands and the D'Entrecasteaux Islands. Zone 1 This Zone will be established during the first five years of the program, and encompasses the Nuakata region, East Cape, Sideia-Basilaki Islands, the Engineer and Conflict Groups, Long Reef and a portion of the Calvados Chain (Louisiade Archipelago). This large Zone includes a sea and land area of 22,850 km and 250 km, respectively, and is representative of a diverse range of habitats and biodiversity (Seeto, 2000). In CBMMZC 1 the Nuakata region (CBMMCA 1), the Conflict Group (CBMMCA 2) and Bramble Haven (CBMMCA 3) were found to be the richest areas for reef fish and corals (see Allen, 2000; Fenner, 2000). These areas were noted as critical areas for management and conservation activities. CBMMCA 1 The Nuakata-East Cape area has numerous shoals, platform and fringing reefs that support a rich diversity of corals and fishes. The main island of Nuakata supports a diverse assemblage of fish, reflecting its habitat diversity, which includes mangroves, sheltered bays with fringing reefs, and exposed seaward slopes. The small adjacent island of Boirama was the site of the highest fish count for all RAPs and is an area heavily targeted by Nuakata fishermen (Seeto, 2000). CBMMCA 2 The Conflict Atoll is located midway between the Engineer Group and the Deboyne Islands. This atoll supports the highest number of fish species surveyed in Milne Bay Province. The richest areas are on the outer, seaward slope of the small islets that encircle the central lagoon. The reefs at the Conflicts are possibly the best atoll-type environments in the Province. The beaches here are also an important nesting area for the globally endangered green and hawksbill turtles (Seeto, 2000). CBMMCA 3 The West Louisiades-Bramble Haven region, is a very diverse area for fishes and corals due to a good variety of habitats. This region features small barrier reef islands, superb outer reef drop-offs and abundant lagoon patch reefs. The lagoon patch reefs around Panasia were very good for fishes, and Bramble Haven was one of the best sites for corals and fishes. Bramble Haven and the small barrier islands of the western-most portion of the Calvados Chain are also the most important nesting areas in the Province for green and hawksbill turtles, and the barrier islands are important rookeries for various terns and the Nicobar Pigeon (Caloenas nicobarica). The Nicobar Pigeon is on the IUCN Red List as a Conservation Dependent species (Seeto, 2000). Zone 2 Zone 2 will be established during the second phase of the MBP. It encompasses the southeastern end of the Louisiade Archipelago, which includes the Calvados Chain, Sudest Island and Rossel Island. This Zone has a sea and land area of 10,700 km and 1000 km, respectively. The Louisiades contain seagrass beds, sand/rubble bottoms and numerous reef types, including lagoon type reefs, outer reefs/passages, platform/patch reefs and the Provinces most extensive and best-developed barrier reef. The area is rich in coral and fish species with relatively pristine coral reefs. Giant clams were also found to be more abundant in this area compared to the rest of the Province (Seeto, 2000). Zone 3 This last Zone will also be established during the second phase of the MBP. It encompasses the north coast mainland, the D'Entrecasteaux group and the Amphlett Islands. This Zone has a sea and land area of approximately 13,250 km and 2750 km, respectively, and is representative of a large variety of habitats including seagrass and mangrove areas, island and mainland fringing reefs and patch/platform reefs. Nesting and roosting areas for the White-bellied Sea Eagle (Haliaeetus leucogaster), Pied Imperial Pigeon (Ducula bicolor) and Uniform Swiftlets (Collocalia vanikorensis) are also present (Seeto, 2000). Climate The climate of the CBMMCAs is determined by their oceanic near-equatorial setting, and is consequently controlled by the presence of warm humid airmasses. These are produced by the meridional or north-south movements across the equator of the Hadley Circulations which converge in the Inter-Tropical Convergence Zone, and the zonal east west moving Walker Circulations (Sullivan, 1991). The CBMMCAs are considered to be typical of the coastal and lowland areas of Papua New Guinea and is categorised as lowland humid (McAlpine et al, 1983) with little seasonal variation in temperature or humidity. Large-scale oceanic events such as the El Nio-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) influence coastal and marine environments in the South Pacific. During an ENSO period, the pressure gradient reverses and becomes negative for a prolonged period with a consequent shift in climatic and oceanographic conditions. This major climatic shift changes the established current patterns, causing unseasonal droughts in the western Pacific and unseasonal rains in the central and eastern Pacific. Consequently, the CBMMCAs are prone to long dry periods forcing an increase in marine resource harvesting to meet livelihood needs. Rainfall Rainfall in Zone 1 is generally heavier between the months of January to May, with the months June to August the driest. Rainfall recorded for Brooker (CBMMCA 3) over a 12-month period from October 1998 to September 1999 yielded 1468.5 mms over 147 days; in comparison, Misima Mines Limited (MML) received 3493.3 mms over 256 days (Kinch, 1999). For the Nuakata and the Engineers (CBMMCAs 1 and 2) the drier months are November to February. Winds All Zones experience two seasons annually, that of prevailing southeasterly winds, usually lasting 8-9 months, commencing in March or April where the winds blow almost continuously and often producing onshore winds up to 30 knots. The northwesterly monsoon blows between December and March. Doldrum periods follow at the end and beginning of each wind shift. Tropical cyclones commonly develop in western Melanesia between November and April and rarely extend further north than 13( South latitude, and hence only the most southeasterly areas of Papua New Guinea, chiefly the Milne Bay Islands, are affected (Sullivan, 1991; McAlpine, Keig and Falls, 1983; McGregor, 1990). In 1997 Cyclone Justin struck the Louisiade Archipelago causing significant damage to crops, houses, infrastructure and reefs. Strong wind warnings and cyclones are regular events in Zones 1 and 2. Geology The islands of Zones 1 and 2 are the partly drowned continuation of the Owen Stanley Range (Brass, 1959; Krause, 1967). All types of Pacific islands - continental, volcanic, atoll, raised coral limestone reef, and coral cay are represented in the Zone 1. Some islands are composed mainly of low-grade schist that consists of a well-bedded series of peltic siltstone, sandstone and minor conglomerate. These are thought to represent Mesozoic sediments metamorphosed during the Eocene (Smith, 1973). The limestone islands are of lower Miocene reef deposit and have grey weathered surfaces and well developed vertical fluting. These islands were apparently formed in a shallow reef environment and have abundant microfossils from the Miocene period. Volcanic rock also occurs on some islands with lavas and consolidated ash being recorded from Brooker (Gibb Maitland, 1892). These are believed to be around an age of 11 to 11.4 million years which dates to either the middle Miocene or lower upper Miocene (Smith, 1973). Smith (1981) noted that Milne Bay Province must continue to be regarded as volcanically active. He pointed to the Dawson Strait area between Fergusson and Normanby Islands, in particular, as an area of potential eruptive activity, possibly posing a threat to local populations (Smith 1981) and to the continued biodiversity of the area. This area of potential activity is just over 50 km from CBMMCA 1. While volcanic disturbances are rare for Zone 1, earthquakes are regular occurrances. Soils Soils in the Zone 1 belong to the morphological groups of Eutropepts and Dystropepts. These are seen as red and yellow clays and dark colluvila soils (Rayner and Rayner, 1989). Most soils are quite shallow with a high percentage of rock mixed in. Overall soil fertility in the CBMMCAs with the possible exclusion of CBMMCA 1 is deficient in all nutrients, particularly Nitrogen and Phosphorous, Calcium, Magnesium, Potassium and Sodium (cf Rayner and Rayner, 1989). Island soils also contain high levels of sodium from sea spray. This is particularly a problem after intense cyclonic and storm activity and retards the soil until the salt is leached out by progressive rainfall. Chapter 3 History Prehistory Unlike the much earlier dates for evidence of human occupation found elsewhere in Papua New Guinea, there are no dates earlier than about 2000 years ago for the Zones (Bickler 1998; Irwin, 1991). History of Contact Louis Vaez de Torres is acknowledged as the first European to visit the Louisiade Archipelago (encompassing Zones 1 and 2) in 1606 (Whiting, 1975; Brass, 1959). Louis Antoine de Bougainville later sailed through the area in 1768 and named the area Golfe de la Louisiade. The area was left largely unexplored until Bruny D'Entrecasteaux, arrived in 1793 searching for the lost La Perouse (Brass, 1959). The major island group in Zone 3, the D'Entrecasteaux take their name from this seafarer. It is possible that the Malays and the Chinese knew of the islands in Zones 1 and 2 and had visited them prior to any Europeans. In the 1830s to the 1860s whalers from the United States were chasing down humpbacks for oil throughout the Zones. Later came traders, pearl and beche-de-mer divers. Between 1863 and 1885 island villages of the CBMMCAs were targeted by blackbirders, who recruited labour for the sugar and cotton plantations in Fiji, Gilbert Islands, Samoa and particulary Queensland (Moore, 1981; Brisbane Courier, 1884; British New Guinea, 1888, 1890, 1892). In 1888 nearly 400 Australian miners were living on the beach on Sudest Island (in Zone 2). They had come to mine the alluvial stream deposits (Nelson, 1976). In 1889 gold was found on Misima and became the main focus for the 'boom' and the whole of the Louisiade Archipelago was declared a gold field (Whiting, 1975). The area on Misima has now been worked on and off for most of the last century. Large-scale operations started in the mid-1980s with the arrival of Placer Dome and the incorporation of Misima Mines Limited (MML). Some small-scale alluvial mining still occurs at Sudest. History of Ethnographic Study Preliminary ethnological investigations in the Zones were conducted by a French scholar, Mr. Hamy, who in 1888 labeled the people of the CBMMCAs as belonging to the Massim culture. Although this term has been considered a corruption of the word Misima, Marist Missionaries were using it as early as 1847, and it appears to have been the Woodlark term applied to people from the Louisiades (Zones 1 and 2) and the D'Entrecasteaux (Zone 3) (Young, 1983; Affleck, 1983). The people and areas of the Zones became well known with the work of the anthropologist Seligman, nearly 100 years ago (Seligman 1910). Seligman distinguished the people of the Zones from those areas of Papua further west, mainly on a combination of physical and cultural characteristics. Within the Massim, Seligman distinguished between a smaller northern region composed of the Trobriands, the Marshall Bennetts, the Woodlarks and a number of smaller islands such as the Laughlans, and the more extensive area to the south including the CBMMCAs. Seligman classified Massim peoples as 'Eastern Papua-Melanesians' to distinguish them from other western Melanesian immigrants such as the Motu and Mekeo peoples who are all ethnically distinct from the true 'Papuans' of the interior. He described the north as different (but still sharing many features) on the basis of having hereditary chieftainship, and lacking cannibalism. The shared features included the maritime focus and use of sea-going canoes, scattered hamlets as the main settlement form, and especially the special importance attributed to the bird form of totemism combined with matrilineal descent. Massim culture lacks other 'Papuan' cultural complexes like men's houses, male initiation and ideologies of female pollution. Religious conceptions are fundamentally concerned with growth and regeneration. Anthropologists like Jenness and Ballantyne (1920), Malinowski (1918,1922, 1926, 1929, 1935, 1961), Armstrong (1924a, b, 1928), Fortune (1932) and Belshaw (1954, 1955) put the Massim fully on the ethnographic map. There was a flurry of work in the 1970s and early 1980s by Young (1968, 1971, 1977, 1981, 1983a, b, c, 1984, 1985a, b, 1986, 1987, 1989, 1991a, b, 1993, 1996), Lepowsky (1979, 1982, 1983, 1985a, b, c, 1987, 1990a, b, c, 1991, 1993, 1995), Liep (1981, 1983a, b, 1990, 1991, 1995), McIntyre (1983a, b, c, 1984, 1987, 1995), Berde (1974, 1976, 1979, 1983), Battaglia (1983a, b, 1990, 1991), Whiting (1975), Damon (1978, 1979, 1980, 1982a, b, 1983a, b, c, 1989, 1990) and Munn (1986, 1990). After this wave of anthropological research, the Milne Bay authorities banned any further ethnographic work mainly because of a perceived lack of benefits to the studied communities. The 1990s saw a change of government policy, and a remergence of studies including those of Demian (1998), Mallet (1996), Kuehling (1998a, b), Glass (1988, 1991), Bickler (1991, 1998, 1999), Khan (1990, 1996); Byford (1999), Callister (2000) and Kinch (1999). Raiding in the Early Colonial Period Oral tradition records a marked increase in warfare during the decades before the British began to extend colonial control over the region in 1888. In the late 19th Century it was unsafe to dwell along the coasts of the Sudest Group as Brooker people habitually raided them (see Lepowsky, 1993; Forbes, 1886; Douglas, 1888-1889; Bevan, 1890; Murray, 1912). This may have been due to a rise in the population of the small, infertile, drought-ridden islands like Brooker, but there is scant evidence of population increase at this time, though some evidence of depopulation, for example Tubetube (see McIntyre, 1983a). Another contributing factor was the number of rifles traded to the islanders by unscrupulous white traders from the 1860s to the 1880s, plus the capturing of weapons following surprise attacks on Europeans. Several such incidences occurred at Brooker (CBMMCA 3) and in the Engineers (CBMMCA 2). In 1878, John McOrt landed on Brooker Island. He was engaged in a beche-de-mer fishery with a party of four Europeans, nine Solomon Islanders, and ten people from the Torres Straits. McOrt, with another of the white men, was sitting under a tree when a Brooker Islander came up offering to sell some coconuts, got behind McOrts chair, and cut him down with an axe. The other white men and the Torres Straits Islanders (with the exception of one of the two women) were then put to death and the boat was subsequently sunk. The Solomon Islanders taking rifles remained on Brooker, and intermarried with the women of the island. Three months afterwards W. B. Ingham, J.P., who had been sent to Port Moresby from Queensland to look after the interests of the miners in the Louisiades, finding the rush a failure, and hearing of the death of McOrt, left Port Moresby and came to Brooker Island to make enquiries. On his arrival he demanded the surrender of the Solomon Islanders, but the islanders put him off under various pretexts, and eventually, seizing a favourable moment, rushed at him on board his own vessel, wounded him with a blow from a tomahawk and threw him overboard. Two other men with him were also killed (Murray, 1912; Moore 1992). These mens skulls later entered into the ceremonial exchange system. Brooker people, known for their fierceness, were also hired as mercenaries by Europeans to conduct raids on other islands. After the Craig Massacre of 1886 at Pana Tinani (in Zone 2), Brooker people were hired by the then Protectorate Government. Under the leadership of Nicolas Minister or Nik the Greek (called Epwakokubwaya by Brooker people because he had a swollen knee) and his cutter 'Lizzie', men from Ware and Brooker were sent to Pana Tinani and massacred the villagers. The Brooker people had been feared even before the arrival of Europeans, and now with the introduction of firearms and the weakening of some groups through contact and introduced diseases, Brooker people exploited this situation to their own advantage. This was all to change with the arrival of the Missionaries and the indoctrination of Christianity. Rentoul (1932-33), a District Officer on Misima writes about this change at Brooker in one of the many Bwagoia Patrol Reports for that year: The inhabitants of Brooker Island were in the old days looked upon as the most desperate and daring raiders in the district, even the people of West Sudest regarding them with great dread. We have changed all that however. No-one observing the collection of people assembled at to-days tax collection would have imagined that their fathers had possesed a bloodlust. The tax collection was a solemn affair, and late that evening the local Methodist teacher called all hands to the local chapel, and about 9 Oclock at night I could hear the strains of Jesus Lover of My Soul, wonderfully well chanted, coming across the water. I could imagine those old warriors buried in the village cemetary turning in their graves. Lepowsky (1983) suggests that the last raid on Sudest villagers by a war party from the Engineer Group of islands was in 1910, although small squirmishes and localised conflict in the Louisiade Archipelago did not stop completely until 1943. Divine Intervention Unarguably, Christian missionary influence has been of major importance throughout the Zones. In 1889, Sir William McGregor, Governor of Papua, visited Australia and encouraged the Methodist Church to begin Mission work in Papua. In 1890, at the general conference of the Australian Methodist Church, delegates decided to send Reverend George Brown to survey eastern Papua. He visited Rossel, Woodlark, Misima, the Trobriands and the DEntrecastaux Islands before deciding on Dobu as the Methodists headquarters. In 1891, the Reverend Samual Fellows and Reverend James Watson arrived on the 'Dove' at Panaeati to establish a branch of the Australasian Methodist Missionary Society where, for three years, he directed the work of the mission in the Deboyne (CBMMCA 2), the Calvados (CBMMCA 3) and Misima areas. In his sermons Fellows instructed the people to give up fighting, cannibalism and polygamy. He pleaded for a lessening of the womens share of the work, reverence during services, an end to Sabbath breaking and the unrestrained sexual connection of the young people. For a time his devotion was tested by women who laid on their backs, put aside their skirts and called for him to come to them (Nelson, 1976). Fellows later went on to learn the language and produced the first religious texts in the Misiman language (Nelson, 1976; Whiting, 1975; Williams, 1972). Another station was later set up at Tubetube (CBMMCA 2) in the same year. The Catholic influence is much less significant for Zone 1. The Catholics only began work in Milne Bay in 1932, first on Sidea Island, then moving out to other islands including the Trobriands in 1937, and Nimoa and Sudest in the Calvados in 1947 and 1949 respectively (Mackay, 1999). After 1945, the restriction of each church to the earlier spheres of influence no longer operated. This was commented on by one colonial officer: If the Catholics continue their present staffing arrangements, it is well within the foreseeable future that the Methodists will lose whatever they ever had over the whole Sub-district. In short the missionaries at Nimoa and Rossell Islands are doing an excellent job of work as regards education and health, but they do not seem very optimistic regarding their priority program: the inculcation of Christianity (Territory of Papua New Guinea, 1956). In 1968 the Methodists became part of the Papuan Islands Region of the United Church, which by 1980 was an entirely localised, autonomous institution (Mackay 1999). This is the dominant church for the people involved in Zone 1. Until 1980 the Catholic Church was an Australian-based operation. After 1980, it handed over responsibility to a European-based order (the Pontifico Instituto Missioni Estere) and since then staff have been drawn, not just from Australia, but also from Belgium, Switzerland and Italy. Unlike the United Church, which by 1980 had some 30 national pastors, the Catholic Church had only two national priests (one ordained in 1969, the other in the 1970s) and is still largely European-run. Table 2: Religious Affiliation in Milne Bay Province: 2000 (Source: MBP 5yr Plan) Religion% of PopulationUnited Church65.5Catholic13.4Anglican14.9Seventh Day Adventist1.2Other (Pentecostals)5.0 The church is the focus for communal gatherings of a social or recreational nature as well as for worship. Apart from being an avenue for gaining prestige, the church is an institution of importance in every village. The churches, while stopping many cultural practices, reinforced others. Its new moral atmosphere which stressed fluid social interaction and generosity made it possible for people to fulfill their traditional responsibilities in a better way than in the days of warring. People began to sit together and eat communally and also started singing hymns as part of mourning. Today people sing all night and are paid by food for their efforts. The Coming of the Light and subsequent pacification also opened up new avenues for trade and the redistribution of commodities and better food security. The propriety of people sailing the canoes on a Sunday became an important question, and still is. Since work is not allowed on Sunday, a great deal of fishing is now done on Friday and Saturday. Weekly services are a gathering place and are important for village announcements. Groups such as Women's Fellowship and Youth Groups have activities throughout the week, while each year several camps are organised. Activities run by the church include outreach, crusades, world day of prayer, camps, womens fellowship, synod, Sunday schools, church offering, observance and worship throughout the Judeo-Christian calendar. While many people have repudiated many of their former customs, beliefs in the traditional supernatural world still co-exist with the Christian faith. In recent years, evangelism and the influence of crusades, has seen a zealous increase for religious instruction. Part of the present wave of evangelism is the recent milleniam and the connection to Revelations and people with the mark of the Beast. This misinformation made things difficult in some areas for the Census 2000. Recommendation: 5. Recognise the role and importance of local institutions such as the churches, women's fellowships and youth groups. Church leaders will play an important role. They will provide a potent and innovative vehicle for reaching large constituencies on conservation resource mangement issues. Millenarism and Cargo Cults All the Zones have had a long history of millenarian movements in response to change. In 1893 there was a cult on the mainland of Milne Bay (Roe 1961). In the 1930s a cult was formed on Misima by a man called Buliga and continues today under the leadership of his nephew (Hess 1982; Lepowsky 1989, 1993; Macintyre 1990). In the period immediately preceding the Japanese invasion of the region, Buligas movement gained momentum. In the resulting chaos, the Australian administration fled scared of an attack that never came. At this time, Buliga made further promises of material wealth and prosperous times, which failed to appear. People became disillusioned with him and he was forced to flee. He finally arrived on Motorina after a circuitous route via Ebora. The Australian Military sent an officer down there to arrest him and he was subsequently murdered by Buliga and his band of followers. Ten people were later tried and sentenced to death, though Buliga committed suicide before this could happen. The cargo cult was revived by Buligas nephew in the 1950s and in 1973 based itself at Boma at Misima. The cult has now shifted its focus from being a millenarian movement to one of a relayer of messages from departed ancestors (see McIntyre, 1987). In 1958 there were several outbreaks of cargo cults on Panaeati (CBMMCA 2), but prompt action by Church authorities prevented the spread of these movements (Williams, 1972). In the 1960-70s several movements waxed and waned at Goodenough Island (Young 1971, 1983). In 1999, there were many people in the District concerned with the arrival of the millennium. One man at Brooker (CBMMCA 3) believed that the whole world would go dark for two weeks as Europeans were building a big computer, which would black out the world when it was turned on. World War II Fighting in the Second World War never actually made it to any of the CBMMCAs though there were regular visits from American Navy ships and the Australian Military Administration, and the Japanese had a floatplane base in Deboyne Lagoon at Panaeati (CBMMCA 2) (Nelson, 1976). The Battle of the Coral Sea was watched from afar, and several planes that were downed during the fighting now make important dive sites for the local live-aboard dive operators. The major impact from WWII was the suspension of most plantation development and a decline in trading. After the War the pace of change in the Zones increased on all government fronts. However, according to Young (1983), the majority of people were little affected by such developments. Government History The Australian Administration introduced a system of Local Government Councils (LGC) in the 1950s (Berde, 1983). In 1952 the Louisiade LGC was formed and in 1953 extended to the area around Milne Bay itself. Correspondingly, Ward Divisions were delineated and Councillors elected. The Louisiade LGC covered the Deboyne and Calvados Wards (CBMMCAs 2 and 3). This included the whole area of Misima District until late 1978, when the eastern part of the District (Rossel, Sudest and East Calvados (Zone 2), dissatisfied with Misima domination of the council, broke away to form the Yeleamba LGC (Lepowsky 1983; Lepowsky 1993). During this period there was considerable council activity and regular community meetings. Although the roles of local government councils were reduced following the establishment of the Milne Bay Provincial Government in 1978, Councillors continued to be actively involved in regulated social and economic life throughout the region. They attempted to restrict customary exchange activity, to control pigs and to schedule the weekly pattern of workdays as the Methodist Church had before them. Brookerites [CBMMCA 3] schedule committee activities as much as they can given their economic situation, yet they are faced with a development dilemma. Outsiders such as Administration personnel contend that they are lagging behind in their community work because they are spending too much time sailing about. They are criticised for not paying their taxes and for not supporting their councillor. Brookerites question why their tax money finances programs that are built on other islands. They feel out of touch with the Governments rewards (Berde, 1976). The aim of the LGCs was to educate villagers in the workings of democracy, while also serving as a local-level mechanism to foster rural development. Each council consisted of a number of elected councillors representing the various communities and an elected president (Anere and Ley, 1997). The Local Government Council worked closely together with the appointed District Manager, and was assisted in its work by village magistrates and committee members. After Independence in 1975, this system was consolidated in the 1977 Organic Law on Provincial Governments. In 1995, National Parliament amended the constitution and passed the Organic Law on Provincial Governments and Local-level Governments. This law replaced the earlier 1977 Organic Law on Provincial Governments. The introduction of Organic Law attempted to reform provincial governance by bringing together national parliamentarians into provincial government structures; to reform district governance by bringing together Presidents of LLGs under the chairmanship of the local representative in the National Parliament in a district Planning and Budgetary Committee. Also it was meant to reform local government by insisting that all planning start at the grass roots level in the form of WDCs whose plans would be integrated by the LLGs and forwarded to the District Planning and Budgetary Committee for integration into District plans. Unfortunately, the introduction of Organic Law in 1995 failed to give any directions as to how the various levels of government were to manage the change. This highlighted the urgent need for some serious reform and institutional strengthening. Unfortunately there was little capacity within existing government agencies to do this. The issue of management capacity of community and government organisations is one of the greatest weaknesses of development programs at local, district, provincial and national levels. WDCs became necessary as the responsibility for planning issues devolved from the National and Provincial Governments to the Wards and Local Level Governments for planning issues. There are now 395 wards in Milne Bay based on the new reform boundaries. A collection of wards forms a LLG. There are 15 LLGs plus Alotau Urban Local Level Government. One councillor is elected president of each LLG. Each LLG has an executive officer to implement the rules and regulations as well as administer the affairs of the LLG. A number of these LLG areas comprise a district or an electorate, which numbers four in Milne Bay. Table 3: Milne Bay Electorates and Local Level Governments (Source: MB 5yr) DistrictLocal Level GovernmentsAlotau-RabarabaDaga, Suau, Maramatana, Makamaka, Weraura, Huhu, Alotau UrbanEsaala West Fergusson, Dobu, DuauKiriwina-Goodenough Kiriwina, GoodenoughSamarai-MuruaLouisiade, Yeleamba, Bwanabwana, Murua*Those in bold represent the LLGs in Zone 1. All communities in the three CBMMCAs are within the Milne Bay Regional Electorate. The communities of CBMMCA 1 belong to the electorate of Alotau and those of CBMMCA 2 and CBMMCA 3 to the electorate of Samarai-Murua. There are 3 communities in Maramatana LLG, 6 communities in Bwanabwana LLG, and 4 in Louisiade LLG. Table 4: The CBMMCAs and their Associated Ward and Local Level Government WardPlaceLocal Level GovernmentCBMMCAWard 17East CapeMaramatana Local Level GovernmentCBMMCA/1Ward 18Iabam/PahileleMaramatana Local Level GovernmentCBMMCA/1Ward 19NuakataMaramatana Local Level GovernmentCBMMCA/1Ward 11 TewatewaBwanabwana Local Level GovernmentCBMMCA/2Ward 09 KwaraiwaBwanabwana Local Level GovernmentCBMMCA/2Ward 13 TubetubeBwanabwana Local Level GovernmentCBMMCA/2Ward 13 SkeltonBwanabwana Local Level GovernmentCBMMCA/2Ward 22 West PanaeatiLouisiade Local Level GovernmentCBMMCA/2Ward 23 East PanaeatiLouisiade Local Level GovernmentCBMMCA/2Ward 24 PanapompomLouisiade Local Level GovernmentCBMMCA/2Ward 25 BrookerLouisiade Local Level GovernmentCBMMCA/3Ward 18WareBwanabwana Local Level GovernmentCBMMCA/3Ward 11 AnagusaBwanabwana Local Level GovernmentCBMMCA/3 Chapter 4 The Social Environment Language There are an estimated 48 languages in use in and around Milne Bay with 33 of these languages being Austronesian. Thirty-one of these have orthographies developed which covers approximately 92% of the population, whilst 29 of these languages have some literacy materials and/or other languages written for them (Division of Education, 2000). Table 5: Major Language Groups of Milne Bay (MB 5yr) DistrictMajor LanguagesAlotauKehelala, Taupota, Tawala, Bohutu, WagawagaBoluboluIduna, BwaidokaEsaalaDobu, Duau, MolimaLosuiaKilivila, MuyuwMisimaMisima, Yele, SudestRabarabaGwedena, Dawawa, Gapapaiwa, Maiwa, WedauSamaraiSuau, Kehelala, Tubetube Table 6: Languages Within the CBMMCAs of Zone 1 WardLanguageNuakataKuradaIabam/PahileleTawala (Kehelala dialect)East CapeTawala (Kehelala dialect)KwaraiwaTubetubeTubetubeTubetubeSkeltonTubetubeTewatewaTubetubeEast PanaeatiMisimaWest PanaeatiMisimaPanapompomMisimaBrookerMisimaWareTubetubeAnagusaTubetube All four of the languages spoken in the three CBMMCAs of Zone 1(see Table 8) are Austronesian and belong to what the linguist Ross (1988) calls the Papuan Tip Cluster, one of four clusters of Western Melanesian Oceanic. The Misiman language is the only member of the Misiman family (Fellows 1894; Bartlett 1955; Callister et al, 1987; Callister, 1993). It is spoken by approximately 14,000 people who live on the islands of Misima, Panaeati, Panapompom (CBMMCA 2) and the numerous islands scattered throughout the East and West Calvados Chain (CBMMCA 3) of the Louisiade Archipelago. The language of Nuakata (CBMMCA 1), known as Alina Nuata by the inhabitants and considered a dialect of Kurada by some, is spoken by approximately 1,000 people from the Kurada and Bwasiyaiyai regions of southeast Normanby Island (Moore 1961; Moore n.d). Tewala is spoken by the East Cape Communities (CBMMCA 1) (Ezard 1984; Ezard 1997). Tubetube is spoken throughout the Engineers (CBMMCA 2) and at Ware (CBMMCA 3) (Anon. 1897; Bible 1928; Ezard 1977; Ezard 1977; Gunderson and Gunderson 1987a,b; Lithgow 1987; Canavan et al, 1991; Guy n.d.). Throughout Zones 1 and 3 there is also considerable knowledge of Dobu, the main United Church (previously Methodist) lingua franca, and English is reasonably well understood throughout the Province. In addition to their mother tongues, many people speak three or four regional languages, commonly the neighbouring languages. Recommendation: 6. Conservation, awareness and other materials should be produced in Dobu for the Nukata and East Cape areas (CBMMCA 1); in Tubetube for the Engineers (CBMMCA 2) and Ware (CBMMCA 3); and in Misima for the Deboynes (CBMMCA 2) and Brooker (CBMMCA 3). Clans and Social Structure In common with all Southern Massim peoples, the people in the Zones are matrilineal, so that clan membership, territorial rights, inheritance and succession to leadership are determined through the female line. The clan is the largest matrilineally defined group identified as having rights over land. The minimum matrilineally defined group is called the tini in Misima (parts of CBMMCA 2 and 3), susu in the Engineers and Ware (also part of CBMMCAs 2 and 3), and huhu in Nuakata (CBMMCA 1) and comprises all people born to one women, a person retains this identity throughout his or her life. It was traditionally forbidden to marry with any member of the same clan and the father's immediate family, though these marriages are now sometimes seen. The major feature of social structure throughout the CBMMCAs is the division of people into totemic clans. The members of each clan have as totems a series of associated animals belonging to different parts of the organic kingdom; ordinarily these linked totems are a bird, fish, and a plant, with the bird totem having the greater importance. This is the most characteristic cultural feature of the Zone 1. An obligation exists to feed and shelter other persons identifying themselves as clan members, an obligation that is of great significance for inter-island mobility. Table 7: Clan Names Found at Panaeati (CBMMCA 2) and Brooker (CBMMCA 3) and Associated Totems (Source: Kinch, 1999) Clan NameTotem BirdTotem FishEwau/TalpunuanMagesubuNabwaleyaleyaLinawiaApwaiowa/AtakenaEnipolaLaeloga/WadaiaGegelTameyala (turtle)Manilobu/TawalayanLawatGamatawalayanMwaoa/BwayobwayoOkokBaewaMeisogo/MamanianManakPilihulGuwauBoiTupatupa/GetulaGamatalWeigaliN/AGamwaolaMangama'oyaYui (dugong)Mutuna/KanahinaSikosikoWaloya Table 8: Major Clans of the CBMMCAs PlaceClansWareMagesubu, Wakeke, Kraukrau and Dawarae.AnagusaMagesubu, Wakeke, Kraukrau, Gegela and Dawarae.TewatewaMagesubu, Wakeke, and Kraukrau.KwaraiwaMagesubu, Wakeke, Kraukrau, Boi, Bunebune and Dawarae.SkeltonN/ATubetubeMagesubu, Kisakisa, Gegela, and Dawarae.BrookerManilobu, Ewau, Laeloga, Liniwia, Mwaoa, Meisoga, Guwau, and GamatalPanaeatiLiniwia, Ewau (Talepunuan, Ewau, Ebowa), Bwayobwayo, Guwau, Meisoga, Gamatal, Manilobu, Laeloga, Gamwaola and MutunaPanapompomLiniwia, Ewau, Bwayobwayo, Guwau; and Meisoga, Gamatal, Manilobu, Laeloga, Gamwaola and MutunaNuakataBwaiyob, Liliyo, Manihubu, Boehewa, Dawata, Wae'e, Kekesiyo MacIntyre (1989, 1990) has described the clan as the most important social unit with brother-sister solidarity as the basis for hamlet ownership, inheritance and residence. Generally, clans are politically autonomous, with separate hamlets and territories. Each had its own trading alliances, often based on marriage or totemic clan relationships, with hamlets on other islands. Clans and matrilineages were not ranked. The management of communal territories and marine environments will need to involve all clans in the decision making process. As will be described later certain islands within Zone 1 are owned by certain clans, and this will have some impact on the creation of CBMMCSs. Identifying and working within the clan structure will ensure that systems of connected CBMMCSs are established. For instance at Brooker (CBMMCA 3) several clans were joined together in 1976 to act as a Wildlife Management Committee, and consensus was formed in relation to what islands and reefs were to be set aside as Wildlife Management Areas (WMAs) and what rules and regulations were to be in place. In the case of Nuakata and East Cape (CBMMCA 1) where they have frequent dive visits, targeted reefs can be set aside with the approval of the owning clan. One problem associated here is that with the recent diver fee set, a reef owning clan may wish to keep all royalties for itself thus causing contention amongst all community members. Matrilineages In terms of identity, matrilineage membership is more significant than location, since membership automatically confers rights to land and residence on several islands. MacIntyre notes that, A person may live in any of three or four hamlets on any of the Bwanabwana Islands and still be living in his or her own hamlet (MacIntyre 1983a). However, as a visible group, a susu only emerges in the context of the formation and breakage of alliances such as marriage and death (MacIntyre 1983a: 81). The senior man of the susu administered/looked after the matrilineage's wealth, while the land was controlled by his sisters. Peoples identification with matriclans has now dwindled to some degree (see Demian, 1998). Traditionally, it was customary in the first few years of marriage for a couple to reside alternately in each others hamlets, thereby re-affirming the peripheral, socially distant status of spouses married into the group. However, MacIntyre (1989) has observed for the Engineers (CBMMCA 2) that the old residential patterns no longer hold. Due to the lack of any up-to-date empirical information, it is not clear just how widespread such changes are within Zone 1 or between communities in Zone 1 and those nearby or adjacent. Therefore it would be worthwhile keeping an open mind regarding such changes in emphasis from one community to another. Landownership Men and women have equal rights over land but men manage lineage land whereas women are the controllers or organisers of garden production. Decisions about garden sites, land to be forfeited because of feasting debt, land to be given for gardens to non-clan members and in-laws are made jointly (Gerritsen and MacIntyre, 1986). Any disputes over land are likely to be explained by reference to various feasts, transactions of valuables or outstanding mortuary debts. Therefore, the successful hosting of memorial activities is instrumental in gaining rights to land previously held by another lineage. Callister (1998; pers. comm.) describes land tenure on Misima, listing eight current categories of land ownership. The first five of these are relevant for the smaller CBMMCAs particularly Brooker and Ware in CBMMCA 3. Rights held by those sub-clans that were the original settlers of the land in that area (i.e. their history indicates that their ancestors were the first or among the first to arrive in that area). These 'rights' are complete ownership of the land and everything on it (unless portions of land or specific areas of food trees, cash crops or rights to garden land have been given away to other sub-clans). This land is in very large continuous areas starting from the sea and going inland to encompass garden slopes and bush land. Rights held by sub-clan owners who have been deeded land by the original landowners, for feasts (or other services) done generations ago. Usually these feasts can no longer be remembered and there is only an oral history that sometime in the past the land passed from the original 'settlers' to the sub-clan that came to the area later on. These rights are the same as in 1 above, that is, the land and everything on it is recognised as totally belonging to the newer sub-clan. This land is generally in continuous and joined slabs of multi-purpose land and may include areas where houses are built, the land immediately surrounding a house, garden land and bush land. The difference between categories 1 and 2 is often vague as both categories generally have a very long history in the area and may own equal amounts of land (sometimes sub-clans in category 2 may even own more land than those in category no 1). Rights held by those who have carried out the proper methods of feasting for a landowner sub-clan, and after feasting, have been given certain rights through the proper customary channels and arrangements. The feasts conducted are generally extensive and lavish, conducted over many years but are generally within living memory, with details usually able to be given - i.e. who the feasts were for, how much was given etc. The right acquired is the right to own portions of land (that is, the land and everything on it is owned). This land is generally not in continuous and joined multi-purpose land (i.e. it may be a garden slope and a separate 'block' in the village etc). This land is not considered to completely belong to the new sub-clan owners for it can be claimed back by the original landowners if all the feasts done for them are exactly reciprocated. However it is hardly ever reclaimed because the debt that the original sub-clan needs to repay is so high they don't bother. Increasingly today this category of resource ownership is uncommon because landowning sub-clans are loathe to give away land and would rather repay the feasts or else give user rights as outlined below in 4. Rights held by sub-clans who have had good relations with the landowners and/or have done some feasting for those landowners. These feasts are generally not extensive and are within living memory. The rights given are not land ownership but rather permission to live and garden on certain sections of the land and/or to own or use certain areas of food trees and cash crops. Again these rights can be revoked if the landowning sub-clan reciprocates the feasts done for them. This is probably the broadest, most common, and most flexible category of resource ownership. For example rights may include permanent use of a garden area (i.e. basically amounting to owning the area), non-permanent use of a garden area where permission needs to be sought before gardening commences, ownership of food trees or simply user rights to food trees. The exact nature of ownership depends upon the agreement reached between the sub-clans involved. As stated above, this category is becoming increasingly common as landowning sub-clans recognise the value of their land and so would rather give away user rights than the land itself (i.e. as in category 3 above). Rights held by children, grandchildren or great-grandchildren, whose landowning father (or grandfather/great-grandfather) is still alive, even though they have not done any feasting to appease their patriarchs sub-clan. These rights include village living areas, gardening areas, and food trees all located on the landowners land, but never land ownership. These rights have generally never been officially declared or given by the landowning sub-clan and are only held on the basis that no-one in the landowning sub-clan is willing to rock the boat and challenge these rights. By officially, it is meant that a customary process of feasting by the non-landowning sub-clan for the landowning sub-clan, followed by a communal meeting where all the elders of the landowning sub-clan agree to give away certain portions of their resources, has never occurred. Instead what happens is that the particular patriarch whose children or grandchildren are in question, may give rights to his children without consulting his brothers and sub-clan members. This of course creates confusion and resentment not only between the two sub-clans involved but also between the patriarch concerned and his fellow sub-clan members. As no feasts have been conducted (i.e. no customary payment has ever been made), the only way that the landowning sub-clan can take the rights back is through confrontation (i.e. either through applying indirect pressure upon the non-landowning sub-clan to have them conduct feasts, or else through more direct confrontation aimed at persuading them to move out of the area). Since Misimans avoid confrontation as much as possible, the latter rarely if ever happens. Therefore, this category of right ownership is becoming increasingly common, exacerbated by land shortage, and the immense cost and effort involved in successfully hosting feasts. The remaining three are not relevant yet to the CBMMCAs: Rights held by the children, grandchildren, and even great-grandchildren and great great grandchildren of a landowning sub-clan (with the original landowning patriarch having long since passed away), even though feasting has never been done for the landowners. This category is almost identical to 5, however it has the added complication that the new sub-clan does not even have a closely related and living relative amongst the landowning sub-clan. Again, these rights include village living areas, gardening areas, and food trees but not land ownership. These rights may be several generations old, and title is claimed through a history of continuous use or occupation. This is non-traditional and basically amounts to squatting on the land. This category is also increasingly common especially where the landowning sub-clans have weak leadership. Often the population of these sub-clans that are 'squatting', outnumbers the landowning sub-clans. This category is even harder to resolve than category 5 because the elder generations of both sub-clan groups (i.e. the landowners and the squatters), died long ago and only the oral claims of the younger generations (whether real or fabricated) and their degree of aggressiveness in confrontation, are left to determine the right and wrong of the matter. Rights held by outsiders (generally non-Misimans but sometimes Misimans who have extremely weak kinship ties to the landowning sub-clan), who are simply squatting on the land. These rights range from using gardening land, to collecting from food trees. These are not really rights at all (i.e. none of the community members, whether landowners or non-landowners themselves, have given explicit permission), and again this category only exists because of Misiman peoples generous nature and tendency to avoid confrontation. This category is not common. Rights held through private purchase of land or leasehold through the use of money or a similar Western and non-traditional form of transaction or agreement. Traditionally, any disputes over land are likely to be explained by reference to various feasts, transactions of valuables or outstanding mortuary debts (Gerritsen and MacIntrye, 1986). While the principle of matrilineality underlies rights to clan land, rights to the land of patrilineal relatives are achieved by giving feasts and gifts at ceremonies honouring the dead of a fathers clan. According to matrilineal inheritance, normally a married man has no rights to pass land on to his children, instead they must pass to his sisters children. Cash has put pressure on the matrilineal system of land ownership as males have increasingly attempted to ensure that the capital goods they have accumulated with cash directly benefit their own, rather than their sister's, children. This has often meant that they have stayed on their father's land and tried to ignore the traditional rules whereby this might be done legitimately. Feasting Food is the centre of all sociability and the significance of giving and receiving food permeates every aspect of social life within the CBMMCAs. The living are enmeshed in relations of alternating indebtedness as they mourn and honour the dead of their own clans and of the clans they have married into. Feasts are usually held in the post-harvest period from September to December when there are plenty of yams for presentations and for eating. Mortuary rituals are similar throughout Zone 1. Upon the death of a person, word is sent to all in the village and distant relatives and a period of mourning begins. The relatives of the deceased will later re-open the village by killing a pig. This signals that people can return to their normal daily lives. Other feasts whereby matrilineal relatives give quantities of pork and yams to the workers of the feast and wailers at the funeral follow this. Later again female relatives make presentations of yams to other people in the village to honour the memory of the deceased. By presenting yams, other goods and valuables to her husbands family, women can dislodge garden plots from their husbands lineage land and thus provide her children with food security. Matrilineal relatives and the immediate family hold the final feast where a cement headstone is usually erected over the grave to honour and show respect for the dead. These feasts are usually held several years after the death and require lengthy preparation. This final feast should leave the feast givers impoverished by giving away their wealth and bringing renown. Giving wealth creates indebtedness and in the long run, all presentations should be reciprocated in the mortuary ceremonies held by other clans and villages (see Gerritsen and MacIntyre, 1986; Whiting, 1974, Berde, 1974; Kinch, 1999; Damon and Wagner, 1989). Table 9: Sequence of Mortuary Feasts with Sponsors and Recipients at Panaeati (CBMMCA 2) and Brooker (CBMMCA 3) (Source: Kinch, 1999) FeastSponsorsRecipientsKasupaipai Immediate family and matrilineal relativesMourners, visitors and villagersHighigImmediate family, matrilineal relatives and close friendsWorkers, visitors and villagersIwasMatrilineal relatives or deceased mans children Workers and wailersHagaliSurviving spouse or female in-law of deceasedPerson from deceaseds fathers clan but of a different lineageLobekImmediate family and matrilineal relatives Workers and visitors In-law presentations are another important factor in hosting feasts. Both men and women should both give things to their spouses family. These presentations are given with much fanfare with many people mobilised when delivering presentation goods. Goods are meticulously recorded and will be reciprocated when needed. Feasting is a very time consuming activity, and requires much preparation with people normally sailing off to other islands to acquire pigs, vegetable foods and ceremonial objects. While yams remain essential and the preferred presentation item, rice has entered the prestige economy as a substitute for yams. The status yams once derived is now being undermined. Gifts of food made by kin-by-marriage upon death or at anniversaries of death have been made with greater ease due to the spread of the cash economy. Mortuary feasts are becoming expensive exercises and thus an increasing burden to those with minimal or no access to the cash economy (see Byford, 2000). Status of Women Women have a relatively prominent role in public life, are prominent in village affairs, and womens groups continue to be an active part of every community. The Colonial Administrative Officers had a lot to say about the prowess and social standing of women: A noteworthy sociological feature of the seagoing inhabitants of the Calvados Chain, is the status of women in political, social, and economic life. They exercise considerable influence in all questions for discussion nor is this influence confined to the bedchamber brand of politics. They have no hesitation in airing their views on all subjects in no uncertain terms. They carry out all the indigenous economic activities that the men do, and it can be said that they do them almost as well. They are often seen sailing over the lagoons of the Archipelago, manning large ocean going canoes from which they fish for trochus, turtles, shell and other forms of seafood and produce (Territory of Papua and New Guinea, 1956: 3). Today women's place is still strong but due to the influence of the cash economy their position is being usurped through changing values and a breakdown of traditional social structures. The increasing use of money in mortuary feasting within the CBMMCAs has had a significant impact on womens status. Womens contribution of locally grown food, particularly yams that are traditionally central to any mortuary feasting, has been overshadowed by the use of money to buy trade store food. Leadership As mentioned earlier, the people of the CBMMCAs belonging to the Southern Massim do not have ranked clans or chiefs unlike the well-documented cases from the Trobriands in the north. Traditional leadership was divided into three categories. The first being men who were warrior leaders and only had leadership roles in times of battle and raiding. The second were men or women of renown. These were political negotiators, and were known as generous feast-givers and firm controllers of alliances and marriage. Considerable organisational skill plus a forceful personality were needed (Kinch 1999; Whiting, 1975; Gerritsen and MacIntrye, 1986). The final category of traditional leadership dealt with men who were married to several women, thus having influence in resource use decisions. Traditionally, village elders and clan leaders resolved any resource disputes that may occur. This role is still played today to a certain extent as elderly people are the repository of village life. Over the past 130 years, the local customary societies of the Massim have been increasingly integrated into State and church organisational structures. These points of articulation between villagers and the customary institutional structures being overlaid by these new institutions have provided many new and challenging roles in community organisation and leadership. Councillors have limited power over community decisions. All decisions affecting the community are open for discussion and it is the majority that rules. At meetings any person who wants to contribute must be allowed the opportunity to speak. Opinions will be offered in a respectful manner and generally prefaced with expressed admiration for the opposite point of view. Clan elders depend upon the respect accorded them, in order to make decisions and manage clan affairs. Without this 'respect', the socially sanctioned structures of relating to others, clan elders would yield little to no influence. Increasingly today these structures are being challenged, be it by a better-educated younger generation or by clan members who have gained a measure of independence through employment. Villagers regard themselves increasingly dependent on the younger, more educated and wealthier people for the harnessing of 'development', and their dealings with the government. They continue to hope that these younger educated people retain the collective rather than personal interests as well. This provides an opportunity for successful conservation and resource mangement for the MBP. Conservation education and awareness programs can address several issues here, particularly in relation to educating communities and educated youth. Well-informed communities with strong leadership can make them the front line of conservation initiatives as they have the capacity and the ability to understand what is going on in their surrounding environment and the dependency on marine resources for their livelihoods. Electing Leaders One important aspect of traditional authority structures within the CBMMCAs is that leaders are only the first among equals. Generally, even if you are a successful buisnessman or well educated you are grounded to the general level of all community members. A leader 'leads' by encouraging consensus and by virtue of the respect that others have for him/her as a person; ie. literally by virtue of the relationships which he/she builds and maintains. Therefore, election of leaders does not necessarily depend upon a persons actual gifts or abilities, or even his moral character, but rather people's perceptions of them and considerations such as whether he/she is seemingly fluent in English or 'wise' in the ways of dealing with white people and government. Another major consideration is 'equability', that no clan is seen to hold the majority of the power. In some places, a Ward Councillor will often be elected from a minor clan, to ensure that none of the major landowner clans hold sway over the others (see Byford, 2000). Recommendation: 7. Recognise that forming new organisations and the relationships embedded within them requires significant time, effort, and resources. The design of program interventions must acknowledge the economic, cultural and institutional needs of various allied and culturally related groups. Conflict Avoidance Throughout the CBMMCAs respect for a person is exemplified in an attitude of obedience or appropriate behaviour to authority, and deference for the position that person holds, whether elected or appointed. To confront someone in a position of authority shows disrespect for the person, the position and the authority that goes with it. The complex societal structure combined with a close-knit community where everyone else knows everyone and his/her deeds and character contributes to the great importance people place on relationships and social harmony through the correctness of these relationships. Open conflict is avoided as much as possible, in an attempt to keep surface harmony. Grudges, anger and resentment often fester underneath, and in most cases towards close relatives or co-residents rather than strangers. Rather than confronting someone directly people take a more subtle approach by going through other people, knowing that the information will eventually get back to the person for whom it is intended. Confronting people directly may generate anger, an emotion that is seen as personally disrespectful and socially disruptive as anger is not conducive to a harmonious society and should be avoided. The fear of witchcraft or sorcery is another powerful sanction that mitigates against personal confrontations. As most sicknesses, accidents and deaths are attributed to witchcraft and sorcery everyone has a vested interest in the maintenance of harmonious relationships (see Byford, 2000). Summary and Conclusion Education and literacy levels are reasonably high throughout the Milne Bay Province. All the CBMMCAs have established orthographies and considerable material has been produced in their own languages. Misiman and Dobu is well understood throughout the Zone 1. English is also reasonably understood as well with most people having had at least a grade six education. There should be no difficulties for the MBP with implementing a suitable conservation strategy. All groups and clans within the Zone 1 are matrilineal with land being vested with the women. There is no hierarchy amongst these clans though some clans are larger than others and thus have greater access and control over land. Islands are owned by certain clans, but reefs and seas are generally communal property. The management of communal territories and marine environments will need to involve all clans in the decision making process as certain islands within Zone 1 are owned by certain clans and this will have some impact on the creation of CBMMCSs. Identifying and working within the clan structure will ensure that systems of connected CBMMCSs are established and maintained and appropriate community sanctions can be delivered. There is also no hierarchical structure in the CBMMCAs and existing systems of leadership (both traditional and government) and control will have a bearing on whether changes from the MBP are likely to be implemented without conflict. Councillors have limited power over community decisions as all decisions affecting the community are open for discussion and it is the majority that rules. This egalitatrianism and democracy is an asset to the MBP as it can ensure true participation. Community entry will have to target both systems of leadership to reach consensus and agreement on MBP activities. Throughout the CBMMCAs respect for a person is exemplified in an attitude of obedience or appropriate behaviour to authority, and deference for the position that person holds, whether elected or appointed. To confront someone in a position of authority shows disrespect for the person, the position and the authority that goes with it. The complex societal structure combined with a close-knit community where everyone else knows everyone and his/her deeds and character contributes to the great importance people place on relationships and social harmony through the correctness of these relationships. Open conflict is avoided as much as possible, in an attempt to keep surface harmony. Increasingly today these structures are being challenged, be it by better-educated younger generation or by clan members who have gained a measure of independence through employment. In general, women within the CBMMCAs still have a relatively prominent role in public life, remain prominent in village affairs and womens groups continue to be an active part of every community though due to the influence of the cash economy their position is being usurped through changing values and a breakdown of traditional social structures. Increasing monetary use in morturay obligations within the CBMMCAs is beginning to have an impact on womens status. Women are to be encouraged to participate in all aspects of the MBP as the main rallying point for community service is the churches, and their various youth and womens groups. These groups will also act as awareness generators. Chapter 5 Population and Demography Migration in Prehistory All of the populations of the different islands included in Zone 1 have rich oral histories involving complex movements of groups or segments of groups between islands. For example, in the case of Tubetube in CBMMCA 2, the original settlers are believed to have come from the South Cape/Fife Bay area of Suau via Ware Island (CBMMCA 3) (Seligman, 1910). The early settlers on Tubetube are said to have traded extensively with the Louisiades and Panaeati (CBMMCA 2), and a group of Panaeati later came and settled on Tubetube (MacIntyre 1983). Just as some Tubetube people are said to be the descendants of Panaeati people, so also some Panaeati are said to be descended in the recent past from the Engineer Group (Berde 1974). In more recent years, however, the focus of Tubetube trading and intermarriage has shifted to Duau (Normanby) (Zone 3). In the Misiman District encompassing parts of CBMMCA 2 and CBMMCA 3, everyone living today is said to be descended from the same clan called Manilobu. The people of this clan originally lived at a place called Mwaonola on Misima. The head of the clan called a meeting to discuss affairs, and while the meeting was being conducted a child excreted in the compound. The women were arguing amongst themselves over who should clean it up since they did not know whose child had done the misdemeanour. The head of the clan became furious and came over and cut the faeces into 10 parts with his shell knife and gave each piece a name. He then allocated a place to each name and thus formed the group into the ten clans that are found today (see Peter, 1976). In their given places, clans lived and multiplied into bigger groups. Having populated their surrounding areas many of them migrated to the uninhabited islands to the south such as Brooker (CBMMCA 3) and the Calvado Chain. Most of them came by circuitous routes along the coast of Misima to Ebora, and then on to Panaeati to disperse amongst the islands. Berde (1974) records that the earliest settlers on Brooker came from Panaeati. In a recent community survey, Kinch (1999) found that the current clans on Brooker trace their origins primarily to Panaeati (57%). Some came directly from Misima, a few from East Cape (CBMMCA 1), and one each from Ware (CBMMCA 3) and Tubetube (CBMMCA 2) (Kinch 1999). Battaglia (1990) writes that Manilobu settlers from Brooker came and stayed at Sabarl (Zone 2) who arranged to use the Balinatuna area as a camp for smoking fish and later settled there. Descendants of these first migrants also later settled other parts of Sabarl. There is a long history of inter-marriage between the islands that has increased over the last century. Inter-island mobility is as much a feature of the present as it is of the past. Use of traditional ties due to previous migratory routes can act also as information highways. People will talk about program activities whilst visiting relatives and trading. This will be the case in the replication of sites in Zones 2 and 3. Migration Today In terms of inter-provincial migration, Milne Bay is, on balance, an out-migration Province, with the major stream of out-migrants heading for the NCD. Milne Bay Province has been experiencing net out-migration for several decades and the magnitude of this movement has been sufficient to offset natural increase by about 0.3% per year. Although migration is significant from a Provincial point of view, on a national scale it is relatively insignificant. Milne Bay ranks lowest of all Provinces in terms of number of in-migrants from elsewhere in PNG, and 15th out of 19 in terms of gross migration flow. Of all PNG's Provinces, Milne Bay is among the least affected by inter-provincial migration (Hayes and Lasia, 1999). In 1991, Hayes identified on Ware (CBMMCA 3) a two-circuit system of mobility in the movements of people, with a predominance of rural to rural movement. Much movement was to traditional destinations both within the Bwanabwana District (within the same Zone) and also to locations such as Misima and Normanby. He noted that modified forms of customary movement persist and still remain dominant, while new forms of long-distance rural to urban movement characterised by long-term residence and urban-based employment were emerging (Hayes 1991). The former kind of movement was illustrated by MacIntyre for Tubetube in CBMMCA 2 (MacIntyre 1983a). She described how the population fell from 142 in 1979 to 120 in 1981, due mainly to people leaving the island for a whole range of reasons, and emphasised that such movement of people between islands is a distinctive feature of the culture. As most migration is rural to rural with most people spending varying lengths of time with trading partners or other relatives married to other communities, this should not affect our communication strategies or enforcement of regulations. Rural to urban migration is not as prevalent in Milne Bay Province as elsewhere in PNG as cultural obligations in rural communities and previous economic opportunities provided some incentive for retention and relatively minor movement of people between rural and urban areas. Nevertheless, Alotau has grown rapidly, averaging 4% over the past 20 years, and this has been accompanied by the emergence of squatter settlements and a large increase in the population associated with the oil palm estate on the mainland west of Alotau. There was also an increase in migration to Misima between 1980-1990 with the introduction of MML. Population The population of Milne Bay has grown significantly from 100,157 at the time of the first national census in 1966. From 1980 to 1990 the estimated increase was 18.7% with 61% of people living in the islands (Hayes and Lasia, 1999). The provisional population count for Census 2000 was 196,044 (Panta, pers. comm). The estimated population figure for the year 2020 is 307,200. Table 10: Milne Bay Provincial Population Figures 1966 - 2020 Year196619711980199020002020*Population100,157108,498127,892158,780196,044307,200*This projection is based on the same rate of increase from 1980-2000. Life expectancy for males has dropped from 55.8 years in 1980 to 52.6 years in 1996, and for females from 58.3 years in 1980 to 53.6 years in 1996. There has been no real improvement in the mortality conditions affecting infants and children under 5 years since 1980 (Hayes and Lasia, 1999). Infant mortality is estimated at 64/1000 while child mortality is estimated at 25/1000 births (Department of Health Services, 1996). The Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) declined between 1971 and1980, but rose again in the mid-1990s. The Crude Death Rate increased between the 1980 Census and the 1996 Demographic and Health Survey from 9.4 per 1000 to 14.0 per 1000 (Hayes and Lasia, 1999). Table 11: Milne Bay Province Mortality Indicators (Source: Bakker, 1986; National Statistical Office, 1997) Mortality Indicators197119801996Crude Death Rate-9.414.0Infant Mortality Rate98.050.064.0Life expectancy at birth (male)-55.852.6Life expectancy at birth (female)-58.353.6 The Total Fertility Rate (TFR) (the average number of children per women aged 15-49) was 6.1 births in 1971, which decreased to 5.1 births in the 1985-1991 period (Hayes and Lasia, 1999). Fertility in Milne Bay still remains high enough to ensure that each generation is approximately twice the size of the previous one. The rate of natural increase in Milne Bay Province has remained stable hovering around 2.5% (Hayes and Lasia, 1999). Table 12: Milne Bay Province: Natural Increase Indicators (Source: Hayes and Lasia, 1999) Natural Increase Indicators19801996Crude Birth Rate per 100035.038.5Crude Death Rate per 10009.414.0Crude rate of natural increase per 100025.624.5Rate of natural increase %2.62.5 The age and sex composition of a population is the result of past patterns of births, deaths and net migration. Milne Bay has a youthful population with 42% of the population under 15 years of age and only 5% aged 60 and over (Hayes and Lasia, 1999). Table 13: Milne Bay Province: Age and Sex Composition in 1990 (Source: NSO, 1994) Age-sex IndicatorsMaleFemaleTotalSex Ratio M/F per 100Age-groupNumber%Number%Number%0-1435089433178542668704211015-5942708524063053833395310560 and over451663755582705120Dependency ratio938890Median Age18.218.718.5 The transition from high to low mortality has stalled in Milne Bay as it appears to have done elsewhere in PNG. The reason for this stalled mortality transition requires further, detailed examination, but may possibly be linked to increased levels of poverty. The Human Development Index The Human Development Index (HDI) is a composite figure based on 4 figures (i) life expectancy at birth, (ii) gross enrolment ratio grades 1-12, (iii) adult literacy rate, and (iv) gross domestic income. In Milne Bay conditions for human development are currently at a low level. (NPO, 1999), though the Province is better placed than the national average. However, PNG rates the lowest in the Pacific region. In 1996 the HDI for Milne Bay was 0.42 for MB and 0.36 for PNG, with and overall rank of 5 (NPO, 1999). Improvement in the HDI may be necessary to show benefits of the MBP to particpating communities. The Real Domestic Factor Income In 1996 the Real Domestic Factor Income per capita for Milne Bay Province was estimated at K994. This was calculated on the average income on a per capita basis and includes total imputed monetary value of subsistence. It should be noted that this indicator is an aggregate figure and needs to be interpreted carefully as it is usually a skewed distribution of a few wealthy people living at a level far above the average value while the majority of households live below it. It should also be noted that income is not the sum-total of human life, and therefore, is not a really good predictor of the quality of life. In other words, there is no automatic link between increases in income and progress in human development. Mitchell et al (2001) estimated that the actual annual cash requirement per person in rural Milne Bay for a basic standard of living is K150 per person or K750-K900 per household. Most communities in the CBMMCAs do not achieve this, averaging around K500 per household. Current Population in the CBMMCAs Population figures for the CBMMCAs in Zone 1 in 2000 are listed below. These were collated from the Provincial Data System kept by the Management Information Services of the Milne Bay Provincial Government. CBMMCA 1 Table 14: Population of CBMMCA 1 PlaceHouseholdsPopulationMalesFemalesEast Cape83370195175Iabam/Pahilele9512526Nuakata100537287250Combined Total192958478451 CBMMCA 2 Table 15: Population of CBMMCA 2, The Engineer Group PlaceHouseholdsPopulationMalesFemalesTewatewa19834637Kwaraiwa58317168149Skeleton45245124121Tubetube401849490Sub Total176829432397 Table 16: Population of CBMMCA 2, The Deboyne Islands PlaceHouseholdsPopulationMalesFemalesWest Panaeati117614311303East Panaeati137704345359Panapompom84392201191Sub Total3381710857853Combined Total of the two areas514253912891250 Table 17: Population of CBMMCA 3 PlaceHouseholdsPopulationMalesFemalesBrooker74399217182Ware149663333330Anagusa20965640Total2431158606552 See Appendix 2 for population breakup by age groups for the Engineers and the Deboynes (CBMMCA 2) and Ware and Anagusa (CBMMCA 3). Current data were unavailable for Nuakata and East Cape (CBMMCA 1) and for Brooker (CBMMCA 3) and subsequently are not included. Population Control By international conventions and government policies, decisions about family size belong to the couple, not to the government or to outside programs. This principle is stated clearly in PNG's official population policy. Government programs in conjunction with the MBP can assist families who wish to limit their family size by providing education and health services. Policies adopted by the government to ensure that future population growth does not result in a lower average standard of living are known as 'population responsive' policies. On the other hand, governments sometimes attempt to influence future growth patterns by a variety of means; these types of policies are known as 'population influencing' policies (Hayes and Lasia, 1999). The 1991 population policy for PNG adopted an integrated approach of these two policies, but with the passing of the Organic Law, the responsibility for integrating population into the planning process is being devolved to Provincial administrations. With further improvements in health policy and planning, this can lead to enhanced health care delivery, resulting in longer life expectancy and significant reductions in mortality rates. This will have some impact on the MBP. A healthier population with reduced mortality rates is both an asset and an issue for the MBP. A healthy person may be able to take advantage of oppotuinities elsewhere or may add extra pressure on marine resources. Population Densities PNG as a whole, and Milne Bay in particular, are quite favourably situated with respect to the potential impact of population growth. In MBP today there are 13 persons per km (compared with PNG at 8 persons/km; Fiji with 43persons/km and Tonga with 131 persons/km). As a whole Milne Bay Province is not likely to run out of arable land in the near future. Currently non-arable land accounts for 69% of all land, whilst the remaining 31% is divided into 22% low intensity use and 9 % high intensity use (Mitchell et al, 2001). Around 70% of this arable land has a very low ratio of cropping period to fallow period (Hide et al, 1994). Milne Bay has around 210 islands of varying sizes. There are 49 islands in the DEntrecasteaux Group, 40 in the Samarai group, 33 in the Calvados Chain, 28 in the Trobriands, 20 in the Conflict Group, 16 in the Lusancay group, 15 in the Engineers group and 10 in the Renard Islands. Of these, 44 have areas less than10 km. Table 18: Number of Small Islands in Milne Bay and Estimated 2000 Population (Source: PNGAS) Islands with area of 1-10 km2Islands with area of 10-100 km2No. of islandsEst. 2000 popn*No. of islandsEst. 2000 popn* 4411,468 1 7,200*The population growth rate between 1980 and 2000 is estimated as 3% per annum. The overall population numbers for the CBMMCAs as of the year 2000 are 958 in CBMMCA 1, 2539 in CBMMCA 2, and 1158 in CBMMCA 3. Seven islands have areas of less than 5 km. With such small land areas, the resulting population densities of the communities involved are very high. High population density is defined as a population density on land used for agriculture of more than 55 persons/km2 in 1980, which is equivalent to more than 100/km2 for the estimated 2000 population. At a national scale, for instance, >50 persons/km is considered the highest of three classes (Hanson, Bourke et. al. 2000). The densities of four communities in the CBMMCAs are greater than 100 persons/km. These are Ware and Brooker (CBMMCA 3); and Kwaraiwa and Tubetube in the Engineers (CBMMCA 2). All of the remaining communities - with the exception of East Cape on the mainland (CBMMCA 1) - lie between 49-100 persons/km. It is important to note that such densities are not necessarily a feature of modern population growth. Tubetube, for instance, appears to have had a population of 400 in 1892 (MacIntyre 1983a), which would have given a density of 172 persons/km. The East Cape village is located on the mainland, and assuming land is equally distributed amongst East Cape and its neighbouring villages, it has the lowest density of all communities at around 25 persons per km. The two islands of the Obstruction Group, Iabam and Pahilele (CBMMCA 1) are very small, with a joint area of less than 1 km, while Nuakata Island is a modest 10 km. None of the Engineer Group of islands is larger than 4 km, and, with the exception of Tubetube and Skelton, which has a relatively modest population density of 79 and 87 persons/km2 respectively, the others have very high densities. The land areas of Ware and Brooker Islands are extremely restricted, both being under 2 km, with the consequence that population densities are extremely high at 395 and 369 person per km respectively. This has major implications for agricultural self-sufficiency and influences the varying dependence on marine resources. This is of particular concerns to islands such as Ware and Brooker (CBMMCA 3). Table 19: CBMMCAs by Land and Reef Area and Person Per Km (Source: Mitchell et al, 2001) IslandPopulationResource BaseIsland Area kmPersons per km Inhabited IslandPersons per km Gardened IslandReef Area kmPersons per km Reef TotalInhabitedGardened (Includes inhabited and unihabited islands)Total (Inclusive of inhabited and uninhabited islands)ShoalingOuterTotalNuakata5379.129.7610.0159553.5810.5114.0938 Iabam/Pahilele510.480.480.521061060.343.884.2212 Tubetube1842.322.402.5279770.302.182.4874 Skelton2452.802.803.2688881.085.076.1540 Kwaraiwa3171.881.883.521691694.3754.1358.505 Tewatewa830.361.201.20231691.143.224.3619 Panaeati131830.3231.3234.38434222.8839.3262.2021 Panapompom3927.727.968.4651492.5314.1916.7223 Brooker*3991.082.288.12369175101.59274.22375.811 Ware*6631.682.202.293953019.2523.9433.19 20* As some land and reef areas claimed by Ware and Brooker are currently under dispute, island and reef areas have been measured from Liwaus Passage for both communities. Population Growth The annual population growth rate in Milne Bay Province over the past 20 years has been stable at around 2.5%. Population in the Zone 1 overall has grown more slowly and remained stable at 1.8% per annum over the past 20 years, equivalent to a population doubling time of around 38 years. The annual population growth rates within Zone 1 vary for different islands from 1.4% to 3.2%. Table 20: Population and Growth Rates Location Population Size% Average Annual Population Growth1980199020001980-19901990-20001980-2000MBP Total1279751587802107452.22.82.5Alotua urban4311638696683.94.14.0Zone 1 Total2906349541891.81.81.8Nuakata2863905373.13.23.2Iabam/Pahilele715351-2.9-0.4-1.7Tubetube1042301847.9-2.22.9Skelton1321382450.45.73.1Kwaraiwa2182963173.10.71.9Tewatewa595883-0.23.61.7Paneati1003109513180.91.91.4Panapompom2893643922.30.71.5Brooker2463133992.42.42.4Ware4985586631.11.71.4 Table 21: CBMMCA Population, Households and Population Increase Between 1980 and 2000 (Source: HSM Associates, 2000 and the Provincial Data System) Ward198019902000Increase 1980-2000PopulHholdsPopulHholdsPopulHholdsPopulPercentEast Cape22755362593705914363Iabam/Pahilele71215311519-20-28Nuakata286813908353710025188Kwaraiwa2184729648317589946Tubetube104*2323038184408043Skelton13226138252454511385Tewatewa5912581283192440East Panaeati 5401325679470413716430West Panaeati 4631125288961411715133Panapompom28975364663928410336Brooker246575313533997415362Ware498935589866314916533Anagusa9620Total319239404655*In 1979, however, MacIntyre (1983a) counted 142. The Iabam/Pahilele (CBMMCA 1) population dropped from 71 to 53 between 1980 and 1990, and continued to decline to 51 in 2000, a decrease of 28% over 20 years. This was the only fall recorded in all three CBMMCAs. Migration of people away from these two small islands to Nuakata and East Cape (within CBMMCA 1) seems the likely cause. For instance, the population increase on Nuakata between 1980 and 2000 was very high, at 88 percent. Population increase in the Engineer Group (CBMMCA 2) between 1980 and 2000 was steady at 46-54%, but that on Tubetube more than doubled between 1980 and 1990, presumably due to immigration. Population growth on Brooker and Ware Islands (CBMMCA 3) over the past 20 years has been very uneven, with that of Brooker increasing by a moderate 62%, while that of Ware more than doubling. The census figures for 1980-2000 show an increase of 113% for Ware. Brooker has the most detailed census records of all the CBMMCAs, as recorded by Kinch (1999). It has seen a dramatic rise in its population since World War II. In 1944 it had a population of 144 people. Over the next 55 years it increased 2.8 times (or grew 177%) . The population in 2000 stands at approximately 400 people, rising at a rate of approximately 2.5% annually. In 1999, 40% of the population on Brooker was under the age of 15 years, indicating rapid growth (but at a lesser rate than the Province as a whole). Table 22: Brooker Island (CBMMCA 3) Census Data: 1944-1999 (Source: Kinch, 1999) Date DeathsBirthsMigrationGrand TotalInOut1944NANANANA144195061073156195657741631963172218319672142120819714 99152351980NANANANA2461990NANANANA3131992591-3331994-15353611996-11438119988101-389199941211399 Implications for the MBP Rapid population growth presents a possible threat to the MBP, because of the potential for the amount of capital available per worker to decline, rather than increase. Changed scales of development associated with the commercialisation of resources are also increasing the pressure. People who are disadvantaged by changing market trends and who live in a state of material poverty will definitely put additional pressures on these resources as they strive to maintain or improve their position (see Mitchell et al, 2001). The simplest case is a situation where the production of food is the main activity and the quantity of resources available to the group is fixed. Each worker added to the labour force reduces the average amount of resources per worker. Eventually the person/resource ratio will increase to a point where the total output from the resource ceases to rise and therefore the average output per worker will drop. Under these circumstances an area is deemed to be 'over-populated' (see Hayes and Lasia, 1999). In the early 1990s Ware people were conscious of, and voiced some concern about, the growing population. As described by Hayes (1993), concern focused on food security, the potential for land disputes, and the growing burden of agricultural work falling disproportionately on women. The population density of Ware in CBMMCA 3 has now surpassed the sustainable limit for a bush-fallow system of cultivation. There is evidence of soil erosion and depletion and older women are complaining of lower yields from more effort. Unless subsistence agriculture can be intensified while simultaneously soil fertility is maintained, out-migration will be the only option for Ware people in the future. From village surveys conducted by Harmony Ink, a NGO contracted by MML, throughout portions of CBMMCAs 2 and 3 people are/were already concerned and aware of land shortages and the disputes that will arise increasingly. Concern over population growth on West Panaeati is high with people considering migrating to smaller atoll islands like the Torlesse Island (see Seni, 1998). Already people from the south coast villages on Misima are claiming formally unihabited islands on the north barrier reef. Their justification being past migratory routes as all people within the Misiman District are are said to be descendent from Misima. This is causing some tension already. Recommendations: 8. Thoroughly analyse the Census 2000 to more accurately forecasts future population levels. Information is also needed on maximum sustainable threshold population for islands in the CBMMCAs. 9. Continue and support the Village Census Books and regularly monitor and analyse the data collected. The Provincial Data System is trying to re-establish this process as this information is useful to the LLG and District Planning processes. The MBP needs to support these efforts. 10. Conduct research on garden yields to more accurately understand the relationships between agricultural productivity and dependency on marine resources. Summary and Conclusion Population growth represents a possible threat to the MBP. The annual population growth rate in Milne Bay Province over the past 20 years has remained stable at around 2.5%. At present the problem of high or increasing population density is primarily a local one affecting particular small islands (particularly those in CBMMCA 3). Population in the Zone 1 overall has grown more slowly and remained stable at 1.8% per annum over the past 20 years, equivalent to a population doubling time of around 38 years. The annual population growth rates within CBMMCAs vary for different islands from 1.4% to 3.2%. An area whose population is growing at less than 2% per annum is better placed to absorb increasing numbers than a one whose population is above 2% and thus population growth for some communities bears watching (see World Bank, 1984). Currently non-arable land accounts for 69% of all land in Milne Bay, whilst the remaining 31% is divided into 22% low intensity use and 9% high intensity use (Mitchell et al, 2001). Around 70% of this arable land has a very low ratio of cropping period to fallow period (Hide et al, 1994). Again this is an issue affecting smaller islands of the CBMMCAs. Reduction of the fallow portion of the shifting cultivation cycle from seven to ten years down to five or even less has been noticed throughout Zone 1. For example, the population density of Ware in CBMMCA 3 has now passed the sustainable limit for a bush-fallow system of cultivation. There is evidence of soil erosion and depletion and older women are complaining of lower yields from more effort. For the MBP to have a greater likelihood of success, livelihood indicators may need to improve and if sustainable livelihoods are to be achieved, some changes in either agricultural and marine resource harvesting practices or population growth rates will be necessary (see Mitchell et al, 2001). Information is needed on maximum sustainable threshold population for islands in the CBMMCAs, and a possible formula developed to understand other smaller islands in the Province, PNG and the Pacific. The Provincial growth rate is reduced to some extent by continuous out-migration to other provinces. Rural to urban migration is not as prevalent in Milne Bay Province as elsewhere in PNG as cultural obligations in rural communities and previous economic opportunities provided some incentive for retention and relatively minor movement of people between rural and urban areas, with the possible exception of Ware. Hayes (1991) noticed that forms of long-distance rural-urban movement characterised by long-term residence, and urban-based employment were emerging amongst Ware people. Most migration in Zone 1 is rural to rural migration with people taking up residency on other island where there are trading partners, marriage connections or better services. An example of this last category is Iabam/Pahilele people moving to Nuakata for schooling and health facilities and the increase in population at Tubetube. Nevertheless, Alotau has grown rapidly, averaging 4% over the past 20 years. This is well below the PNG average of 15%. While quality of life does vary across Milne Bay Province, basic indicators at present suggest it remains feasible in all areas. Trends are good in terms of health and education factors for population increase to remain stable. At present, the baseline encourages a steady drop in rates of increase in the islands. Mitchell et al (2001) estimated that the actual annual cash requirement per person in rural Milne Bay to have a basic standard of living is K150 per person or K750-K900 per household. Most communities in the CBMMCAs do not achieve this, averaging around the K500 mark per household. Changed scales of development associated with the commercialisation of resources are also increasing the pressure. People who are disadvantaged by changing market trends and who live in a state of material poverty will definitely put additional pressures on these resources as they strive to maintain or improve their position Chapter 6 Services and Infrastructure Education and Delivery The literacy rate for Milne Bay Province is high by rural Papua New Guinea standards. This is due in part to the early contact with Europeans and Missionaries who established some of the earliest educational institutions in the country. In 1990 Milne Bay had a mean literacy rate (in any language) of 77% for the population over 10 years with males at 79.2% and females at 74.7% (National Statistic Office, 1994). Literacy strengthens communities and should be encouraged by the MBP as it has the potential of providing an important means to translate options for conservation, development and management, and can open up meaningful dialogue between communities, industry, government and CI. It also provides opportunities for improving economic welfare and addressing population health care issues. The high literacy rate also suggests that people in Milne Bay will be able to participate in uncomplicated project data collection and monitoring activities (see Kinch, 2001). Managing and protecting the marine environment and its resources will be more effective if there are environmentally aware and educated people in the community (see King and Lambeth, 2000). In 1990 to 1991, the National Department of Education (NDOE), with assistance from UNDP and UNESCO, conducted an Education Sector Review throughout PNG that confirmed very high rates of attrition at the primary school level ensuring that universal primary education would likely never be achieved. Also discovered were low transition rates at post grade 6 and grade 10 levels, a largely irrelevant curriculum, weak management and administration, declining resource allocations and a severe imbalance in the allocation of funding to higher education at the expense of lower level education (Division of Education, 2000). In 1992, of the total number of Grade 1 pupils in all Milne Bay schools, only 70% completed Grade 6 in 1997. The proportion of female pupils retained was significantly higher than that of male pupils. Statistics indicative of the national perspective suggest that a majority of these students would have dropped out between Grades 1 and 2 followed by dropouts between Grades 5 and 6. Features of the CBMMCAs that lead to such high attrition rates are their widely spread populations and diverse geographical environment that limit access to schools for pupils. Most people can afford to pay for their children to attend the local primary schools, though secondary education is usually beyond the financial reach of most families, and a large proportion of children receive no formal education beyond sixth grade. Table 23: Cost of Education (Source: National Department of Education) Level of EducationMaximum Fee Limits for Rural SchoolsNational Govt ComponentSuggested Provincial Government ComponentParents ContributionElementary Prep - Grade 2 305520Primary Grades 3 - 5 60101040Primary Grades 6 - 8 1402020120Secondary/Vocational Grades 7 - 10 (boarding) 600150150300Secondary Grades 11 - 12 (boarding) 800150150500College of Distant Education70 per subject40 per subject-30 per subject Table 24:Educational Level by Grade and by Sex for All People Living in CBMMCAs 2 and 3 (Source: MIS PDS, 2000) LevelCBMMCA 2: The Engineer GroupCBMMCA 2: The Deboyne IslandsCBMMCA 3: WareSkeltonTubetubeTewatewaKwaraiwaWest PanaeatiEast PanaeatiPanapompomWareAnagusaMaleFemaleMaleFemaleMaleFemaleMaleFemaleMaleFemaleMaleFemaleMaleFemaleMaleFemaleMaleFemaleNone 474639372215646184718777108861341342219Elementary 1245471813766980912738192351Continuing -133-332162037312--5--Grd 3-Grd 5 109128652514565258672420303268Continuing 74108--4114193024--4---Grd 6-Grd 8 5251293513953488510510110537401371202012Continuing 321-1--11124--1613--Grd 9-Grd 10 1211105116135513155713203-Continuing -2----------------Grd 11-Grd 12 22----1----1---1--Continuing ------------------Tertiary ------1-4163------Continuing --------2--1------ Table 25: Total Number of Continuing Students and Costs for CBMMCAs 2 SkeltonTubetubeTewatewaKwaraiwaWest PanaeatiEast PanaeatiPanapompomNo. of Students1925411711282Cost of Education21609601804202280484040 The total cost for the 119 elementary students in CBMMCA 2 is K2420; grades 3-5 is 121 students at a cost of K4840; grades 6-8 is 16 students at a cost of K3410; and grades 9-10 is 2 students at a cost of K600 representing a total of 260 students at a total cost of K10,880. It should be noted that 29 students from Ware (CBMMCA 3) are studying grades 6-8 with the majority of these using CODE to achieve this. As school fees are major expense, there may be an opportunity for the MBP to assist in school fees either through direct donation if it chooses or by the economic incentives that will be realised by CBMMCSs. Today, Vernacular Schools throughout Milne Bay teach children who are 6 or 7 years of age to read and write in their own language. This is now used as an introduction to the formal education system. With the help of the SIL, literacy materials have been developed for both adults and children. Under the Organic Law on Provincial and Local Level Government (1995), LLGs may now make laws in relation to schools, technical and vocational education, and local (but not the national component of) curricula. The new reforms introduced for elementary schools mean they will now have a new integrated curriculum based on the child's own culture and community. It will emphasise initial literacy, numeracy, ethics, and morality. The transition to English now begins in Grade 3 with a new and more relevant, integrated activity-based curriculum to be adopted. All elementary schools are feeders to primary schools where six years of primary education will be provided from Grade 3 through to Grade 8. It is hoped that this will help overcome the problem of the loss of students at the end of Grade 6, particularly girls. To improve the quality and relevancy of education, the primary curriculum will become more subject-specific and a strong vocational component will be developed for the upper grades. Secondary schooling will now consist of four years from Grades 9 to12. The secondary curriculum will be broadened to include more technical, agricultural, commercial and scientific content. Vocational centres will also become part of the secondary system. Current programs offered by Vocational Schools including fishing, agriculture, carpentry and joinery, basic mechanical and welding and home economics. The Sidea Vocational School in Zone 1 was opened by the Catholic Mission in 1968 and serves up to 80 girls who have completed Grade 6. Girls stay for two or sometimes three years taking a course comprising agriculture, sewing, home economics (cooking and nutrition), craft, mothercraft (maternal and infant care with some elements of family planning) and home health. The program is directly aimed at better living in the village and most graduates do in fact return to village communities. Boat building is one of the skills to be taught at the proposed Kaubwaga Vocational School located at Misima. This school will serve students from around Misima as well as those from CBMMCAs 2 and 3. The Samarai-Murua Agriculture, Research and Training Centre (SMART) is a station set up by MML for crop trials and rehabilitation, this station will also enhance the Kaubwaga Vocational School. There also has been some discussion of placing a small vocational school and slipway at Nivani in the Deboyne Lagoon (CBMMCA 2). There is a general lack of educational materials available on the local marine environment and almost no marine biology taught in the formal school curriculum. In order to facilitate the future management of marine resources by Milne Bay people, community-based education is needed on the general ecology of coral reef eco-systems and how they are affected by human activities on land and sea. This needs to be enhanced and developed for the long-term success of the MBP. Open learning from the College of Distant Education (CODE) in Milne Bay is now recognised as an alternative secondary education. CODE serves students who were not selected for further schooling after grades 8 or 10, or because of geographical isolation cannot attend schools in other centres. As noted before, a number of people at Ware (CBMMCA 3) and other areas take advantage of this service. CODE now offers a course on Environmental Science. Other programs being developed by the government are community-oriented programs for out-of-school youths that will involve skills development, vocational training and other relevant programs. Churches and other non-Government agencies administer about half of the schools in the Province. In the CBMMCAs the United and the Catholic churches are the largest providers, followed by the Anglicans and Kwatos. A list of all schools in or near the Zone 1 is given in Appendix 3. Table 26: Schools by Agency in Milne Bay (Division of Education, 2000) InstitutionElementaryCommunity or PrimarySecondaryVocational or TechnicalTotalGovernment935532153United Church35441282Catholic31422479Anglican19241-44Kwato38--11SDA-1--1IEA-1--1SIL-1--1Total18117678372 Recommendation: 11. Continue supporting environmental education program activities. Environmental literacy is important to communities and should be encouraged by the MBP as it has the potential of providing an important means to create awareness options for conservation, development and management. Health Services Rural health services are minimal with irregular Maternal and Child Health (MCH) patrols. Village Birth Attendants (VBAs) and first aid courses for selected village people have begun throughout the Samarai-Murua District with the assistance of MML (Misima Mines, 1998). People at the eastern ends of CBMMCAs 2 and 3 who require health care are forced to sail to Bwagaioa, Panaeati (CBMMCA 2) or Motorina for services. People from the western ends of CBMMCAs 2 and 3 can go to other centres at Kwaraiwa (CBMMCA 2), Samarai and Alotau. People within CBMMCA 1 use facilities at East Cape, Nuakata or Alotau. Table 27: Health Staff per 100,000 Population for Milne Bay Province and for Samarai Murua District (which includes most of Zones 1 and 2) (Source: Ministry of Health, 2000) Health Staff per 100,000 PopulationMilne Bay ProvinceSamarai Murua District1996199819961998Doctors5.06.90.05.0Health Extension Officers8.36.913.110.0Nursing Officers90905560Community Health Workers at Health Centres1011047880Community Health Workers at Aidposts71686588 Table 28: Health Services for Total Population of Milne Bay Province and for Samarai Murua District (which includes most of Zones 1 and 2) (Source: Ministry of Health, 2000) Health ServicesMilne Bay ProvinceSamarai Murua District1997199919971999% Family Planning Use16211420% Antenatal Coverage78748277% Deliveries Supervised54504745% Triple Antigen Coverage50765273% Measles Immunisation Coverage 45654258% TB Treatment Completion Rate79748488% Monthly Reporting Rate9910089100 In Milne Bay, there is a lack of finances to run the health care facilities. For example, in 1999, the Bwagaioa Hospital at Misima did not receive its Operational Budget resulting in the Hospital facing financial crisis and the suspension of some services. The introduction of user fees was implemented to assist in funding and to sustain and maintain essential services. Fees ranged from 2 kina for outpatient consultation, 8 kina for minor surgery, 30 kina for major surgery and 10 kina for maternity and birth attendant services. Even though the hospital stressed that no one in need of medical attention would be denied treatment on the grounds of inability to pay, some people have stopped going due to the costs involved. These budgetary failures have implications for communities in the CBMMCAs that utilise these services. The Milne Bay Provincial Government priorities are in line with National Government goals that are tied to IMF and Worldbank conditions. If health issues are not seen to improve, the Provincial Government will be more concerned with increasing health coverage rather than conservation or resource management issues. Communities will react similarly. In 1996, Village Maintenance Committee Data Collection Workshops were organised by MML in the Misima District with the advice of Harmony Ink, a Papua New Guinea-based Non-governmental Organisation. Villages had to list their 12 most important health problems. Those for Brooker (CBMMCA 3) are profiled below. Table 29: Brooker (CBMMCA 3) Health Problems and Priorities (Source: Kinch, 1999) ProblemPriorityNo efficient means of transport1Irregular health patrols1No first aid kit2No proper toilets2Lack of communications3Poor clinic patrols4Contaminated drinking water5Lack of nutritional awareness6Lack of family planning alternatives6Unhygienic homes7No health worker or first aid officer8Uncontrolled domestic animals9 The isolation of many smaller islands in the area and the scattered nature of the population means that some people live several hours from any health centre. A list of Aidposts in Zone 1 is given in Appendix 4. A program of training village-based health workers paid by the LLGs, has been instituted to alleviate this problem. Malnutrition In the 1982/83 National Nutritional Survey (NNS), Milne Bay Province had five of the worst 15 districts in the country, namely Rabaraba, Alotau, Esaala, Misima and Losuia. The Misima District, encompassing portions of CBMMCAs 2 and3 had 62% of its under five population below 80% body weight for their age. The Provincial average at this time was 38.3% (Department of Milne Bay, 1990). In 1994 this had dropped to 49% (UNICEF, 1997). In 1978 the National Nutrition Survey was conducted and reported the West Calvados Islands (CBMMCA 3) with the lowest incidence of malnutrition at 16.39%, while Sudest showed 59.8% and Rossel 36.64%. These figures were checked by the Milne Bay Provincial Health Authorities in another survey later that same year and produced even more startling figures; the West Calvados was now 73%, Sudest and 52% Rossel 77% making it the most malnourished place within the Province (Lepowsky, 1979). An IFAD nutritional survey in 1979 found that Tubetube (CBMMCA 2) children were among the best nourished in the Province (see Leonard, 1979). Table 30: Provinces with Highest Malnutrition Rates in 1994 (Source: Department of Health, 1996) Province% of Children <5 years with 60% Below Weight for Age*West Sepik3.8Western3.5Central3.2Gulf2.3Milne Bay2.4Papua New Guinea1.4*Children who attended Maternal and Child Health Clinics In 1986 the IFAD Artisinal Fisheries Program conducted a nutritional assessment of program communities (Jenkins, 1986). Kwaraiwa (CBMMCA 2) was part of this assessment. In 1989 another nutritional survey was carried out by Australian Volunteers in the East Calvados with visits to Brooker (CBMMCA 3). Their findings showed that at Brooker 16% of children were malnourished (Rayner and Rayner, 1989). Ten years later, 21% of children on Brooker were showing signs of malnutrition (Kinch, 1999). It should be noted that all these surveys are based on different methodologies. For example, the NNS and IFAD surveys were sample surveys, and the 1994 and Brooker Island surveys were based on actual clinic figures, and this may have introduced biases as the age range may be skewed because those attending clinics may be unrepresentative of the populatuion. Table 31: Brooker Island (CBMMCA 1) Number of Children Under and Over 80% Weight for Age: March, 1999 (Source: Kinch, 1999) Year of BirthWeight by Age >80%Weight by Age <80%1999-41998271997291996211199549199412Total1142%2179 Most malnutrition occurs within the first three years of a child's life. A child with malnutrition is more susceptible to infections and diseases. Traditionally colostrum was not given to the newborn baby thereby making them more prone to infection. Iron deficiency anaemia is common amongst older children, particularly those exposed to repeated malaria attacks and worm infestations. Malnutrition amongst women is often due to inadequate intake of energy and protein foods. Men usually have first call on available food. In the past, food taboos affecting young children and pregnant women were common. The most regular food source for families within the CBMMCAs comes from starchy, nutrient-poor root crops such as yams and tapioca. Table 32: % Children <5 Severely Malnourished (Source: Ministry of Health, 2000) YearMilne Bay ProvinceSamarai-Murua (ZONE 1 and 2)*Esa'ala (ZONE 3)19952.81.13.319962.02.12.619971.71.02.519981.40.92.019991.21.11.5*Esa'ala District has been involved with a long running UNICEF project looking at child nutrition Table 33: % Deliveries Low Birth Weight (Source: Ministry of Health, 2000) YearMilne Bay ProvinceSamarai-Murua (ZONE 1 and 2)Esa'ala (ZONE 3)199717101719981416141999171817LevelHighHighHigh Even though child malnutrition has dropped in recent years this is attributed to intervention by the United Nations Childrens Fund through their Community-based Best Practices for Child Survival and Development Program, particularly in the Esa'ala District. Child nutrition has not improved in the Samarai-Murua District over the last five years but remains proportionately low at 1.1%. On the other hand, low birth weight remains constantly high. Family Planning and Family Health In 1996 Harmony Ink conducted priority-setting workshops for communities in the Misima District. From these workshops communities stated the following to be their major problems. In order of importance these were (i) inadequate toilet facilities and sanitation; (ii) family planning information and materials on nutrition; (iii) poor water suply; (iv) village hygiene; (v) water pollution; and (vi) lack of visits from CHWs and shortage of drugs in Aid Posts (Jackson, 2000). The emphasis by the people themselves on family planning is indicative of the already high level of community awareness of population growth and its potential problems for the CBMMCAs. Accordingly, the new accecptors rate for family planning services in the Samarai-Murua District rose from 5.3% in 1997 to 6.3% in 1999 (Division of Health, 1999). Appendix 5 gives a complete list of family planning rates within Zone 1. Despite this increase more girls are getting pregnant before maturity. For instance, according to hospital records at Misima many of these mothers are as young as 15 and 16 years old, and some only 13 years old (see Byford, 2000). Babies born to such young mothers are likely to face social as well as physical difficulties. Family Health in the Samarai-Murua District saw antenatal care drop from 81% in 1997 to 77% in 1999 for the first visit and from 44.4% to 32% for the 4th visit. Supervised delivery rates also dropped from 48.7% in 1997 to 45% in 1999 (Division of Health, 1999). This may be linked to the budgetary failure of the Bwagaioa Hospital in 1999 that resulted in people having to pay for medical services. Disease Generally, the health status of people in the Province has been on the decline over a period of 20 years due to a lack of sufficient financial and manpower resources to effectively implement various health care programs (MBA, 2000). The MBP may have a part to play in health promotion to improve local villagers health status. Reducing the level of resources required to keep people healthy (through promotion of primary health care services and prophylactic devises such as mosquito nets) may reduce harvesting pressure on commercially valuable species. This could be done by decreasing the amount of direct expenditures spent on health care in the short-term and by reducing the population growth rate as life expectancy increases over the long-term. Malaria and pneumonia continue to be the commonest causes of morbidity and mortality. Perinatal death still remains the number one cause of death in the Province. Malaria in the Samarai-Murua District went down from 65% in 1997 to 45% in 1999 (Division of Health, 1999). In 1999 malaria had a mortality rate of 11.2/100000 whilst pneumonia had a mortality rate of 26.9/100000 (Division of Health, 2000). The rate for malaria at Panaeati (CBMMCA 2) is currently at 12% (Misima Mines Limited, 2000). Tuberculosis (TB), Sexually Transmitted Diseases (STDs) and Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (Aids) continue to rise. The number of cases starting TB treatment in the Samarai-Murua District rose from 42 in 1997 to 179 in 1999 (Division of Health, 1999). The incidence of STDs for the Province in 1999 was 452/100000 (Division of Health, 2000). Leprosy is finally close to being eliminated. In 1999 diarrhoea from unsafe water supply had a mortality rate of 1.5/100000 (Division of Health, 2000). Table 34: Leading Causes of Morbidity and Mortality in Milne Bay Province (Source: Ministry of Health, 2000) Leading Causes of Morbidity and MortalityOutpatients per 1,000 per year 1997-1999Admissions per 100,000 per year 1995-1997Deaths per 100,000 per year 1995-1997ConditionMilne Bay ProvinceConditionMilne Bay ProvinceConditionMilne Bay ProvinceMalaria488Obstetric1660Perinatal Condition13.8Skin Disease156Malaria1044Malaria11.8Pneumonia66Pneumonia689Pneumonia11.2Simple Cough57Accidents/Violence480Meningitis6.4Ear Infection42Other Respiratory281Obstetric5.3Accidents/Violence36Skin Diseases235Diarrhoea4.2Other Respiratory34Diarrhoea197Tuberculosis4.2Eye Conditions27Perinatal Condition175Accidents/Violence3.1Diarrhoea27Tuberculosis166Anaemia2.6Genital Discharge3Anaemia69Other Respiratory2.2% of all patients 73%% of all admissions 80%% of all Health Care deaths 77% Table 35: Leading Causes of Morbidity and Mortality in the Samarai Murua District Which Encompasses Most of Zones 1 and 2 (Source: Ministry of Health, 2000) Leading Causes of Morbidity and MortalityOutpatients per 1,000 per year 1997-1999Admissions per 100,000 per year 1995-1997Deaths per 100,000 per year 1995-1997ConditionSamarai Murua DistrictConditionSamarai Murua DistrictConditionSamarai Murua DistrictMalaria440Obstetric1550Pneumonia12.2Skin Disease135Malaria834Malaria10.5Pneumonia46Pneumonia665Obstetric7.0Simple Cough30Accidents/Violence290Perinatal Condition7.0Accidents/Violence30Other Respiratory189Anaemia3.5Other Respiratory28Diarrhoea174Meningitis3.5Diarrhoea27Skin Diseases166Diarrhoea2.6Ear Infection 25Perinatal Condition98Tuberculosis2.6Eye Conditions15Tuberculosis61Other Respiratory1.7Yaws3Anaemia45Heart Disease1.7% of all patients 76%% of all admissions 86%% of all Health Care deaths 78% In 1998 the MML and the World Health Organisation (WHO) began the filariasis elimination program that has been expanded to the whole of the Samarai Murua District. Table 36: 1999 Immunisation Levels of Total Population in Milne Bay Province and Samarai-Murua District and Health Centres in Zone 1 (Source: Division of Health, 2000; Kunuwabe and Samamo, 2000) VaccineMilne Bay Province Samarai-Murua DistrictKwaraiwa Health CentrePanaeati Health CentreSamarai Health CentreSidea Health CentrePercentagePercentagePercentagePercentagePercentagePercentageBCG808386497874HB 37272119648384TA 37672132996792OPV 469641101204958MEA 9-1164-103834456 The trend has been for increased immunisation coverage throughout Zone 1, for example TA 3 (Triple Antigen) has gone from 60% in 1995 to 52% in 1997 to a high of 73% in 1999. Similarly, MEA 9-11 (Measles Immunisation) went from 46% in 1995, slumping to 27% in 1996 and slowly rising up to 58% in 1999. Infrastructure and Communications There are normally at least two permanent buildings in each community within the CBMMCAs. These are the Community Hall, usually built under the Tax Credit Scheme by MML, and a Church building, which is funded either by community donations and/or government funds. Microwave radiotelephones are located at East Cape and Nuakata (CBMMCA 1), Tubetube and Panaeati (CBMMCA 2), and Ware and Brooker (CBMMCA 3). These phones are an obvious benefit to these communities. People can arrange trading expeditions and other business prior to sailing, they can contact kin in other areas at times of death or emergency, and help in the coast watch for canoes that have encountered bad weather. One possible negative side affect in the enhanced communications is the ordering of turtles from Brooker (CBMMCA 3) to be brought to Misima for trade or Christian festivals. VHF Radios (5885 kHz) are located at Samarai, Dawson and Ware (CBMMCA 3). Table 37: CBMMCA Community Infrastructure: 2000 PlaceTradestoresSchoolsHealth FacilitiesWater SupplyWare71 Community1 Aidpost7 wells 4 watertanksAnagusa1--1 well 1 watertankTewatewa---4 wells 2 watertanksKwaraiwa41 Community1 Sub Health Clinic17 wells 3 watertanksSkelton3--Some wells 2 watertanksTubetube21 Community1 Aidpost13 wells 8 watertanksPanaeati141 Community1 Sub Health ClinicN/APanapompom2--N/ABrooker5--5 wells 6 watertanks Most islands in Zone 1 have a scarce supply of fresh water both for domestic and agricultural use, particularly Ware and Brooker (CBMMCA 3). Since 1983, 313 water supply units/systems have been installed in the Province. This represents 55% coverage of the Province. In 1999, diarrhoea caused by unsafe water supply resulted in a mortality rate of 1.5/100000 (Division of Health, 2000). Only 30% of the rural population has access to safe and proper excreta disposal systems (Division of Health, 2000). In the 1996 Harmony Ink conducted priority-setting workshops for communities in the Misima District. The number one priority for these communities was inadequate toilet facilities and sanitation and number three was poor water supply. In 1996, the Village Maintenance Committee Data Collection Workshops were organised by MML with the advice of Harmony Ink, a Papua New Guinea-based NGO. Villages had to list their 12 most important problems. For Brooker (CBMMCA 3) poor water supply was the main concern, other infrastructural problems are tabled below. Table 38: Brooker (CBMMCA 3) Community Problems and Priorities (Source: Village Maintenance Committee Record Book, 1996) ProblemPriorityPoor water supply1No first aid1Lack of sufficient and capable transport2Lack of communication3No causeway or wharf4No sporting facilities5No permanent housing for pastor6No permanent language school classroom7No womens club building8Irregular health patrols 9No law and order awareness10 Service Centres The main township of Bwagaioa is located at the eastern tip of Misima island and is the centre for the District Administration of the Samarai-Murua district. Along with local and district government offices, the township has a residential area, a guest house, several churches, a bakery, several trade stores, two fast food outlets, fuel outlets, two second-hand clothing shops, hospital, community school, high school, liquor outlets, Public Motor Vehicles (PMVs), truck hire, sea transport services, market, fresh fish outlets, police station, and a harbour. Bwagaioa is the main service centre for the Deboyne Islands (CBMMCA 2) and Brooker (CBMMCA 3). Samarai is the closest service centre for the Engineers (CBMMCA 2) and Ware (CBMMCA 3). Its services include a hospital, local and district government offices, residential areas, two guest houses, several trade stores, fuel outlets, rural-health centre, community school, liquor outlet, sea transport services, copra marketing board sub-depot, market, power station, port facilities, and several churches. People from these CBMMCAs and those from Nuakata and East Cape (CBMMCA 1) also utilise the facilities and services of Alotau, the Provincial capital. Transport By comparison with most Provinces, transport is the major limiting factor to development in Milne Bay Province (Hunting-Fishtech, 1990). Shipping is irregular and the tradestores in the CBMMCAs often run out of foodstuffs and other necessities. A study in 1975 on Milne Bay transport systems highlighted many issues (UPNG, 1975), but there has been little improvement since. The old system of small plantations buying from smallholders, trade stores and trade store-owned workboats collapsed twenty years ago along with the shipping networks of Steamships and Burns Phillips, and has not been replaced. The CBMMCAs are remote, with the exception of East Cape, which has road access to Alotau. The cost of transporting cash crops or other products from the islands to outside markets sharply reduces profits on most goods. There is a need to improve coastal shipping facilities, with Provincial owned wharves and jetties upgraded and sites for potential new wharves and jetties identified. Local entrepreneurs have numerous work boats supplied for transport needs, and there seems to be a recent resurgence in boat building in the Province, possibly linked to the high prices being paid for marine resources. Better transport facilities will alleviate pressure on community transport needs but may incresae pressure on marine resources as people have better access to exporters based in Alotau. Police Police resources are inadequate at present within the CBMMCAs, which greatly reduces their enforcement powers. There are concerns that the level of criminal activity among unemployed youths may increase. Equally, given the location on important international sea-lanes and its very large number of islets and reefs, there has always been the concern that international criminals could use the area as a staging and warehousing point for their activities. Piracy is becoming a concern in Milne Bay waters (see Israel, 2000c). Police either have to come from Alotau, Samarai or Bwagaioa to investigate criminal activities or illegal fishing. This remoteness makes enforcement difficult, especially since police at Bwagaioa and Samarai have no watercraft. The Bwagaioa police station's radios were not operational until early 2000, and its HF system still does not work. A mobile and well-resourced police contingent is necessary for surveillance and investigation of illegal fishing activities and to monitor disputes. The Village Court System The Milne Bay Government is to ensure that the Village Courts System is working effectively, resulting in the achievement of law enforcement at the community level with new village courts to be established in all council areas. Whilst the responsibility for the management of the Village Court system has devolved to the District levels, none of the funds necessary for such management have been similarly devolved. This is a major obstacle to tackling some of the more evident problems confronting the courts. For example, the record keeping system of the Village Courts at Misima is extremely weak (Jackson, 2000). The original Village Court system was based on custom and issues that they were best dealt with by the community. The Village Court would then graft customary wisdom onto the formal judicial system. Unfortunately, the great majority of cases have little to do with custom but with breaches of LLG regulations, land disputes and petty civil and criminal offences. Knowledge of custom appears to be of less value than a good general education and a thorough if basic legal grounding. The latter is especially important if the system and its operators are to retain the respect of an incresaingly sophisticated and more literate village community (Jackson, 2000). There are currently no Village Court Officials in the Misima District. Consequently the Village Magistrates Courts in CBMMCA 2 and CBMMCA 3 are not supervised properly. Additionally, the LLGs throughout Zone 1 have not yet passed any new set of Council Rules and Regulations, so that many court officers are unclear as to what rules to enforce (Misima Mines Limited, 2000) and to date no training for village magistrates has been accomplished in most of the CBMMCAs. Because of lack of funds, the District Court magistrate has not, in the past three years, been able to hear cases anywhere in the Samarai-Murua District other than in Bwagaioa. Four Land Mediators have been appointed to Bwagaoia under the Land Disputes Settlement Act to serve the whole Samarai-Murua District. All disputes must go before the Land Mediators before they will be accepted for hearing in the court. Land Mediators work must be supervised by a District representative of the Department of Lands. Unfortunately, there is no such representative in the District. Worse, the Land Mediators, who are to be paid by the Village Courts Secretariat, are often not paid at all. Under these circumstances it is perhaps unsurprising that the overwhelming majority of cases dealt with by the Land Mediators proceed unresolved to the Local or District Courts. In turn, most cases, once decided, are almost universally appealed. The Provincial Land Court has never been able to sit in Bwagaoia and most disputes remain unsettled (Jackson, 2000). Harmony Ink provided training of Village Recorders within the Louisiade LLG to help set up a conflict mediation mechanism to resolve tenure and resource ownership and use disputes (see Egan, 1998; Harmony Ink, 1998). Recommendation: 12. Build the capacity of Village Recorders, Magistrates and District Court systems to actively enforce community rules and regulations related to resource use and management. Government Capacity Where conservation initiatives are taking place under certain Wards it is good policy for long-term acceptance and collaboration to involve the LLGs offices of the MBP (see Krimbu, 1998). The LLGs will be one area of providing and disseminating information as well as solving disputes. The Districts play a crucial role in the New Organic Law, as they constitute the forum where bottom-up planning processes within the LLGs link up with the Provincial administration. It is at the District level that the funds made available to Provinces and the LLGs are used to implement the plans, policies and laws of the various LLGs. Unfortunately, the introduction of Organic law in 1995 failed to give any directions as to how the various levels of governments were to manage the change. Unfortunately there is little capacity within existing government agencies to do this. The issue of management capacity of community and government organisations is one of the greatest weaknesses for the MBP at local, district, provincial and national levels. This highlights the urgent need for some serious reform and institutional strengthening. The issue of management capacity of government organisations is one of the greatest weaknesses of conservation initatives in PNG. This issue of government capacity has underlain as well as undermined much of the history of such initiatives within PNG since 1975. For example, there is a severe lack of government capacity to implement a working national system of Wildlife Management Areas (WMAs) from government to community levels (see van Helden, 2001 for details of government policy and mechanisms for the incorporating protected areas). Subsequently, there is almost a complete absence of government support and backup of WMAs, for example the Lake Lavu Wildlife Management Area on Fergusson Island in Milne Bay. Another example of the Lands Departments recent operations in Milne Bay Province described by Jones and McGavan (2000) shows a further lack of capacity of the government. In this case the National Government removed itself from a compensation dispute involving land under lease/lease back tenure arrangements, leaving the onus on Milne Bay Estates to adjudicate landowner claims and to take over elements of the role of the State at the Provincial level. The implications of these matters described above are that, to the extent that the MBP is dependent on both National and Provincial Government bureaucracies for both initial implementation and sustained management, there are major problems and risks. The picture for the MBP is not all negative. All LLGs in ZONE 1 have active debate amongst generally keen Councillors, reasonably good administration support and staff members who are active and interested. The Louisiade LLG has already produced its own Five-Year Plan, and the other two LLGs are in the process of developing theirs as well (Jackson, 2000). LLGs that are informed appropriately of the MBP can create a Conservation Management Committee under section 25 of the Organic Law on Provincial Governments and Local-Level Governments, and these would be responsible for monitoring conservation-related activities within the LLG (van Helden, 2001). Also section 44 of the Organic Law on Provincial Governments and Local-Level Governments allows for room to draw up Local-Level conservation laws which stipulate the establishment of set-asides, the seasonal closure of fishing areas or matters of policy vis--vis dive boat operators, foreign fishing vessels and intruding fishermen from other areas (see van Helden, 2001, for greater detail). Recommendation: 13. Recognize and address the need for institutional strengthening and capacity building at all government levels. Ward Development Committees The bulk of the population within Zone 1 is far more aware of general planning issues and problems regarding resources than in any other part of PNG. Communities have participated very extensively in the development of Ward databases, profiles and planning processes (Jackson, 2000). Some of these activities are detailed below. MML from 1996-1998 sponsored Harmony Ink, a PNG-based NGO to assist primary stakeholders to develop plans based on their needs at the village level in an effort to ensure that the MML's closure plan is relevant and sustainable. This was a valuable exercise that gave many people in CBMMCAs 2 and 3 an opportunity to discuss issues of concern to them for the first time. Harmony Ink conducted leadership courses involving Councillors, WDCs and women and collected social and economic data from Wards in the Louisiade LLG area. They also supported the development, implementation and monitoring of a Council and District plan, provided training of Village Recorders to collate community profiles and were also instrumental in setting up a conflict mediation mechanism to resolve tenure and resource ownership and use disputes (see Egan, 1998; Harmony Ink, 1998). In 1999, a planner contracted through an AusAid affiliated organisation began training processes specifically formulated for the development of Provincial, Local and Ward Level plans. Through these processes the development of a simple bottom-up format for training of WDCs and Village Recorders was instituted. This required a continuous facilitation of District Staff until the WDC capacity was built up, after which less outside assistance was needed (see Nolan, 2000). One of the things stressed throughout this process was that Ward Development Plans (WDPs) must include 'legitimate' needs, and not things that ought to be done by businessmen or women, or things that villagers could do for themselves on a self-help basis (Milne Bay Provincial Administration, 2000). It was also stressed that monitoring the success of a WDP is not just the responsibility of the WDC, it is the responsibility of all the people who live in the Ward. Self-evaluation and monitoring will also be an important aspect for the viability of the MBP. Finally, the Milne Bay Provincial Data System (PDS) was set up to list the development needs of the Wards, and the resources that exist within each. This was determined with the active involvement of the people who reside in the Wards and all Village Recorders of the ZONE 1 have been trained in community mapping exercises and population analysis (Milne Bay Provincial Administration, 2000; Papua New Guinea Government, 1999). All the assets present in the Ward, including aid posts, classrooms, water supply systems, etc and human resources that might be present in a Ward are recorded. The PDS run by the Management Information Systems (MIS) of the Milne Bay Administration will be a valuable asset to the MBP. A remarkable feature of the WDCs of the Louisiade LLG is how many people are involved in them. In the majority of cases WDCs consists of six members (including the Councillor) of whom, consistently, two are women. But in some cases more than six eager individuals were appointed. In others each member had an alternate or a secretary and in yet others each member had their own sub-committee of three or four persons. The consequence was that in some cases as many as a quarter of the adult population was directly involved in the priority deciding process. More remarkable still was the fact that none were paid or received cash allowances for their work. This makes the WDCs an interesting vehicle for managing community interests in the field of resource management. Using WDCs under the umbrella of the LLGs will enhance the long-term sustainability of the MBP. Summary and Conclusion While health figures, such as life expectancy at birth, have not improved, literacy rates and education indicators in general have risen and provide a unique opportunity to create a learning community centered around regionally community-based design for management, monitoring, evaluation, and adjustment of CBMMCSs that are coordinated at appropriate scales. It can also provide opportunities for improving economic welfare, and addressing population and health care issues. The high literacy rate also suggests that people in Milne Bay are able to participate in uncomplicated data collection and project monitoring activities. Most people can afford to pay for their children to attend the local primary schools, though secondary education is usually beyond the financial reach of most families, and a large proportion of children receive no formal education beyond sixth grade. Education will need to play a big and important role in the MBP as most Milne Bay villagers lack a basic conservation philosophy and environmental awareness (see Kinch, 2001). Education can be used for three main conservation objectives: reducing unsustainable practices; providing the incentive for CBMMCSs; and increasing the enforcement capacity at the community level. In order to facilitate the future management of marine resources by Milne Bay people, community-based education is needed on the general ecology of coral reef eco-systems and how they are affected by human activities on land and sea. This needs to be enhanced and developed for the long-term success of the MBP (see Mitchell et al, 2001). Generally, the health status of people in the Province has been on the decline over a period of twenty years due to the lack of sufficient financial and manpower resources to effectively implement various health care programs (MBA, 2000). If health issues are not seen to improve the Provincial Government will be more concerned with increasing health rather than conservation or resource management issues. Communities will react similarly. The emphasis by the people themselves on family planning is indicative of an already high level of community awareness of population growth and its potential problems. Reducing the level of resources required to keep people healthy (through promotion of primary health care services and prophylactic devises such as mosquito nets) may reduce harvesting pressure on commercially valuable species, and this may need to be investigated by the MBP. Police resources are inadequate at present within the CBMMCAs, which greatly reduces their enforcement powers. A mobile and well-resourced police contingent is necessary for surveillance and investigation of illegal fishing activities and to monitor disputes. There are currently no Village Court Officials and consequently the Village Magistrates Courts are not supervised properly. The issue of management capacity of government organisations is one of the greatest weaknesses of conservation initatives in PNG. Having said this, the picture for the MBP is not all negative. Opportunities for the MBP include the existence of politically astute and articulate community leaders, both men and women. All LLGs in Zone 1 have active debate amongst generally keen Councillors, reasonably good administration support and staff members who are active and interested. The Louisiade LLG has already produced its own Five-Year Plan and the other two LLGs are in the process of developing theirs as well (Jackson, 2000). WDCs have recently received considerable capacity building as part of government initiatives to develop Ward Development Plans, and all members have particpated in this activity. Village Recorders have received training in social mapping, census analysis and conflict mediation. Chapter 7 The Subsistence Economy Land Pressure and Food Security There seems little doubt that land pressure and shortage, as well as lack of food availability, are both current and future problems in Zone 1. Signs of these problems include (i) a greater awareness and tension over land availability; (ii) marginal land previously uncultivated, now being brought into cultivation; (iii) the clearing of traditional food tree and established cash crop areas, for subsistence gardens; (iv) a spread of kunai grass, weed infested areas and generally degraded land; (v) a steady reduction of forested areas; and (vi) a general reduction in bush fallow length (Callister, 2001; pers comm). Food security, has probably improved since the late 19th century throughout Zone 1, in particular a reduction in severity of the customary period of food shortage between February and April. This is likely due to changes such as the introduction of crops like sweet potato and cassava and the increased freedom for inter-island trade. The introduction of new crops, brought by Pacific Island missionaries aided in the diversity of crops grown and assisted in food security. Missionisation and subsequent pacification also opened up new avenues for trade and better food security. If food security based on subsistence and increased incomes based on cash cropping are to be achieved, some changes in either agricultural practices or population growth rates will be necessary. Mitchell et al (2001) are trying to address some of these issues. In 1994, Ware islanders estimated that local production accounted for only one third of their food supply. The figures from Kinch (1999) suggest that crop production may be supplying only half of the necessary requirements. It is highly probable that in the not too distant future women will probably have to work harder to coax a harvest from exhausted soil or travel even farther in search of new land to clear (see Byford, 2000). As with the other islands in CBMMCA 2, agricultural food security at Brooker and Ware (CBMMCA 3) is very vulnerable to the climatic extremes of drought and cyclones, but especially susceptible to drought. All islands in the Zone 1 have experienced one complete crop failure every decade since the 1870s (see MacIntyre 1983a; Hayes, 1993), and government food relief has been a regular feature in recent decades. Examples below from Brooker in CBMMCA 3 also clearly illustrate this problem: When I visited Brooker in January 1978, I found the people subsisting on coconuts and fish, their gardens having been devastated by drought and by a cyclone in November 1977. In late 1978 visiting Brooker Islanders told us that because there was almost no water on the island, they were roasting fish or boiling it in salt water and having to throw away the broth, a great blow because fish broth is prized in the Louisiade Archipelago virtually as much as the fish itself (Lepowsky, 1978). . . . [on] the island of Brooker all the tree leaves and grass turned to brown colour, the people find it hard to plant their yam seeds, and also the food crops are badly damaged. It is a fact that the people live on fish, coconut and rice. The people of Brooker travel to Duau and Misima mainland to get foodstuff . . . It is fact [that] the food gardens are no use as the hot sun [has] cooked or burnt up all the food crops (Gomedi, 1987). This failure of crops contributes to increased pressure on marine resources. People need to dive for marine resources to trade with more agriculturally well-endowed islands or for sale to commercial enterprises in order to acquire cash to purchase tradestore staples such as rice and flour. Government supplying of rice and cooking oil has occurred regularly in recent years. The importance of these government rations has changed from previous times when it was considered more of a windfall. In the western end of the Calvados Chain, the three islands of Bagaman, Motorina and Brooker were the hardest hit in the whole subdistrict by the cyclone. These people are primarily traders, and as soon as possible, they set about rebuilding their canoes so that they could recommence their voyages. They were rationed from Bwagaioa for about two months, but this issue was discontinued when it was discovered that on receipt of two weeks rations for about 170 people, the community would proceed to hold a day-and-night feast until, in about 3 days, everything had been eaten (Misima Sub-District Office, 1953). Harvesting and management of marine resources to cover agricultural deficiencies provides both threats and opportunities for the success of the MBP. Brooker people (CBMMCA 3) regularly catch fish and trade to other more agriculturally rich communities on Misima or market them to fresh fish buyers at Bwagaioa or sell them smoke-preserved at market. Poor gardens combined with poor resource management will lead to decreased production affecting both food security and community wealth. Good management will mean that highvalued stocks will be available for export, bringing increased prosperity and food security (see Munro, 1997). This is particularly important when you consider that within the Province, 80% of people are involved in subsistence. The food replacement value would be in the order of K58+ million (Mitchell et al, 2001). Agriculture In the past people say that gardens in the CBMMCAs were smaller and there was a heavier reliance on subsistence gathering. Foods included the pith of banana trees, wild yam, wild bean, pawpaw, mango, curry nut, breadfruit, Polynesian chestnut, Malay apple and others. Some of these species are planted or husbanded. Gerritsen and McIntyre (1986) showed that a mere 0.075 hectares (or less) per head of garden land was required to sustain the population at that time and at the standard of living of that time. Of course, given the agricultural system in place, this also required that between seven and ten times this amount of land per person needed to be in fallow, recovering between rotational cultivations. Thus depending on the length of fallow allowed for, each person would require between 0.525 and 0.75 hectares of land for their sustanance (exluding forest resources). We know the population and the land area area but we do not know how much land is suitable for what forms of cultivation. People in Zone 1 say that in the past they planted one garden per year, and men accompanied women to their garden for fear of attack. Produce from this garden provided their subsistence needs and ceremonial requirements. Along with poor mobility and poor labour cooperation in historical times, gardeners were restricted by the use of stone axes. With the coming of steel axes and digging sticks, agricultural practices were modified from small clearings with large trees left to the slash and burn swidden style of gardening used today. Pacification brought greater security, safer mobility and allowed more people to participate actively in the making of gardens resulting in larger gardens. The introduction of new crops, brought by Pacific Island missionaries, aided in the diversity of crops grown and assisted in food security. This increase in food resulted in an increase in frequency and size of gatherings, work parties and mortuary ceremonies (cf Berde, 1983). It allowed for more wide-ranging trading and subsequently built up interfamily alliances as people married into other villages and islands. The following descriptions of agriculture in the three areas largely summarise information collected by the PNGAS in 1994 (Bourke et al, 1994; Hide et al, 1996) and in the case of Brooker, Kinch (1999). CBMMCA 1 The three communities associated with this reef area divide into two groups in terms of agriculture: East Cape on the mainland, and the two island populations. The East Cape community was described by PNGAS in 1994 as part of a wider agricultural system (0510). In the East Cape area this system is characterised by gardens located on steep, mainly grass covered, mountains and hills from Cape Frere (Girumia) to both sides of East Cape. Short grass areas are rarely cultivated, except on East Cape. In valley bottoms and on river terraces, woody regrowth taller than 10 m and between 15 and 20 years old, is cleared and burnt (PNGAS 1994). The main crops are yam (D. esculenta), sweet potato, cassava, coconut and taro, (with cassava, coconut and sago more important toward East Cape), and a wide range of other crops including yams (D. alata and D. nummularia), Chinese taro, Alocasia taro and banana. Severe drought is a relatively frequent occurrence. Two plantings are made before fallowing. Fruit and nut trees are significant sources of food. The planting of new gardens is usually between October and January. In contrast, the two island communities of Nuakata and Iabam/Pahilele were assigned by PNGAS (Hide et al, 1994) to an agricultural system (0519) found widely from the Samarai Islands in the south to the Amphletts in the north, with a reasonable amount of local variation. Gardens are cut in fallows of tall woody regrowth between 10 and 20 years old. The main crops are yam (D. esculenta and D. alata), sweet potato, cassava, banana and coconut, with a wide range of other crops including taro, sago, Amorphophallus taro and Alocasia taro. There is usually a second planting before gardens are left to fallow. New gardens on Nuakata are mostly planted between October and January (Mallett, 1996). Sticks or logs are laid around the slope to form rectangular plot markers in most yam gardens and these sometimes reduce soil erosion. Yams are usually not staked. Yams and sweet potato are planted in small mounds. Overall, sweet potato and cassava are more important foods than yam. Fruits and nuts provide significant amounts of food seasonally, in particular breadfruit, Polynesian chestnut, Java almond and mango. They are usually most abundant between November and February and are thus available as the supply of stored yam dwindles. CBMMCA 2 Although the PNGAS in 1994 distinguished between two different agricultural systems in the two island groups of the Engineers and Deboyne Islands (0512 which includes islands in the West Calvados Chain as well as the Engineer Islands - and 1514 respectively), agriculture is broadly similar throughout, with minor local variation. Typically, the fallow vegetation is low woody regrowth, less than 10 m high and 5 to15 years old. Clearing and planting of new gardens usually occurs between August and January. Gardens are subdivided into plots. Cassava, sweet potato, banana, yam (D. esculenta) and coconut are the main crops, with others including yam (D. alata), taro, Amorphophallus taro and Queensland arrowroot. Gardens are usually planted twice before fallow. Yams (mainly D. esculenta but with some D. alata) predominate in new gardens, with other crops planted in separate sections or at edges. Cassava, sweet potato and banana predominate in replanted gardens. Yams are not staked. Gardens are laid out on a grid pattern, with plot dividers of wood, primarily for the purpose of organising work and production. However, on steep slopes these dividers also serve to retain soil. Household gardens are not usual but were seen on Tubetube where all pigs are kept in solid pens made of coconut tree trunks. Fencing is very variable, dependent on the location of pigs. The main difference between agriculture on Panaeati and that on the Engineers is that a small proportion (c. one quarter) of Panaeati gardens are characterised by longer fallows (>20 years) of tall woody regrowth that usually contains many old fruit and nut trees such as breadfruit. The undergrowth is cleared, some but not all trees are cut down, and the vegetation is dried and burnt. Banana is the predominant crop, but it is interplanted with a wide range of other crops. In addition, households plant two to four yam gardens each year on soils that vary in their ability to retain moisture (see Berde 1974; 1979). Community scheduling of agricultural work activity, noted in 1970-71 (Berde 1974), continues to the present with community discussion on Panaeati focussing on the need for sequential plantings of sweet potato to avoid shortages of supply. On Panaeati, the woody regrowth fallows on the eastern side, in particular, contain considerable numbers of a small, fast growing leguminous tree (known locally as kasiu, probably either Schleinitzia novoguineensis or Adenanthera pavonina). Left standing as dead trees after clearing, they give a distinctive appearance to gardens. People don't use manure or plant legumes to regenerate the soil. The use of legumes has been trialed at Misima but to no great degree of success. Tree crops provide important foods throughout the islands, especially breadfruit, Polynesian chestnut, Java almond, mango and golden apple. A number of such crops are irregularly distributed: e.g. there is no Pangium edule, galip and pao on Tubetube. Tulip (Gnetum gnemon) was also said to be less common on smaller islands than on larger islands. Sago is absent on islands Kwaraiwa, and Dawson, and scarce on islands such as Skelton, Tubetube (where it was established relatively recently; MacIntyre 1983a). Tewatewa appears to have more of such food plants than other islands. Sago leaves for thatching are imported by Brooker and the Deboyne Islands from Misima, while people from the Engineer Group islands import them from Basilaki or Normanby. People at Panaeati now make gardens next to houses or on Panapompom due to an infestation of African snails. Snails are voracious eaters and eat the leaves of yams thus stopping the tuber from growing. These snails were said to have arrived at Panaeati in 1980 when a woman brought in contaminated potato seedlings. With people coming to Panapompom to garden this is causing problems as people are clearing forest indiscriminately and land disputes result. African snails are now found on the Samarai Islands, Misima and Sudest. CBMMCA 3 In 1994, the PNGAS survey described Ware agriculture (System 0513) as consisting of two agricultural subsystems, distinguished on the basis of different fallow vegetation types and crops grown. Each type occupied about half the total cultivated area, with one based on woody re-growth, the other on grassland. Overall, cassava, sweet potato, yam (D. alata), banana, and coconut are the main staple crops. In the first subsystem, gardens are made in short woody re-growth, with short fallows of 5 to15 years, on the lower slopes of the central ridge forming the backbone of the island. Some are also made under coconuts on flatter land. New gardens are mainly planted with yam (D. alata), but include other crops. Second year gardens mostly contain sweet potato, cassava and banana. Yam, sweet potato and cassava are planted in small mounds. Yams are staked and new gardens are mainly planted between September and December. By contrast, the grassland cultivation of the second subsystem is highly distinctive. There is a patchwork of small, unfenced gardens and grass fallow on both sides of the main ridge running the length of the island, but these are more numerous in the south. On the lower slopes, stones are removed from the surface soil and heaped along plot borders. Fallow periods probably range from less than 5 years to 10 years. After the grass fallow is cut and burnt, the soil tilled. New gardens are planted with separate plots of yam (D. alata), sweet potato, and cassava, all planted in small mounds. Two plantings are commonly made before fallow. Yams are staked and coconut leaves are used as mulch to retain soil moisture. In and around the single large village on the southwest coast of the island, bananas and sugarcane are planted in small household gardens. Immediately behind the village is an extensive area of mature fruit and nut trees, interspersed with gardens. Similarly on the north coast, the coconut and nut/fruit tree belt on flat land immediately behind the beach, which is fringed by low woody regrowth below the grass-covered main ridge, is extensively gardened. The agriculture of Brooker was grouped in 1994 (PNGAS, 1994) with that of the islands in both the Engineer Group and the West Calvados Chain (System 0512), as described above. In summary, this comprised shifting cultivation using fallow vegetation of low woody regrowth, with fallow lengths of only 5 to15 years. Recent detailed work on Brooker suggests that fallow length is usually only 4-5 years (Kinch, 1999). There is no sago on Brooker or Ware. Currently Brooker people utilise three main islands for gardening purpose, these are Brooker itself, Panawidiwidi and Panapatpat (also called Panalaalan). Families stay for two or three weeks on these other islands when work is required in their gardens. Table 39: Number of Gardens by Island for Brooker (CBMMCA 3): 1999 (Source: Kinch, 1999) PlaceNew Garden (1999-2000)Old Garden (1998-1999)Old Garden (1997-1998)Brooker241825Bwagaman22-Gulewa141723Gulewa kekeisi11-Noina211Panapatpat373631Panawidiwidi403947Siyaku221Venaliwa444Total126120132 The average garden size for Brooker and Panawidiwidi is 375 metres squared, while on Panapatpat it is 230 metres squared. The small size of gardens on Panapatpat is due to the nature of the island. The estimated area under production for Brooker people for 1999-2000 was 43635 metres squared with an expected yield of approximately 94 tonnes (see Kinch, 1999). On Brooker gardens are made by a single household or divided into sections for different members of the family. Clearing and burning is usually performed by the male head of the family unit with the help of male relatives to break the soil and mark out the land for planting, a job which can be completed in one day by about 10 to 20 individuals. Garden sites are normally cleared and burnt between the months of July and October, depending on the prevailing weather conditions. Logs from the clearing are used for fencing or for rudimentary terracing. Following burning, the gardens are cleared of any remaining branches in preparation for planting. At this stage the garden will be divided up into sections and men will prepare yam-planting holes. The mans wife and female relatives then plant the crop and maintain the garden. Time is flexible and as the sole activity of the woman, gardens will be harvested in stages depending on demand and yam size. In some cases the top of the yam will be cut off and replanted for next year. The yams are sorted into two groups into food and seed yams and placed in yam houses located in or near the garden. Selection depends often on the type and size of the yam, the number of adventitious roots or the length of the stolon. Generally one third to a half of the harvest will be set aside for seed. After harvesting gardens will be replanted with yams and tapioca. Gardens from the previous year remain active in supplying vegetable foods. There is little weeding of these older gardens. Recommendation: 14. Incorporate land use surveys into the MBP since land availability for subsistence productivity is one of the most important future constraint to sustainable livelihoods. Investigate the impact of the introduced African snail and other exotic species. Plant use People within the CBMMCAs utilise a wide variety of plants in everyday activities. A list is provided below. As vegetation types are very similar across all CBMMCAs, the information is likely to be valid for most areas. Table 40: Plant Use on Brooker (CBMMCA 3) (Source: PhD Field Notes) Misiman NameSpecies NameUseAipapakenaUnidentifiedUsed for outrigger platformAtatUnidentifiedUsed as twine, obtained from MotorinaBulesiGuettarda speciosaUsed to start firesEbalMacaranga tanariusUsed as caulkingEgialgialUnidentifiedUsed for digging sticks, bark chewed as betelnut substituteGagabuUnidentifiedUsed for roasting sago in feastsGanawanCordia subcordataUsed for fishing reels, rudders and housepostsHelaTerminalia arenicolaUsed for prau boardsKakamaaUnidentifiedUsed in canoe hull constructionLiawaPandanus spp.Used for baskets, nets and matsLehe (betel nut)Areca catechuUsed for flooringLogabolaUnidentifiedUsed for housing, from PanaeatiMalawaiUnidentifiedUsed for canoe sides/planksMwaneniFicus trachypisonUsed as sandpaper and for scouring potsSaubeUnidentifiedUsed for axehandles and for outrigger supportsTaniyalaColubrina asiaticaUsed in Yogowau (first born) ceremonyTowalu (black palm)UnidentifiedUsed for flooring and speargunsVihowanUnidentifiedUsed for outrigger, from Basilaki, Duau and SuauWakai (bread fruit)Artocarpus communisUsed for outrigger Housing Housing in the Zone 1 has changed over the period of colonial contact. Originally houses were of curved roof structure with simple doorways and little ventilation. One colonial officer reports for Brooker (CBMMCA 3) that: . . . housing is not of a high standard. However thatching material is scarce and the islanders have to carry it by canoe for long distances from the larger island of other Sub-Divisions. In most cases, houses were adequate considering that half the peoples time is spent on canoes, or in uninhabited island shelters in search of seafood and shell (Territory of Papua New Guinea. 1956: 2). In all CBMMCAs most residential houses are now of a European pitch roof style and are made from local materials. Ware (CBMMCA 3) is the exception, with 46 houses with iron roofs and numerous others constructed of 'European' materials. Most bush materials are sourced either from home or other islands or traded in from more heavily forested areas. Coconut palm fronds are usually cut from senile trees and used for bearers and rafters. Sago palm leaves are used for the roof and walls and are traded in from Misima or islands to the east, particularly Sudest for the Deboyne Islands (CBMMCA 2) and Brooker (CBMMCA 3). The Engineers (CBMMCA 2) and Ware (CBMMCA 3) trade these materials from Basilaki. Black or betel palm used for flooring is also traded. Nails are now commonly used in construction, which is usually a group enterprise. A separate house for cooking may be built next to the residence, though fireboxes are also commonly found inside households, though women do prefer to cook out of doors. Together with the impact of cyclones and the tropical climate, houses generally need to be replaced every 5 to10 years with some minor repairs on the walls and roof during that time. Faunal Use: Animal Husbandry and Hunting and Collecting Domesticated Animals: Pigs and Chickens Pigs are the main domesticated animals kept by the people in all CBMMCAs. They eventually end up in feasts or as exchange for other valuables like shell money, axes and canoes. The numbers of pigs at any one time will fluctuate during the year depending on the needs and demands of mortuary and feasting obligations. Pigs are usually fed on coconuts and leftovers from meals. Pigs are a serious threat to gardens requiring people to build large fences. The price of pigs varies depending on size and where they come from. This price may vary from 50 to 700 kina. Chickens are also husbanded and retail between 5 to 10 kina each. Birds and Other Wild Animals Bush fowl (megapodes) are found on most islands in Zone 1, and the nests are seasonaly raided for eggs. Pigeons are common, including the Imperial pigeons (Ducula spp.) and the Nicobar pigeon (Caloenas nicobarica). These are tramp species preferring smaller islets and atolls. They are a popular food source for people in CBMMCA 3 and they are commonly harvested in the months of November to January as they are nesting on the outer islands. People will catch them as fledglings and later raise them in coops until they are big enough to eat. People also harvest tern (Sterna spp.) eggs. These terns lay their eggs on the rubbly shoreline, their speckled shell blending in with the broken coral, and seaweed. Zoologically the islands in Zone 1 are very depauperate in terrestrial fauna. The non-avian vertebrate fauna consists of geckos, skinks, snakes, possum, sugar gliders, goanna and bats (cf NSR, 1987; Pernetta, 1986, Zeigler, 1982; Hill, 1965, Bonaccorso, 1998). The only mammal that is consumed in most CBMMCAs is the locally found possum. These are usually caught more in the months of July to September as people are spending more time in the bush preparing and harvesting gardens. At Anagusa (CBMMCA 3) bats are hunted in limestone caves on surrounding islands. Subsistence Fishing CBMMCA 1 In the Nuakata Fisheries survey conducted in 2000, 76 households out of 100 were surveyed. Eleven percent of households surveyed said they went fishing every day with a total of 96% saying they had gone fishing in the last three days (Kelokelo and Kinch, 2000). Twenty-five percent went fishing on reefs outside the village, and 63% fished at Daiwali and Bwelama, the two offshore islands to the east. Of this fish, 61% was eaten while 38% was sold to markets at East Cape and Alotau. October to March is the main time for fishing due to the calm weather with 85% fishing at this time (see also Mallet, 1996). The main methods of fishing are diving, trolling and handlining. Nuakata people also use a method called wodam where burning coconut fronds are used to attract fish which are then speared by sharpened black palm splints tied onto a wooden handle with cane rope (Kelokelo, 2000). Seventy percent of all households surveyed at Nuakata said they ate fish at least three times per week (Kelokelo and Kinch, 2000) with the consumption of clams, trochus, spider and cone shells also contributing to the diet. Turtle does not appear to be a major food item with only 7% claiming to have caught green turtles, and no one had eaten dugong. Fishermen in this CBMMCA are concerned over decreasing fishing yields and most inshore reefs are now regarded as depleted. Reasons cited include more divers/fishermen compared to 10 years ago, the use of nylon fishing nets and Taiwan style fishing. Concepts proposed for protection of resources are closed seasons, banning of certain methods, no jagging and no forked spears for sardines and trevally species, and a low tide closure for women. Also several people believe that diving for marine resources should stop for awhile to allow them to rebuild. This shows that communities are thinking about decresaing catches and possible effects. CBMMCA 2 On Tubetube in 1980, people fished regularly 3 to 4 times a week, and fish was eaten on most days (MacIntyre 1983a). Whereas in earlier days, subsistence fishing techniques required the mobilisation of groupings larger than households, by 1980 fishing had become mainly a household activity. In the Deboyne Islands, Panaeati people have access to rich fishing potential in the Deboyne Lagoon, and outside the reef. It appeared to Berde (1974) that marine resource use had been more important in the past (pre-1950s) than in 1970-71. He saw the decline in marine resource use as due to contemporary pressures by the local government council to restrict people to other scheduled activities (fishing was said to be mainly limited to Saturdays). Before the 1950s when the mission was most significant, it encouraged large group fishing expeditions outside as well as inside the reef, especially on Saturdays (since fishing on Sundays was prohibited; Berde 1974). During this period, trading in fish to Misima was said to be more important. However, by the 1970s, people were fishing only on Saturdays as a result of local government council scheduling, and Berde estimated that the average household was eating fish less than twice a week during most of the year. By the 1970s, Panaeati were still using a range of fishing techniques, for example, large nets when tides were lowest (June-August), smaller nets, hooks, spears, and poison. It also appeared that older techniques were declining. There were only three large fishing nets left on the island, and only one young man was actively learning how to make such nets. Berde thought that group communal fishing was likely to disappear. Fishing throught this area and the Milne Bay Province in general has become a family/clan orientated activity for the pursuit of cash, especially as other sources of marine resources are more valuable. CBMMCA 3 Fishing methods commonly used are gleaning, hand lining, net fishing and spear fishing. Reef fish are caught by spearing and by hook and line fishing. Gleaning is most commonly done by women along the foreshore or reef flats. No stupefacients are used by Brooker people, unlike other parts of the District such as Misima, Panaeati and Sudest (see Kolkolo, 1998). Table 41: Types of Fishing Techniques used at Brooker (CBCMMA 3) (Source: Kinch, 1999) Fishing stylesDescriptionAimati/tumtum/punpunFish poison (not used on Brooker)ItawaSpearingLelinunulTrollingLepalepaChasing fish into shallows and hitting themLeva nunulTrolling from dugoutLoagiNettingPalupalu/ papakukulauHandline with sinkerPapakenu/alialihinHandlineTaiwan styleDroplining, a stone is wrapped in coconut fronds and the hook attached, it is then dropped over board, once it hits bottom you troll upwardsTawa tawa lauSpearing from canoe Table 42: Fishing Equipment used at Brooker (CBCMMA 3) (Source: Kinch, 1999) ObjectDescriptionGinabolaMany-pronged spearGuba Small hand held scoop net (not used on Brooker)Pena1 shaft spearPiluSpeargun home madeVineya/gubenaNetYawonFishing line Fish Consumption Average daily consumption is estimated at 55 grams per head per day or more in offshore islands in PNG (UNDP, 1989a, b). A fish consumption survey was conducted in 1986 at Misima and found average daily fish consumtion at four Misiman villages to be 13.5 grams (see Placer, Pty Ltd, 1986). Fish consumption is higher when visiting outer islands for harvesting expeditions. Edible portions of fish were estimated from a Fish Consumption survey conducted by Placer in 1986 with the input of the Misima District Nutritionist Mary Byfield. She found that the edible portion of fish to be 52% with a protein count per 100 g at 10.1 g (NSR, 1987). Non-Commercial Fisheries Turtles Marine turtles are utilised by all communities to differing degrees. Brooker people in CBMMCA 3 and the Deboyne Islands (CBMMCA 2) have greater access to turtle populations as the Bramble Haven Group and the Conflict Group are major nesting sites. People use turtles as a source of food, for feasts and trading, and to a limited extent for sale in local markets. The most heavily utilised species is the green turtle (Chelonia mydas), with lesser catches of the hawksbill (Eretmochelys imbricata). Table 43: Turtle Species Found in the Deboyne Islands (CBMMCA 2) and Brooker (CBMMCA 3) Waters (Source: Kinch, 1999) Misiman NameCommon NameAtatunHawksbill turtles (Eretmochelys imbricata) GabuteliaGreen turtles (Chelonia mydas)PonawanaLoggerhead (Caretta caretta)WenonuLeatherback (Dermochelys coriacea)  Earlier studies indicate that the numbers of green, hawksbill and leatherback turtles are decreasing in many areas of Papua New Guinea (see Pritchard, 1979; Spring, 1982a, b). There are no recent data for Milne Bay Province. In the 1995-1996 season, Brooker people thought that the numbers had dropped in comparison with recent years. The 1996-1997 season was thought to be a better year with an increase in numbers. In the 1997-1998 season numbers were thought to be relatively high though not as high as the previous year. In the 2000-2001 season Brooker people were complaining that turtles were late in coming to lay and numbers were subsequently down. This can be linked to the El Nino event of 1998 as there is a significant correlation between the index of the El Nino and numbers decline. Lanyon et al (1989) suggest that the El Nino regulates nesting numbers through nutritional pathways as the El Nino affects seagrass nutrients and subsequent nutritional status and life history of green turtles. The turtle season begins around the same time as Huwalu (the time of food scarcity) in October, and people schedule their subsistence activities around this. They will look for turtle to trade for vegetable foods from other islands. The season ends in May. Table 44: Monthly Catch Rates for Turtles at Brooker (CBMMCA 3): 1998-1999 Season (Source: Kinch, 1999) MonthTurtleEggsGreenHawksbillGreenHawksbillSeptember--1-October4252November2373221December42188147January43167343February1234114March15110239April313412May--2-Total14248371178plus 5 % (turtles) and 10 % (nests/eggs)723718Overall Totals14950408196 Eggs are constantly sought after for food. Most turtles are harvested from the neighbouring and barrier islands by waiting until after dusk and then turning them on their back. A large number of turtles are also taken when camped on the islands for diving or fishing expeditions. Sometimes turtles are chased down at sea in sailing canoes. Butchering is done by men and all of the turtle is eaten except for the lungs and other offal. There is a strong taste preference for the meat and fat of the mature female green turtles. The average turtle bottom carapace length was 81 cm x 70 cm (from 25 examples) for greens and 61.5 cm x 55 cm (from 8 examples) for hawksbills. An adult green egg-laying female would produce approximately 45 kgs of edible meat including flesh, stomach, unshelled eggs and other edibles like the liver. The most popular place for collecting turtles for Brooker Islanders is Jomard Island. 22% of all turtles captured in the 1998-1999 season came from this island. In 1976, Jomard was targeted as a Wildlife Management Area but was never gazetted even though consultation with Brooker people showed they were in favour of the idea of a marine reserve. This is an avenue for re-investigation by the MBP and a monitoring program should be put in place similar to that carried out by the author in his PhD research (see also Kinch, 2001). This could involve biological monitoring and turtle surveying and this would include elements such as: (i) long-term monitoring of the catch of turtles and fishing effort; (ii) information on population parameters of the stocks of turtles that would allow assessment of the impact; (iii) monitoring the size of turtle populations; (iv) assessment of the impact of egg harvest and hunting of adults on the turtle stocks; and (v) assessment of the nesting potential and the level of exploitation of eggs (cf Harris, 1997; Eckert et al, 1999; Fry et al, 2000). Table 45: Location at Which Turtles Were Harvested by Brooker Islanders (CBMMCA 3): 1998-1999 Season (Source: Kinch, 1999) Island NameTurtlesEggsGreenHawksbillGreenHawksbillAbaiwolan--7-Abowat112-Bunola3---Ehiki6-44Enivala1526210Eyaluguguwa---1Jomard4147034Kokoluba1111Lal7736Manua-23-Nabaina4-2021Nagobi3102439Nitabutabu--41Noina49811Nunola Mala-2-1Panaboboaina5-62Panabwaubwa61339Panadaludalu1443217Panalobwa3-43Pananimunimu2-1-Panapatpat1-41Panapwa3-171Panarora-1-1Panaseal3122Siva1735711Yotavi3-72Total14248371178plus 5 % (turtles) and 10 % (nests/eggs)723718Grand Total14950408196 Before Western contact and the introduction of a cash economy, it was customary to exchange turtles for garden produce. Turtle trading by Brooker communities to Misima expanded after World War II. Currently, an average of 50 turtles are traded each year. Now with modern telecommunications, people ring up Brooker and place orders for turtles for religious and community festivals. Turtles are sometimes also sold to villages on Misima and surrounding islands, with the going price being 50 kina for a green turtle and 30 kina for a hawksbill. People also sell turtlemeat at markets, though this is rare. Pressure on turtles is presumed to increase if there is a crash in beche-de-mer stocks. Table 46: Trading Places for Turtles by Brooker (CBMMCA 3): 1998-1999 Season (Source: Kinch, 1999) VillageTurtleGreenHawksbillAlhoga (Misima Is.)21Alhola (Misima Is.)1-Boiou (Misima Is.)3-Bwagabwaga (Misima Is.)102Bwagaioa (Misima Is.)34Bwagaman Is.11Ebora (Misima Is.)11Ehaus (Misima Is.)104Gaibobo (Misima Is.)4-Liak (Misima Is.)1-Motorina Is.41Panaeati Is.1-Siagara (Misima Is.)1-Total Traded to Misima Is.3612Overall Total4214Combined Totals56 Turtles An awareness campaign as part of the MBP would be an asset as there have been constant complaints of people wantonly killing turtles and leaving them to rot (by local people and alledgely a local fishing company). In 1996, the Environment Officer had noticed turtles being slaughtered at the Conflict Group (CBMMCA 2) and left to rot without the meat being consumed or taken to market to be sold (see Eastern Star, 1996). A letter was sent to all Wards detailing that landowners must start taking care of these islands with the view of conserving the habitat as well as the animals. In 2000, there was an incident where several turtles were killed and left to rot. The Milne Bay Government previously had been broadcasting turtle awareness programs over the local airwaves and these should be a continuing initiative. In the first meeting for the year of the Louisiade Local Government Council in 1998 the Balamatana Councillor stated that constant poaching by outsiders has resulted in stocks of certain species of fish and turtles diminishing. Another Councillor also gave evidence of poachers wasting turtle meat. Twenty years ago, MacIntyre (1983) wrote of Tubetube that the turtle population had declined significantly because of poachers activities. As a result of a long history of exploitation, the trend toward a global market economy, and the lack of long-range conservation strategies, many turtle populations within Milne Bay and elsewhere now appear to be undergoing a decline in numbers. Local residents within the CBMMCAs should be involved in maintaining turtle habitats. The Wildlife Management Areas or CBMMCSs, if implemented properly, are examples of local stewardship that could be used for the protection of these endangered species. It is also evident that education needs to play a very important role in the conservation of marine turtles in coastal areas. More accurate estimates of turtle population sizes and their seasonal distribution are also needed for the entire region. Programs will be put in place as commercial fisheries for turtles, sharks etc. develop. Dugong Dugong is not an important food source for communities in the CBMMCAs in Zone 1 as most areas do not have suitable feeding grounds for these animals. Islands in Zones 2 and 3 have higher populations of dugong and subsequently higher levels of hunting. Shellfish Shell species that are commonly consumed by households include the commercially harvested species of clam, blacklip and trochus, species used for subsistence only include Lambis spp., Strombus luhunus, mangrove oyster, Trochus maculatus and Turbo spp. Women and girls are the predominant collectors with men occasionally helping. Strombus luhunus is harvested by gleaning sandy reef flats and is often used as a trade item. Trading in Zone 1 Subsistence trading in the Zones promotes regional economic specialisations based upon ecological constraints and impels the production of surpluses of garden produce, pigs, pots and other household and ceremonial items. Lepowsky (1995), who worked mainly on Sudest, described inter-island canoe voyaging as central to the economy, ritual life and cosmology on most of the islands of Zones 1 and 2 even after six generations of involvement with the wider world following colonialisation. She describes the sailing canoe and long distance maritime voyaging as key symbols of regional pride and identity. Trade systems within Zone 1 usually fall into two categories: (i) subsistence trade, and (ii) prestige trade (Harding, 1970). The exchange of foodstuffs is frequently intermingled with the exchange of ceremonial valuables, rendering ceremonial exchange all the more distinctly practical in solidifying ties that may literally save the lives of people living on ecologically marginal islands (Lepowsky, 1993). Pacification has allowed more exchange voyages to be made within the Zones. This greater movement facilitated the flow of a far greater volume of ceremonial valuables, food and useful household articles throughout the southern Massim region. The manufacture of bagi shells became common especially on some of the smaller East Calvados islands (Zone 2) which were not always able to produce enough food to support their own populations. Grass and Brooker (CBMMCA 3) islanders increased their dependence on trade and exchange, becoming almost full-time trade specialists. Such exchange voyages also facilitated the flow of ideas and the diffusion of custom. Individuals repeatedly trace myths, magical spells, dancing and singing styles and feasting customs to visitors on exchange expeditions. The movement of people through trading and mortuary feasting enlarges each individuals social world, and many marriages trace their origins to such voyages and feasts. Ceremonial trading still holds a wide importance for people within Zone 1. The communities of Ware (CBMMCA 3) and the Engineers (CBMMCA 2) are still actively involved in the kula trade. Bagi and stone axes are still valued in mortuary feasts and as payments for canoes and presentations to in-laws. Trading networks will be used to disseminate information about the MBP in the CBMMCAs and produce replication of activities in other areas. CBMMCA 1 Results from the Nuakata Fisheries Survey in 1999-2000 found that within the previous six months, 65% (43 households out of 76) said they had gone trading. East Cape is the most popular place for trading accounting for 45% of all visits, with the villages of Barabara, Kurada, Gudimuri, Yeluyelua, Gui, Sewa Bay and Bunama on South Normanby being other regular visiting places. The average length of stay at these places ranged from two days (26%) to a week or longer (16%). Forty percent stayed for a period of three days. The most commonly exported goods were fish, clam, and betelnut. In return people obtained garden foods like yams and taro and money (Kelokelo and Kinch, 2000). East Cape people export clay pots to Normanby, Nuakata and Dobu Islands in exchange for food (yams, taro) and betelnut, and in recent times have exported Polynesian chestnuts to Ware. CBMMCA 2 Pre-1880, Tubetube in the Engineers seems to have occupied the dominant position in inter-island trade in the Southern Massim area, but by 1890 it had been supplanted in this role by Ware (CBMMCA 3) (MacIntyre 1983a). While trading and exchanges were mutually exclusive activities, disputes over trading led to violent confrontations. Alliances were often broken and evidence from oral tradition and contemporary observers at the time of initial European contact reveal that the paths of trade were often disrupted by war. Seligman commented on Tubetube's belligerent reputation at the time: We did not visit Wari (Teste Island) but it did not seem to us that any other south- Eastern natives we met had just the qualities of the Tube-Tube folk, who sailed the troubled commercial waters and rough seas with something of the insouciance of the English merchant venturer of Elizabeths days; laden for trade, but armed for combat, their spears were quite as sharp as their wit, and they themselves equally ready to use either as circumstances might require. (Seligman & Strong 1906:240) The importance of trade declined for the majority of the Engineer Islands (Tubetube, Naluwaluwali, Kitai, Kwalaia, Anagusa and Tewatewa) as the significance of gardening and copra cultivation increased during the colonial period. Nowadays, Engineer people trade with Ware for pots, yams and pigs, and with Basilaki Islanders for sago and thatch. Canoes are the main trade item for people in the Deboyne Islands. Ceremonial valuables also trickle in from Sudest and Rossel via Brooker (CBMMCA 3) and then enter into the kula trade. The Engineers and Ware are feeders for this trade obtaining the valuables in exchange for pigs, etc. CBMMCA 3 The two island communities of Ware and Brooker, although a considerable distance apart, share several major characteristics. Most significantly, both fall towards the trading end of the continuum between self-sufficient agricultural producers and trading communities. While they differ in specific agricultural regimes, in the relative importance of migration and remittances, and in their location vis-a-vis markets and services (Alotau and Misima), the specialised maritime trading focus of both these communities sets them apart from most of the other CBMMCAs. On Brooker and Ware, people need to sustain an active pottery industry to order to trade with other islands with larger resource bases. Clay pots in 1999 were selling at Brooker between K 1.50 for devalega (a flat clay pan used for baking sago pancakes) to K20 for a large ulun moni (a clay pot used to cook sago or yams at mortuary feasts). Before pacification bagi shell was not an important trade item, and enemy skulls were treated as valuable trophies to be used in exchange (Whiting, 1975). Shell necklaces or bagi replaced skulls once the fighting stopped. After pacification, trade relations allowed for the movement of bagi up the Calvados Chain to Ware where they formally entered the kula ring. The islands of the Louisiade Archipelago do not trade bagi among themselves according to the rules of the kula. The average price for bagi (two strings about a metre long) used in mortuary presentation is between 150 and 600 kina. Smaller bagi used as necklaces will sell from around 20 to 70 kina. Axe blades are also a ceremonial trade item along with pigs and canoes. These will sell for between 10 to 100 kina. Canoes will be elaborated upon below. Two large sago swamps are located on Misima. These have important subsistence and trading uses particularly for the people of Brooker especially during Huwalu, the seasonal time between December and May when the supply of vegetable foods is low. The spathes and leaves are important building materials for walls and thatching. Sago is an essential element in all-major feasts where moni, a porridge of sago and coconut cream is prepared by men. Presentations of moni to members of the clan of a deceased father form part of the ceremonies after death that honour paternal ties and maintain strong social links between a man and his paternal relatives. In the last year or two, sago trade has suffered from inflation partly due to inadequate yields on Misima (due to the close proximity), and on Sudest (where production was disrupted by Cyclone Justin in 1997). In 1971 Berde (1974) records that Brooker people trading at Grass Island would receive five bundles of sago for one clay pot (see also Lepowsky, 1983: 469). In the period before Cyclone Justin people were getting one bundle for one clay pot. In 1999, some people said they were paying five clay pots for one bundle of sago. The average price for a bundle of sago is 10 kina. Previously trade items were exchanged for other valued items. Today the increasing desire for cash has turned these trade exchanges into more formal purchasing exchanges. Canoes Inter-island subsistence trade is still important, now using a combination of workboats, fibreglass speedboats and sailing canoes. The latter are more important in the east in the Engineers (CBMMCA 2). The construction of planked, deep-water, sailing canoes (sailau) is an important specialist activity on Panaeati. The island has an important resource in the hardwood timber (Calophyllum inophyllum known as malauwi) (see Damon 1998) which is used for canoe construction (Berde, 1974). During the 20th century, the islanders established a virtual monopoly for building sailau in the Zones 1 and 2. The canoes are built under contract (often in exchange for a range of both cash and other valuables) for purchasers in the Calvados Chain and Sudest. There is now a noticeable decline in this valuable tree and people have to go to more inaccessible parts of the island to get suitable trees. In 1994, it was estimated that over 40 canoes were currently under construction on Panaeati (Hide at al, 1994), similar to the number reported by Berde (1974) for 1971. In 2000 only 9 canoes were reported by the WDCs to be under construction. This decrease could be attributed to the increased desire for dinghies. In 1999, 50 sailing canoes were in use on Brooker with many households owning or having access to one or more canoes. In comparison, in 1971 there were just 11 sailing canoes on Brooker (Berde, 1974). This increase can be attributed to the need to own ones mean of transport to go out to look for marine resources, the increased necessity for trade for subsistence and increase in the population. Table 47: Deboyne Islands (CBMMCA 2) and Brooker (CBMMCA 3) Water Craft: 2000 (Source: Field Notes) PlaceSailaus (sailing canoes)Sailau under ConstructionDinghies Dinghies with no MotorWorkboatsWest Panaeati92---East Panaeati1753--Panapompom7214-Tubetube1N/A4N/A2Skelton2N/A3N/A2Kwaraiwa8N/A7N/A2Tewatewa-N/A4N/A-Anagusa3N/A-N/A1Ware13N/A6N/A7Brooker48-31- A canoe is the most valuable convertible store of wealth. They are obtained through a number of methods. They are given as bridewealth, built under contract or purchased directly. Canoes are traded extensively throughout the archipelago. In 1999, seven canoes were traded out of Brooker to islands in the eastern Louisiades. Prices differ for the purchase of canoes depending on the relationships between sellers and purchasers and the size of the canoe. Dinghies are beginning to circumvent the place of sailing canoes. Everyone wants one. For, example on Brooker they had one dinghy in 1999 to 12 in early 2001. People desire them so they can look wider and collect more beche-de-mer faster. The increase in dinghy use also represents an increase in household income due to the value of beche-de-mer. However, sailaus will still remain an important item. Summary and Conclusion There seems little doubt that land pressure and shortage as well as lack of food availability, are both current and future problems in ZONE 1. There is a greater awareness and tension over land availability and land previously uncultivated, now being brought into cultivation. There is also a steady reduction of forested areas particularly at Panaeati in CBMMCA 2. This is affecting their place as the centre for canoe production. This may also be linked to the increased value of marine resources, which has precipitated an efflorescence of dinghies now being sought for the quest of more marine resources. Food security is an issue facing all CBMMCAs, and a greater reliance on store goods to make up shortfalls is now evident. The introduction of crops like sweet potato and cassava, and the increased freedom for inter-island trade has partly alleviated this problem, but all areas experience a regular cycle of drought approximately every 10 years. Also the introduction of African snail is decreasing garden yields. This failure of crops adds pressure on marine resources. People need to dive for marine resources to trade with more agriculturally well-endowed islands or for sale to commercial enterprises in order to acquire cash to purchase tradestore staples such as rice and flour. Harvesting and management of marine resources to cover agricultural deficiencies provides both threats and opportunities for the success of the MBP. This is also affecting turtle populations. Trade systems within Zone 1 usually fall into two categories of subsistence and ceremonial trade. The exchange of foodstuffs is frequently intermingled with the exchange of ceremonial valuables, rendering ceremonial exchange all the more distinctly practical in solidifying ties that may literally save the lives of people living on ecologically marginal islands (Lepowsky, 1993). Increasingly though, ceremonial trade is being monetised where previously things that were exchanged now have a cash value attached. Whereas in earlier days, subsistence fishing techniques required the mobilisation of groupings larger than households, fishing has become mainly a household activity. Communal fishing activities still occur but are mainly geared to Church activities or gatherings. The norm is now for fishing and marine harvesting to be centred on the clan or family as the cash returns is retained. Chapter 8 The Cash Economy Income Sources Cash flow at the village level is reliant on the villager earning money and then spending it at home. Sources of income include the sale of marine resources and copra, and the traditional economy of canoes, pots, pigs and ceremonial objects described previously. Local demand for cash is generally highest in the January to May period. This is traditionally the time of least food availability, often worsened by frequent droughts and cyclones, which affect the area during this season. Also school fees and other debts, particularly credit at tradestores, contribute to an increase in the sale of marine produce. Village economic sustainability is the degree to which a village community is able to sustainabily meet their basic income needs. It is a factor that contributes toward an overall measurement of quality of human life for a particular village and influences the rate (sustainable or unsustainable) at which natural resources are harvested to meet basic income needs. Theoretically, a village acheives economic sustainability when harvest levels allow for a family's basic income needs (money for food, school fees, medicine, clothing and transport) to be met without degrading the natural environment and resource base for future generations. According to Bulmer (1982:76), the most 'basic lesson' for conservation in PNG under circumstances of incresing monetisation is . . . the importance of the short-term yield - any conservation program should still provide good short-term yields. There is no way to escape the monetisation of the rural economy. Conservation has to be made to pay and be seen to be paying, to persuade humans to act in a way which does not come naturally to them - as conservationists. If conservation is not seen to pay, there is little chance that conservation interest will be sustained in the face of other possible resource uses (see Mitchell et al, 2001). More important in its consequences is the changing valuation of the environment that results from the increasing monetisation of the rural economy. Traditionally, the value that people attached to their environment was dependent mainly on the extent to which nature provided direct resources and services to local communities. With the increasing monetisation of the rural economy, and the growing consumer aspirations of the population at large, the nature of environmental values is changing. Over the past years, there has been a gradual shift in consumer orientation from what the bush and gardens can provide to what is for sale in the shops and tradestores. Money has come to be seen as the key to a better life, new opportunities, a means to meet one's obligations, and a source of social status. The result of this focus on the purchase of manufactured goods and services, rather than the exploitation of nature for direct use, is that the environment has lost many of its traditional functions and much of its traditional value. Instead, the environment now becomes valued insofar as it can provide financial rewards and better services to people; improvement of material well-being, through income-generating activities. Territorial and cultural considerations are likely to be swept aside in the tide of monetisation. Months of increased cash dependency are the seasonal time of no food that begins a couple of months after the yam harvest and coincides with the change of winds from the southeast to the northwest. This usually starts in September and and can last until April. Feasting usually begins right after the harvest and there is a need for cash in January and February for school fees, and at Christmas time in December. Donations to the church also place a heavy burden on the people because District Churches within Zone 1 are reliant on parishioners for support. Each year communities compete against each other to raise money. For example, in 1999 Brooker (CBMMCA 3) raised K 2,785.75, the target being K 2,027. In 2000, K21,000 was raised for the Semi Valata circuit encompassing the Deboyne Islands (CBMMCA 2) and Brooker. The introduction of the cash economy has created conflict and social tension over the distribution of production. Production in the CBMMCAs is primarily focused on the production of use-values, products that are for the producer's consumption in order to satisfy personal needs. This has created tension between the cooperative aspects of village life and the individualism associated with the cash economy. CBMMCA 1 This CBMMCA is distinguished by the mainland community of East Cape that is more agriculturally orientated than its neighbouring communities of Nuakata and Iabam/Pahilele, who are more marine-based communities. Presumably, there is more reliance on agricultural production for income at East Cape, and more on marine production from the two island communities, but data are not yet available. In the early 1970s, villagers at East Cape were not self-sufficient in food production or betelnut (May and Tuckson 1982). In 1994, betelnut was the most important cash source throughout this CBMMCA, with sales having increased since the 1970s, replacing copra as the dominant cash crop. Betelnut and other fresh foodstuffs are sold in markets at Alotau and East Cape. For the East Cape area, there is reasonable road access to Alotau markets (see Jackson, Lea et al, 1973; DAL, 1992). Livelihoods of the three communities associated with Nuakata Island are based primarily on agriculture, with varying use of marine resources. A survey was carried out by the Provincial Fisheries Authority with assistance from CI in December 1999 and July 2000 (Kelokelo, 2000, Kelokelo and Kinch, 2000). Of the 100 households on Nuakata, 76 were surveyed. Of these, 21% said they went to Alotau frequently to sell at the market. The most commonly sold items were reef fish (58%), betelnut (38%), with beche-de-mer and trochus at 12% each. Households that went to market often sold more than one commodity. Table 48: Produce Sold at Alotau by Nuakata in 1999-2000 (CBMMCA 1) (Source: Kelokelo and Kinch, 2000) Produce SoldNumber of HouseholdsPercentage of HouseholdsReeffish4158Clam67Beche-de-mer912Trochus912Betelnut2738Garden food23Shellfish (unspecified)11Copra1419Do not sell46 Fifty-eight percent of households said they did not receive any remittances. CBMMCA 2 As described by Macintyre (1983a), the economy of the Engineers has long been based on four strategies. These are subsistence, cash earning, pottery, and transport. The relative significance of each of these has varied according to local circumstances such as drought or market prices. In the Engineer Group until the early 1980s, copra was the major source of cash, providing incomes of K150-200 annually per household (Macintyre 1983a; Milne Bay Rural Development Study, 1981). In 1994, households were said to be still producing 5-10 bags each annually, though drought during the previous two years had reduced production (Hide et al, 1994). Given the current trend it is likely that copra production will contract even further. In the Deboyne Islands, there are old coconut plantations on both Panapompom and the small island of Nivani. Besides the two main occupied islands of Panaeati and Panapompom, Panaeati people also have access to the Torlesse Islands to the southwest and to the Conflict Group. By 1994, copra was only a minor income source for Panaeati with the plantation at Nivani being abandoned. Clay pots are produced for sale and barter on several islands. Tubetube islanders make them for trading mainly with Normanby, though pot making is primarily for their own use (Macintyre, 1982; 1983a). Kwaraiwa people traded with Basilaki (Jenkins, 1986). Panaeati people trade pots and smoked shellfish for sago from Misima and Sudest (Tindale and Bartlet, 1937; Berde, 1974). Although there was little pot making on Panaeati during 1970-71 (Berde, 1974), May and Tuckson found busy potters on the island in 1976 (May and Tuckson, 1982), and pots are still produced today. People on all islands sell marine resources. This has expanded greatly in recent years. In the early 1980s marine resource exploitation at Tubetube was described by Macintyre (1983a) as minimal with only one man diving for beche-de-mer, and occasional diving expeditions for trochus. The greatest income for any one household at this time was around K40. The author with the collaboration of the Deboyne Islands Development Association (DIDA) has designed a household income and expenditure survey (CBMMCA 2) but results have not yet been returned to the author. This survey will hopefully yield good quality data on current cash flows in and out of the Panaeati and Panapompom communities. CBMMCA 3 There have been significant changes in the economy of Ware over the last 50 years. Trade and transport (with a fleet of sailing cutters) were important. Boat building has been a traditional craft in Ware since the 1920s but is now in decline. Ten years ago there were six boats (up to 10 metres long) in various stages of construction (Benjamin and Hayes, 1993), and about 10 boats are currently in operation. Copra was the major income source in 1950 (Belshaw, 1955). Copra driers were built at Ware and Kwaraiwa as Council programs in the 1960s. Ware plantations were at Nali, Dumoulin, Panaman, Nabaina, Nagobi and at Motorina. Some land at Ware was planted with coconut divided into small clan plots of between 200-400 palms. The north side of Ware island has a large area suitable for coconuts but the entire central axis is composed of a high rock core exposed at the eastern end but with an increasing depth of soil to the west. In the early 1990s Ware Islanders derived about 30% of their cash income from marine resources, with a noticable decline in beche-de-mer and trochus. Hayes (1994) estimated mean household income in 1991 at K660, with marine products and remittances accounting for two-thirds. Clay pots (Peterson, 1971) were sold for money in Alotau and exchanged for food on the Suau Coast, as well as on Normanby, Goodenough and Misima Islands. It is likely that Ware clay pots are the most widely traded of all in Milne Bay Province, and that trade expanded between the 1930s and 1970s (May and Tuckson, 1982). Hayes (1994) estimated that the sale of pots provided K50 per Ware household annually in 1991. Copra is no longer produced on Brooker; they prefer to focus on harvesting marine resources. Clay pots are produced by Brooker islanders for trading with Misima, other Calvados islands and Sudest (White and Hamilton 1973; Kinch, 1999). There appear to have been short-term fluctuations in pottery making at Brooker in the past. For example, in 1970-71 Berde (1974) reported that almost every Brooker woman (and girl) was making pottery; by 1976 however, May and Tuckson (1982) found little pot making on Brooker. In the 1990s Brooker pottery making appeared once again to be vigorous (Hide et al, 1996; Kinch 1999.). The last few years have seen a major increase in the importance of marine resources for generating cash income. On Brooker in 1998-1999, marine products (mostly beche-de-mer and trochus) provided the largest income at a level of K890/household/year (Kinch, 1999; see Appendix 6). Remittances are low or non-existent with only 5% of the total Brooker population living away. The most commonly used areas for diving for Brooker people are the Bramble Haven group including Enivala and other islands, and the islands of Nabaina and Nagobi in the Long Reef. These provided 70% of beche-de-mer take. Beche-de-mer and trochus are the main resources harvested for cash. Beche-de-mer alone accounted for just under 50% of Brooker earning between July 1998 and June 1999. Trochus accounted for 19%, followed by crayfish at 13%, fish sales at 10% and finally clam around 7%. The high earning valuable marine resources such as lobster and clam muscle are dependent on the presence of Nako boats. Cash Crop Agriculture Copra Around 1910 several large companies, individuals and missions developed copra plantations in Milne Bay. In the 1920s there was a mixture of village plantings and expatriate developments on alienated land that saw many plantations established in the Deboyne, Conflicts and Torlesse Island groups (CBMMCA 2). In 1934, a coconut processing company was established, obtaining supplies of coconuts from small plantations and villages. The beginning of World War II disrupted further development of the plantations. The 1960s and 70s saw increased production in association with the co-operative movement particularly throughout CBMMCA 3. As many plantations went over their productive years, local ones took over only to experience a collapse in shipping. Copra was previously the main income for most island communities. This has changed with fluctuating and depressed prices and senescence of plantations. The income from copra production in 1999 was K3.8 million to the coastal smallholder growers. Within Zone 1, the Bwanabwana LLG produced 613.26 tonnes valued at K446,691; the Louisiade LLG produced 255.56 tonnes valued at K178,505; the Maramatana LLG produced K531.48 tonnes valued at K378,247 (Jackson, 2000). In 2000 the price offered for copra dropped to K240/tonne that saw most areas cease production by mid-year as it was economically unviable. Table 49: Milne Bay Copra Production by Tonnage: 1970-2000 (Source: MBRDS, 1981; DAL, 1988; Copra Marketing Board) YearPlantationSmallholderTotalYearPlantationSmallholderTotal19702400 4349 67491986-5067 506719712400 4687 70871987-5532 553219722200 4764 69641988-4618 461819732000 4543 65431989-3673 367319741565 5378 69431990-1127 112719751500 5313 68131991-2811 281119761450 3490 49401992-3845 384519771560 3883 54431993-3862 386219781050 5236 62861994-3123 312319791100 6412 75121995-4849 484919801000 6054 70541996-5112 51121981-4547 45471997-5885 58851982-3313 33131998-6092 60921983-4597 45971999-5357 53571984-4348 43482000-615561551985-5643 5643Overall Total18225143665161890 Copra Marketing Board The Copra Marketing Board withdrew its sub-depot facilities in Bwagaioa shortly after MML started operations when copra production fell as a result of many producers opting to take work with the mine. This means that any copra produced must be shipped directly to Alotau for sale. The sub-depot at Samarai facilitates purchases from Ware (CBMMCA 3) and the Engineers (CBMMCA 2). All CBMMCAs can ship direct to Alotau if they choose. Several smaller depots usually attached to canteens in the Engineers will also purchase copra from small holders. It is estimated that at present a producer in the Deboyne Islands (CBMMCA 2) would get a return after transport costs of less than K500 per hectare of copra, probably a whole lot less actually with the falling prices of this commodity. High transport costs discourage production. Other Cash Crops No other crops have been as important as copra. Very small amounts of cocoa and coffee have been produced in the past. Chillies were once trialed as a cash crop on the outlying islands as it is a low-volume crop. It was thought to be particularly suited for growing conditions of the islands and extension work was carried out from 1969 to the late-1970s. Chillie prices dropped at this time and they were abandoned as an income source. One thing that may have contributed to the decline in both copra and chillie production was the beginning of the Milne Bay Fishing Authority, which later saw the building of a freezer purchase station on Brooker (CBMMCA 3) and other areas of Milne Bay. Chillie was again pushed between 1987 to 1990 under the Small Islands Development Program. The Small Islands Program which started in 1983 was part of a wider program aimed to diversify cash cropping and improve subsistence and nutrition in three small island populations in the Marshall Bennett, East Calvados Chain (Zone 2) and the Amphlett Islands (Zone 3) (Department of Primary Industries, 1983). Potential Cash Crops A number of other export cash crops have potential. Nutmeg trees already grow at Misima (arriving from the Moluccas about 30 years ago) and are well suited to the climate. At Misima, they are known to fruit earlier at three years than the normally recorded seven years, with an expected yield of 25 kg of nutmeg and mace per tree. This has been marketed before from Milne Bay in small quantities through the 1970s and 80s. Nutmeg needs no silviculture attention and the processing is uncomplicated, just requiring sun drying for 7-10 days. The potential cash income may be around K250 per tree for the nutmeg alone (Jackson, 2000). Marketing options are currently being investigated by MML and SMART. Another potential crop is vanilla, which is also found in the area at Misima. This crop has been marketed in the past. It is currently sells for around K 80/kg. One drawback for communities in the CBMMCAs is that it is labour-intensive requiring hand pollination and processing. This crop will require further investigation for appropriateness and viability. Other cash crops that may be possible to implement within the CBMMCAs are sandalwood, which has a growing demand in Southeast Asia; ylang-ylang, a basic perfume essence; balsa wood, which has been grown in the past at Misima; cloves, cinnamon, and other aromatic barks that grow locally. The spice/fragrance industry could support small farmers within the CBMMCAs who have limited amounts of land. Cocoa does not preform well on the smaller outer islands where edaphic and climatic conditions occur. Also spices have a high price for low volume, thus overcoming crippling freight costs (see Mitchell et al, 2001 for further discussion). The potential for selling such crops is a much more difficult matter, for the simple reason that most communities within Zone 1 are remote and transport costs are high. Recommendation: 15. Support research on rehabilitating existing cash crops and developing alternative cash crops such as low volume/high weights spices. Tradestores and Cooperatives In the latter part of the last century and the early part of this century, beche-de-mer traders and others were tempting villagers into the market economy by offering European goods and operating trade depots. It was not until after the Second World War that tradestores opened throughout the Zones. These were started in 1949 from the small beginnings of a consumer-producer society, and they were originally set up by the Copra Cooperatives, which became operational through the period 1956 to 1961, and tradestores were placed on most islands. The co-operative movement has given the native people a keen interest in the production of primary production of copra and trochus (Territory of Papua and New Guinea, 1956: 2). In 1968 the Co-operative Wholesale Organisation (CWO) was set up, with a branch at Samarai that replaced the old Milne Bay Association. 1971 saw the dramatic collapse of CWO, which slowly recovered again though it was still plagued by lack of member interest and dishonest and irregular practices (Central Planning Office, 1973). A period of disillusionment and disinterest set in. Throughout MB it was apparent that the villagers had different needs and attitudes toward development. In parts of the Louisiade Islands for example, the villagers have no real desire at all to become part of the cash economy and resist any efforts for development (Central Planning Office, 1973). The co-operative societies never became the major force they were intended to be in Milne Bays smallholder marketing. Reasons for the decline of this initiative include the capital poured into the expansion of tradestores, the method of payment to smallholders and the usual claims of mismanagement and corruption. In 1974, legislation was passed that encouraged customary groups to engage in business. The scheme was initially popular and hundreds of business groups were formed. Ten years later, most were gone, however, primarily due to internal disputes and dissension. The most successful businesses that remained were those based on the family group, rather than the extended clan (Hailey, 1987). In 1972/73 the Misima District had 12 societies with 2,716 members (Central Planning Office, 1973). Bartlett (1975) records only one tradestore in operation at Brooker (CBMMCA 3) in the mid-1970s, with a total of five stores operating in the West Calvados and Panaeati areas. He writes in his field report that they were typical of village stores in that they were generally poorly stocked and badly managed. In April 1981, a Patrol was sent out by the Louisiade Local Government Council, which recorded a total of 17 tradestores in the Deboyne Islands and Brooker (Lagasae, 1981). Table 50: CBMMCA Tradestores: 2000 CBMMCAPlaceTradestoresCBMMCA 1NuakataN/AIabam/PahileleN/AEast CapeN/ACBMMCA 2Tewatewa-Kwaraiwa8Skelton3Tubetube2Panaeati14Panapompom2CBMMCA 3Ware7Anagusa1Brooker5 Tradestores today need to buy marine resources off villagers to accumulate the capital to purchase goods to sell back to the people. Tradestore purchases of marine resources from Brooker (CBMMCA 3) in kilograms between the period January 1999-September 1999 amounted to 2,528.8 kgs of beche-de-mer; 1,184.7 kgs trochus; 76.3 kgs of blacklip and 22 kgs of sharkfin (Kinch, 1999). People sell their produce for immediate needs such a rice, flour, sugar, tea, and tobacco. Rice and flour are major staples for communities within Zone1 especially in the time of Huwalu and when conducting fishing or diving expeditions. They are also becoming important presentation items. Rice is valued as it comes in easily handled packages and when prepared can satisfy many people. Tradestores are supported by relatives living in urban centres or by the support network of clan, family and friends who favour its patronage (see Brooks, 1996). Members of the same clan will identify with the tradestore and get preferential access to credit. Table 51: Stores from the Deboyne Islands (CBMMCA 2) and Their StockValue: January to September 2000 (Source: Field Notes) PlaceTradestoresMoney in kinaWest Panaeati7 Tradestores and 1 Fuel Outlet55364.98East Panaeati7 Tradestores163903.95Panapompom2 Tradestores35656.22Overall Total for Panaeati and Panapompom254925.15Overall Total with Markup on GoodsEstimated at 9%: 274250.15Expenditure Per Household (338 Households)811.39Expenditure Per Person (1711 Persons)160.28 In the last three years there have been significant increases in the prices of most major commodities in demand. This is linked to the recent devaluation of the kina over the past year which means that the price of exported goods has increased since the 1996 Real Domestic Factor Index was measured. This has further reduced community access to exported foodstuffs and other necessities. The inflation rate has risen to 20% in the year 2000 mostly reflecting the decrease in the exchange rate and the associated added costs to imported goods. The below table shows that over the 20-month period from January 1998 to September 2000 prices for vegetable oil, tinned mackerel, tinned meat, rice, and sugar rose 81%, 50%, 48%, 52%, 100%, and 55% respectively. These prices are of course much higher than the average represented in the PNG CPI. Higher prices reflected not only the increased cost of the goods in kina, but the increased costs of the transportation required to deliver the goods to the trade stores. Thus outer island communities who are more dependent on trade goods must raise their level of commerical fishing effort to pay for price increases in trade store items that reflect the effects of currency devaluation and inflation. Table 52: Tradestore Price List (CBMMCAs 2 and 3): January 1998 to October 2000 (Source: Kinch, 1999; Field Notes) ArticleUnit of MeasurePrice28/01/98 Brooker Is Tradestore20/07/99 Brooker Is Tradestore21/08/99 Bwagaioa Supermarket18/10/00 Panaeati Is TradestoreWashing Powder200gr1.301.502.102.00D Cell Battery (1)0.801.401.502.00Vegetable Oil500ml1.602.952.902.90Tinfish Mackerel 425gr2.402.953.003.60Tinned Meat340 grs2.703.904.104.00Rice1000 grs1.101.851.952.20Sugar1000 grs2.002.503.003.10Instant Noodles85 grs0.700.850.700.80Twisties25 grs0.400.500.400.60 Business Groups within Zone 1 Misima Associations The major business group with links to the Deboyne Islands (CBMMCA 2) and to a lesser extent to Brooker (CBMMCA 3) was the Misima Towoho Siun Association (MTSA), the original signatory to the MML 1990 Memoranda of Agreement (MOA). The MTSA was later found not to be a registered association and was replaced by the Misima Resource Owners Associations (MROA). After complaints, an investigation by the Auditor's General Office recommended that the Fraud Squad be called in to investigate MROA's financial dealings, and later, the courts ordered its winding up. Interim Advisory Committees and Trusts currently have responsibility for managing funds, and were established as part of the mining compensatory payments currently worth about K15 million. The great majority of peoples support in the Misiman communities is now Emel Ltd. and its associated Kalopu Trust (Misima Mines Limited, 2000). The Kalopu Trust is being established to manage some K5.5 million on behalf of the landowners (Jackson, 2000). Resolution of who is to take responsibility for these funds and importantly how they are to be managed is vital. The Deboyne Islands Development Association A new association, called the Deboyne Islands Development Association (DIDA), was recently started by interested community members at Panaeati and Panapompom (CBMMCA 2). The DIDA has also entered into negotiation with Calvados Chain (CBMMCA 3), Sudest and Rossel (Zone 2) communities with the goal of a collective organisation. The DIDA has been two years in formulation. Three consultation meetings with the community were held ending with a last one to establish the Association. An Executive Committee was elected and a Constitution has now been drawn up. The DIDA has applied lessons learned from MML-affected landowner associations mentioned above and their divisive nature. The DIDA's stated Program Goal is to address concerns for proper management of the various renewable resources of the islands (Losane, 2000). Their motives are similar to the recently Woodlark Island Fishermen's Association to protect the over-exploitation of the island's high valued and priced sea resource - beche-de-mer (see Jaymes, 200b). Subsequent objectives of the DIDA are to encourage community participation in the up-keep and maintenance of community assets, to restore deteriorating status of essential infrastructural services and to encourage income generation activities to enable inputs and essential social services. This will be done by the expansion of their economic base by rehabilitating existing activities and diversifying industry. Strategies to accomplish the above objectives include the rationalisation and organisation of human and natural resources in conjunction with the objectives and priorities of the plan, formulation of natural resource management plans, maintenance of existing economic sector industries and facilities and negotiations for funding by sources from NGOs. They plan: (i) to carry out a resource survey of the area and to compile a long-term Sustainable Development Plan for the islands; (ii) to prevent corruptive practices, injustices and exploitation of the local people and to encourage respect, understanding and social and economic harmony amongst the peoples of the islands; (iii) to negotiate with relevant outside organisations, appropriate means of development assistance for the people of the area; (iv) to promote cultural activities of the islands, and to encourage participation of appropriate marketing outlets; (v) to co-ordinate outlet for the many marketable commodities of the islands; (vi) to promote good social interaction among the many organisations of the area and those of others; (vii) to promote by educational means, those discussions that are relevant for elements of further developments of the area; (viii) to encourage development participation by all people of the area, and to restrict by available means intrusion by foreigners or outside parties; (ix) to see that in terms of foreign investments, highest percentage of ownership remains with the local people; and (x) to encourage use of local expertise in the areas where consultants are required and at reasonable costs affordable by the people. Problems of Business Development Milne Bay culture has not traditionally supported entrepreneurs. Society within the CBMMCAs is based around distributing wealth in an endless cycle of feasting and obligation, and so the accumulation of wealth is alien to the communities in Zone 1. Gifts or loans bestow prestige upon the giver or lender and create obligations for the recipient or borrower, who is obliged to reciprocate on an appropriate occasion in the future. This system supports community harmony because it favours distribution amongst the community/clans rather than accumulation for oneself or ones family. The likely effect this has on someone in business is that relatives are given rather than sold goods and services and that any profits made are shared with relatives rather than accumulated for the sake of the business. These beliefs and practices are at odds with the concepts of Western style business and have contributed to poor success rates for both individual and cooperative businesses (see Byford, 2000; Brooks, 1996). Introduction of the cash economy has created conflict and social tension over the means, modes and distribution of production. There may be a need for the MBP to increase business management capacity as part of the long-term goal of sustainability. There is a general low level of business education and awareness, unavailability of marketing information and outlets, business advice and assistance. Small business training, such as bookkeeping and pricing could be done in the appropriate local languages. People need sound buisness acumen as they increasingly particpate in the market economy, and particulary if they are to particpate in eco-tourism or alternative fishing enterprises. Responsible business makes for responsible consumers and responsible resource users. Recommendation: 16. Produce awareness materials on sound business practices for communities to encourage improved management. Tourism Tourism is not a major player in the economy of MBP compared to that of the fishing and logging industries, despite the fact that the government of PNG designated the province a 'Priority Tourism Zone' in 1996. The main tourism activity currently impacting or providing a minimal income for communities is in CBMMCA 1. Likely social impacts related to increased tourism are increases in crime, prostitution and other unsavoury activities. Culturally, it may lead to a revival of traditional activites, but most evidence suggests that traditional activities actually get diluted to fit the tourist experience. The service industry will create employment but tourism requires excellent marketing and detailed attention to the organisation of the tourist experience (from spotless cutlery to being met at the airport on time). The history of retailing activity in Milne Bay very strongly suggests that these would have to be provided by outsiders (see Jackson, 2000). CBMMCA 1 Approximately 1,000 dive tourists visited Milne Bay Province in 2000 aboard the three live-aboard vessels based in Alotau who use dive sites around Nuakata and East Cape and further afield around the D'Entrecasteaux. Milne Bay's reputation for pristine coral reefs and abundant marine wildlife, as well as the 'last frontier' reputation that PNG enjoys among the dive community draw them (see Halstead, 1996). There is currently a move by communities to push for a fee from these dive operations (see Mitchell et al, 2001). Villagers are concerned over the damage done by dive boat anchorages and people feel they get no benefit from the industry. In 1990, the villages at East Cape expressed an interest in building a resort centre (Hunting-Fishtech, 1990). Recommendation: 17. Continue to facilitate rates of payment between resource owners in CBMMCA 1 and Zone 3 and dive operators. CBMMCA 2 Yachts are regular visitors to the Louisiade Archipelago with between 70-100 yachts entering Bwagaioa to clear customs each year (Kinch, 1999). A favourite anchorage for these yachts is the Deboyne Lagoon, which averages about 15 yachts a year. A small ecotourist resort at Nivani that would respect the environment, yet provide business opportunities for the people, has been suggested by the Panapompom community. This would possibly be a success especially with yachtsman, divers and film crews. People trade foodstuffs, claypots and ornamental shells in exchange for old sails, fishhooks, tobacco, and sugar and sewing needles. In 2000 a small cruise vessel the 'Clipper Odyssey' visited Kwairowa. CBMMCA 3 The most organised tourist activities in all of the CBMMCAs, besides dive operators, concerned the company Pacific Adventures. This company organised tours along the Kokoda Trail and the Southern Highlands, white water rafting and caving in the Central and Southern Highlands, canoe trips up the Sepik River, walks and climbs up Mt. Wilhelm and sailing adventures out of Misima. Between 1982 and 1988, they offered sailing expeditions for the adventure tourist targeting mostly Australians, Americans and Germans with a tour length of 10 days. Brooker canoes were notified that a tour was being prepared by Milne Bay Radio and were told to wait at Bwagaioa for the arrival of the guests. The itinerary was from Bwagaioa to Brooker to Nivani to Panapompom to Panaeati to Bwagabwaga to Alhoga and back to Bwagaioa. Approximately five trips a year were run and group size ranged from 2 to 12 people utilising between 1 to 3 canoes depending on group size. Canoes were paid between kina 200-400 per trip. Spinoffs from these trips were the sale of local produce and handicrafts such as clay pots to visitors. It finally folded due to rising violence, law and order problems and increased prices in hotel accommodation in other parts of PNG. Other tourism ideas that have been proposed for CBMMCA 3 occurred in 1976, when Brooker came under the spotlight of the Department of Environment and Conservation and the Provincial Government. Consultations were conducted with the appropriate Brooker people about creating Wildlife Management Areas and the possibility of small-scale ecotourism resorts (Bourne, 1976a). It was suggested a small tourist resort could be built either on Jomard or at Enivala. Jomard it was believed had the required remote appeal, had three wrecks on the reef with good fishing, abundant birdlife and turtles for the naturalist types, and was on a major shipping lane. Disadvantages were described as having a very poor anchorage, it was 9 hours by boat from Bwagaioa, diving possibly not good owing to drop-off conditions and sharks, there were no coconuts, there was no village situation for tourists and was fairly exposed. The other island of Enivala was also another place with appeal. Advantages were good anchorage, a fair collection of wildlife, it had coconuts, there were safe swimming beaches and reasonable diving areas, and other islands were close enough to explore, probably good fishing on the drop-off, and was on the shipping lane. It was also thought the island was big enough for an airstrip. Disadvantages associated with Enivala were that it was eight hours from Misima, there was no village situation for tourists and was also fairly exposed (Bourne, 1976a). All people contacted at the time had expressed enthusiasm for a tourist industry in the area. Enivala is used regularly by Brooker people as a way station when moving westward to the rich diving grounds of Nabaina and Nagobi. Yachts are also regular visitors to Brooker areas. A favourite anchorage is located at Panasial and yachts actual calling at Brooker average about five a year. Other Tourism Activities Cruise liners were regular visitors to Samarai and Alotau where people from the Engineers (CBMMCA 2) and Ware (CBMMCA 3) may come to perform traditional dances, sell handicrafts such as mats and baskets, and cooked local food. In November 2000, it was reported in the local newspaper (Eastern Star, 2000a) that major cruise ships would no longer be calling into Milne Bay as a result of mergers of participating shipping companies, competition from other ports in PNG and the wider Pacific with better facilities, and the increasing law and order problem in PNG generally. There are future plans for a museum, waterfront development, duty-free status and an underwater observatory. A Massim Cultural Centre has been mooted for Alotau (see Mitchell et al, 2001). Misima Mines Limited Misima Mines Limited is a Papua New Guinea registered company and is subject to Papua New Guinea laws and commenced operations in June 1989. The mine is an 'open cut' type and mining is a truck and shovel operation. Approximately 90,000 tonnes of rock are moved each day, with 15,000 tonnes as mill feed, while the rest goes to the low grade stock piles or the waste dumps. Production is around 220,000 ounces of gold and 700,000 ounces of silver a year. Active mining will cease in April 2001 and milling of stockpiled low-grade ore will then continue until mid to late 2004, after which the mine will close completely. It is uncertain as to what staffing will be maintained after closure, but the numbers will be very small, limited to environmental staff and possibly some community development staff. Effects of MML Closure The economy of Misima is at present dominated by MML, which provides money to the local people by way of wages, compensation, royalties and business opportunities. The mine currently employs 626 (589 males and 37 females) Misimans, about 50 other PNG Nationals and 100 expatriates. Forty-one people are currently employed from the outer islands of the Louisiade Archipelago (14 from CBMMCA 2 and nil from CBMMCA 3). Total wages for the Louisiade LLG area estimated to be around K9 million a year (Jackson, 2000). From 1989 to 2000 MML paid out a total of K33,318,700 in royalties. Of this K8,721,000 went to the National Government and K15,163,000 went to Provincial Government, whilst the remaining amount went to various landowner funds (Callister, pers. comm). Jackson (2000) explores private and public incomes before, during, and after mining. He estimates that in terms of the current kina, pre-mining per capita income was K384 (in 2000 equivalent). This has jumped to about K770 during today's mining period, but will decline to K200 or less within twelve months of closure. This is a decline of 80% and means that cash wise the people within the MML impact area will be worse off post-mining than they were pre-mining. Agricultural activity on Misima is almost down to nil as the mine has diverted peoples interest from cash crops to fast money, like royalties, and people can get more money from working at the mine than from cash crops. Jackson (2000) puts this in perspective when he estimates that in today's kina value, cash cropping in 1984 was worth K 800,000 compared to today's annual cash cropping income which is a mere K25,000. Furthermore, given Misima's isolation, apart from government wages and private remittances, cash cropping is seen by Jackson as one of the only dependable and sustainable options for filling the huge economic vacuum, which will be left behind once MML leaves. One problem expressed at community meetings at the Deboyne Islands (CBMMCA 2) and Brooker (CBMMCA 3) was the fear that their will be an invasion of Misimans who have become used to cash and the associated material benefits. The fear is that people from Misima will come down and poach marine resources to fill the void left by the MML closure. This should be factored into the MBP as disputes will arise and intensified pressure on marine resources will occur in the next couple of years. A major issue facing the Misima District is the loss of revenue to Local and District governments and their inability to continue to provide services and to maintain vital facilities, which the mining company currently maintains. In 2004-05, K6 million per annum will be lost in wages and revenue to local government will fall. There will be a loss of infrastructural development throughout Zones 1 and 2. Over the last 10 years MML has spent over 16 and a half million kina on capital works and infrastructural improvements. Maintenance of permanent buildings and other developments will increasingly fall back on to the communities who will have no option but to harvest more marine resources or allow things to fall into disrepair. There is also concern that after the mine closes there could be a shortage of police and that the local village court and conflict resolution system might fall into disarray. All TCS and Special Service Grants will cease in 2005. The Louisiade LLG will only have money to pay for public servant wages. At present, from non-mine sources of indirect income, the Louisiade LLG has less than K200,000 annually over and above its salary commitments (Jackson, 2000). Conflicts of interests between different groups as well as different Wards, about expenditure priorities are at present highly likely. This again raises the issue of support for local government capacity and district government capacity to have sufficient resources in order to maintain law and order. There will inevitably be emigration from Misima as the mine closes, and with less income and demand for services, the prices of local goods will rise substantially. Communities need to carefully examine alternative revenue generating activities and to ensure food security. Table 53: Yearly Value Breakup of MML Tax Credit Scheme Projects by LLG (Source: MML) YearLLGTotal in KinaLouisiadeYeleambaMuruaBwanabwanaOther1992590,704292,917--184,8241,068,4451993935,307---109,3541,044,66119941,374,25278,08178,081-24,7741,555,1881995711,272----711,2721996808,886104,130---913,01619978,839480,769---489,60819984,255,320210,000239,000-1,449,8356,154,15519991,280,145---564,3001,844,44520001,565,370210,000204,000116,000683,0002,778,370Total11,530,0951,375,897521,081116,0003,016,08716,559,160%7083118 Recommendation: 18. Recognise the impact of the Misima Mine Closure and the consequences that this will have on the capacity of Local Level Government and portions of CBMMCAs 2 and 3. Support any plans by MML that contribute to LLG strengthening, food security and general welfare of communities and the environment. Summary and Conclusion The local requirement for cash is growing rapidly. It is now becoming necessary for acquiring foodstuffs, health care, and school fees, but also for the more traditional obligations. Copra was previously the main income for most island communities. This has changed with fluctuating and depressed prices and senescence of plantations. The market for non-perishable marine resources like beche-de-mer and trochus shell has increased to fill the gap of copra, and at present they continue to be one of the few reliable sources of cash for communities. In fact, more communities are now participating in this activity. The challenge for all levels of government and the MBP is to prevent the degradation of these resources through appropriate community management. This will help prevent the gradual slide into material poverty and resource degradation by communities in the CBMMCAs and the subsequent threat this poses to the protection of Milne Bay's biodiversity. Cash flow at the village level is reliant on the villager earning money and then spending it at home. Local demand for cash is generally highest in the January to May period. This is traditionally the time of food scarcity, often worsened by frequent droughts and cyclones. Also school fees and other debts particularly credit at tradestores, contribute to an increase in the sale of marine produce. With increasing monetisation of the rural economy and the growing consumer aspirations of the population at large, the nature of environmental values is changing. Over the past years, there has been a gradual shift in consumer orientation away from what the environment can provide. Money has come to be seen as the key to a better life, new opportunities, a means to meet one's obligations, and a source of social status. The result of this is that the environment now becomes valued insofar as it can provide financial rewards and better services to people. Traditional ways of relating within the family and the broader community are being challenged by the new values associated with modernity and the greater dependence on the cash economy. As a consequence, mortuary feasts have become more expensive exercises and thus an increasing burden to those with minimal or no access to the cash economy. Money in some areas is becoming more important than relationships with others and increasingly barter trade is declining in favor of cash-orientated transactions. Rice and flour are becoming major staples for communities within Zone1. In the last three years there have been significant increases in the prices of other commodities. This is linked to the recent devaluation of the kina over the past year which means that the price of exported goods has increased since the 1996 Real Domestic Factor Index was measured. This has further reduced community access to exported foodstuffs and other necessities. The inflation rate has risen to 20% in the year 2000 mostly reflecting the decrease in the exchange rate and the associated added costs to imported goods. From 1994 to the first six months of 2000, the kina has seen a reduction to 43% of its former value in 1994. Over the same period, inflation has decreased the purchasing power of 1994 to 45% of its former value (Mitchell et al, 2000). This has forced some goods to increase in value by around 50% to 100%. Higher prices reflect not only the increased cost of the goods in kina, but the increased costs of the transportation required to deliver the goods to the trade stores. Inflationary pressures resulting from the added costs of consumer goods and from a low exchange rate are likely to add harvesting pressure on marine resources. Chapter 9 The Fisheries Sector Summary History of Commercialisation Given the proportionately large area of reef present in Milne Bay, the marine resource in the Province represents a substantial portion of the total resource potential in Papua New Guinea. These resources are important socially because they contribute directly to the peoples in the CBMMCAs in terms of employment and food. Initially, it was the marine resources of the reefs of Zones 1 and 2, which attracted foreign interest in the mid-19th century. Chinese beche-de-mer traders were among the first foreigners working in the Engineers (CBMMCA 2), bartering with Tubetube people for beche-de-mer, pearlshell, and other shells, and employing some men as both assistants and divers (MacIntyre 1983a). The local inhabitants avoided the pearlers and beche-de-mer gatherers because they had a reputation for mistreating the islanders, and trading in these commodities did not take place until a later date (Milne Bay Rural Development Study, 1981a). During the 1880s, the CBMMCA 3 was visited by considerable numbers of foreign boats seeking pearlshell and beche-de-mer (Roe, 1961). During the 1940s to mid-1950s, shells of customary value in inland PNG (small cowry and pearlshell in particular) were harvested for use by Europeans for trade in the highlands (Toogood, 1947). This trade continued up until the mid-1950s. There was some purchasing of beche-de-mer during the 1970s to 1980s by the operator of the Nivani Plantation. From the late 1960s to 1981 (peaking in the mid-1970s), foreign fishing boats, notably from Taiwan, were illegally active in the area. Despite their illegal presence, Brooker and Motorina people worked with them in return for scarce supplies. During the 1980s, the main presence was the Milne Bay Fishing Authority (in association with the IFAD Artisanal Fisheries), which, after ceasing operations on Brooker in 1989, finally wound up in 1990 (Kinch 1999). Two previous unsuccessful fishing operations existed in the Louisiades: the Nimoa Fishing Association, which ran from 1969 to 1973; and the Louisiade Fisheries (1975-1977). Both of these were based at Sudest in the east of the archipelago, the latter being a Catholic mission initiative. Louisiade Fisheries was planning to involve the people of Sudest, Calvados Chain and the Renard Group. Its objectives were (i) to promote the economic and social welfare of the indigenous people of the Misima Administration Sub-district; and (ii) to promote, organise and regulate the taking and marketing of fish and marine products. A smokehouse was planned for Brooker (CBMMCA 3) (Louisiade Fisheries, 1972). These programs failed due to a lack of funding. The commercial buying of marine products seriously took off in the 1980s in the CBMMCAs, firstly with the Milne Bay Fishing Authority (MBFA). For the Calvados area, Coral Sea Fisheries was active from 1994 to 1996; and two local buyers on Misima during 1998-99. But the main actors in the late 1990s have been the two subsidiaries of the Alotau-based Masurina Company, Nako and Kiwali, which have been buying and exporting marine produce. Asiapac is also active in the area. The entry of China into the free market economy and its great rate of industrialisation and concurrent increase in wealth and purchasing power have vastly increased the demand for seafoods and other marine products, with significant impacts on the demand for exports and on prices. This provides both threats and opportunities to the MBP. Poor management of valuable marine resources will lead to decreased production affecting both food security and national wealth. Good management will mean that high valued stocks will be available for export, bringing increased prosperity and food security (see Munro, 1997). The Milne Bay Fishing Authority The Milne Bay Fishing Authority (MBFA) grew out of fisheries extension activities of the fisheries division of the Department of Primary Industries in the 1960s. In 1976 the program attracted aid from New Zealand and its basic operational structure was established, setting up depots around the Province. The creation of MBFA amalgamated the previous provincial extension effort with national government marketing endeavours in a single statutory corporation and was established by the MBFA Development Authority Act 1980 which was passed by the Provincial Government Assembly in 1981 (Maurice Pratley and Associates, 1989). The new Authoritys objectives are (i) to provide marketing outlets for fishermen, particularly in remote areas; (ii) to provide training to young Papua New Guineans in fishing technology, boat building, maintenance and other related skills required for fishing; (iii) to provide fisheries extension services throughout the Province; and (iv) to provide technical advice on fisheries development and management and assist in surveillance of fisheries resources (ANZDEC, 1995). The MBFA was set up for fresh fish marketing with a small volume of beche-de-mer and other shells being purchased. A Fisheries Station was set up on Samarai in 1980 under the Coastal Fisheries Development Plan, and was established around a flake ice machine, refrigerated and frozen storage facilities, and a blast freezer. This station was actually built in the earlier 1970s under the old Department of Agriculture, Stocks and Fisheries. The Authority operated fish processing facilities, and maintained out-station fish collection centres at Vakuta and Isaelia in the north, and at Brooker (CBMMCA 3) and Tagula in the south (ANZDEC, 1995). A freezer plant was also constructed at Bwagaioa on Misima. This closed in 1983. The Coastal Fisheries Development Plan premise was that there were sufficient stocks of fish and marine invertebrates in each fishing station area to supply the needs of the station without adversely impacting upon the food needs of the village people or the long-term productivity of the waters. The plan offered as substantiation for its basic assumption the fishing effort employed by the (illegally fishing) Taiwanese in Milne Bay coastal waters. However, the Taiwanese efforts were not guided by either of these concerns and many of the reefs fished by them were depleted of marine resources. Data gathered by the Provincial Government from a coral survey (Chesher, 1980) did not support the assumption of large surplus quantities of fish. In addition, it was suggested that there were insufficient numbers of fishermen in the selected area to supply the needed effort for an economic through-put of fish. Other problems highlighted were conflicts concerning the traditional ownership of the reefs (Department of Primary Industries, 1981). High staff wages costs, an absence of accounting and budgeting systems, absenteeism, misappropriation of funds, and a breakdown in organisational structure finally contributed to the demise of this program (Maurice Pratley and Associates, 1989; ANZDEC, 1995). There was substantial overcapitalisation in plant and equipment, and overstaffing. In addition, the program also had to carry out a range of extension, training and other subsidised activities of a non-profit kind (ANZDEC, 1995). The bulk of the fisheries product comprised low-value reef fish which, when sold, failed to generate enough income to cover purchasing, transportation, processing, and marketing costs. Holding stock was limited to one or two species. Resource rights were also another problem. There was opposition from villagers over the artisanal prawn trawling in Orangerie Bay and the clam fishery. Finally added to this was a lack of protection by the government in the areas of illegal fishing, buyers from other Provinces and no strong policing of Government policies (Maurice Pratley and Associates, 1989). For the first two or three years, the Authority functioned with the support of government funding. From 1984 onwards, additional capital was injected by way of the IFAD Artisanal Fisheries Program (ANZDEC, 1995). In 1985 and 1986, IFAD funding was over K500,000 (Maurice Pratley and Associates, 1989). The program was wound up in 1990 eventually costing around US $12 million (ANZDEC, 1995). Whilst it was in operation, the average volume of fish processed by MBFA during one month was approximately 10 tonnes (Maurice Pratley and Associates, 1989). Product was sold within Papua New Guinea mainly at Port Moresby with marketing being carried out mainly by IFAD. Brooker (CBMMCA 3) was the most productive of all outstations. Table 54: MBFA Fish Collection (kg) by Outstations: 1985-1990 (Source: National Fisheries Authority) YearVakutaKaulametuBrookerTagula*OthersTotal198511918No outstation598214126186280218306198619165No outstation1937912387166242.5217173.51987171886461271271083216120922480419881235217046152701349396834.1156983.1198912404.824204.81076211682.616224.177266.5199017812584.1Closed823.522142.835728.4Total99264.560295.99967475486.1824319.51165004*Others refers to catches from outside station areas and catches brought to the main station of Samarai. Problems that occurred at Brooker in CBMMCA 3 had to do with pricing, absenteeism of MBFA personnel and a dispute over rental of land for the plant area. Kaumas (1982) writes after a patrol to Brooker . . . they only receive 30 toea for every kilo of fish they sell. They are totally dissatisfied with the present rate and felt very much exploited for such pricing. Absenteeism from the program was reported by Kaidadaya (1981) causing people to stop fishing. The Manilobu clan who have rights over the plant area were requesting 200 kina rent per year for the area. This problem over rents eventually shut the outstation down in 1989. It was finally recommended that the MBFA operation be commercialised by involving private enterprises. A joint venture could be established where much needed expertise is brought in (Maurice Pratley and Associates, 1989). The assets of the MBFA were later acquired by Nako Fisheries in 1995. Coral Sea Fisheries Coral Sea Fisheries started in 1993 under Clause 16.1 of the Mining Development Agreement with the National Government and Misima Mines Pty Ltd (MMPL). It agreed to encourage Local Business Development with shareholders from the Local Government Council areas of Yaleamba and the Louisiaides, the Misima Resource Owners Association and other landowners. The mission statement of Coral Sea Fisheries Pty Ltd was to advance the living standard of the people of the Misima District economically, technologically and personally through judicious harvesting of marine products (Stevens, no date: 1). When Coral Sea Fisheries was established, no other similar fisheries program had succeeded in Papua New Guinea (MBFA had already collapsed and it was thought Coral Sea Fisheries would outlast the life of MML. Patrols were carried out during the early 1990s to ask the people their opinions and to discuss various options with them (Stevens, 1992). It was found that fishing programs and access to the cash economy were strongly desired by the people because the demise of MBFA had reduced peoples ability to obtain cash. The mother ship Tologi (formerly Milford Crouch then Flinders Trader) cruised from island to island encouraging villagers to fish. The Tologi had a store on board and goods available for purchase included fishing lines, hooks, flour, rice, biscuits, soap, sugar, and other products. In this way, it was thought the island communities could earn good money, and participate as both shareholders and workers in the fishing venture (Misima Mines, no date). The fish purchased by the Tologi was exported overseas via Townsville, utilising the freezer containers that came to Poon Misima Catering. In its first year of operation, Coral Sea Fisheries exported over 1,000 tonnes of fish and paid local fishermen K165,000 (Misima Mines, no date). The main targeted area throughout the lifetime of the project was Brooker (CBMMCA 3) and the Calvados Chain. Table 55: Coral Sea Fisheries Export (Source: National Fisheries Authority) Product typeQuantity kgsFrozen whole fish40389.0Frozen fish fillets15990.0Frozen crayfish/lobster tails10585.0Frozen crayfish/lobster tails: damaged or grade B1820.0 According to comments by Queensland fish distributors in Cairns, Townsville, Mackay and Brisbane, there were problems of grading, undersize and species description. On one occasion, Coral Sea Fisheries was warned by authorities for taking undersize fish. (Mounsey, 1996; Elfin, 1997) All the problems that had occurred with MBFA in markets, transport, storage and handling, supply and demand and the companys increasing debt were all serious issues confronting Coral Sea Fisheries. Resource potential, customary ownership, weather conditions, the prices paid to local fishermen, and environmentally friendly fishing methods were again also issues of concern. Mounsey (1996) writes that of February 1996, Coral Sea Fisheries had not purchased fish from local fishermen since April 1995, and had reduced fish prices paid to locals to such a degree it was not worthwhile for fishermen to sell to the company. At this time the operation had become totally dependent on lobster tails to maintain cash flow, and the best lobster grounds were located outside the program area. In February 1995 it was advised by the Captain of the Tologi that there was little Pencillatus ornatus left in the Calvados area. Coral Sea Fisheries was in operation from 1994 to 1996. When Coral Sea Fisheries finally closed it was estimated to be 1 million kina in debt. Recommendation: 19. Recognise problems encountered in previous fisheries development projects to avoid unrealistic expectations in business development and adopt a go-slow approach. Nako Fisheries and Kiwali Exports Nako Fisheries and Kiwali Exports were subsidiary companies of Masurina Ltd, which was founded in 1974. It grew into a broad-based, Alotau-located trading company, which has business interests in properties and real estate, finance, forestry, fisheries, construction, hotel accommodation and public works. Masurina's founders Chris Abel of the Kwato Abels and Jean Luc Critten parted company last year after a 26-year business relationship. Abel has taken over the accommodation and construction part of the business and retained the name Masurina, whilst Critten has busied himself with fulfilling his goal of turning the rest of the company into a solely fishing company, servicing all the fishermen of Milne Bay. [Nako] today is a fishing company. Its future is with thousands of Milne Bay fishermen who are looking for better market for their fish. Fisheries in Milne Bay is still very much undeveloped, and as [Nako] development policy has always been made with the aim of involving individual fishermen as much as possible, our development strategy in the next few years will focus on creating the infrastructure and means for village-based fishermen to harvest and market their own fisheries resource, for their own benefit. In the next few years, as we move into the 21st Century, [Nako] will truly become a Fishing Company (Critten, 1999). Kiwali Exports became a buyer of small amounts of bche-de-mer as early as 1977. It is involved in buying and exporting dry marine produce, principally beche-de-mer and trochus shell, from village fishermen. Table 56: Exports (kgs) from Milne Bay by Kiwali: 1994-1998 (Source: Kiwali) Year Beche-de-merTrochusBlack lipShark fin199415647.475900.05100861.8199536691.557750.05157.01021.9199638675.450550.011550.02388.0199710949.926925.02550.0343.0199831810.070950.09300.0865.7 Nako Fisheries is involved in buying fish and crayfish from village fishermen. Previously they exported clam muscle. They also trawl for prawn in Orangerie Bay in partnership with the Nata Resource Owners. The Nata Fishing Company Ltd was formed by the Orangerie Bay landowners and land their prawns at Nako Fisheries Limited. Nako Fisheries was 50% owned by Nata Fisheries and the other half owned by Masurina Ltd with Masurina providing the backing for both companies to become established. Nako is also involved in longlining for yellow fin tuna. They process and market all of the above to domestic and overseas markets. Chilled yellow fin tuna and high value lines such as crayfish are exported overseas by air on regular charter flights, while most shipments within PNG are by the weekly Consort Shipping service. In 1997, with the sale of Maurina's hardware businesses to Steamships Trading Co. they were able to make substantial investments in their fisheries operations. Nako Fisheries was started in 1994 with a capital investment of K 4 million and by acquiring assets of the MBFA is now the largest fishing company in Milne Bay outstripping its nearest rival Asiapac. In 1998 the company continued with a capital development program aimed at upgrading standards and operating capabilities. These developments included improvements to the Nako fish processing factory and office, an extensive new slipway, and further equipment for the marine workshop. Nako now also operates a Marine Services Division, with a slipway and boat repair facility, and merchandising of marine items and chandlery to service the Nako and Kiwali fleets, and the general public. It has been proposed by Masurina that Nako Fisheries become the company vehicle through which broad-based fisheries development is to be pursued in the future. It has absorbed the fish trading business previously carried out by MBFA, in fact most of its equipment and personnel are ex-MBFA. Its aim now according to the Director is to establish a broad-based, privately owned, fishing enterprise, with a wide local shareholder base, including local fishermen, church, local government and other Milne Bay companies. For many people in remote areas, Kiwali and Nako, through their buying programs, offer the only source of cash income. This sometimes leads to the less than judicious harvesting of marine resources, and awareness needs to be imparted. Community regulations on the activites of these companies will need to be in place through the use of resource management plans to protect community livelihoods and to ensure continued benefits from the presence of these companies. Collaboration by CI with Masurina will need to be explored for the possible success of the MBP. Nako and Kiwali's fleets could be involved in extension work delivering management and quality control messages. Also, since the most detailed harvesting records will come from the receipt books of these companies, mechanisms could be put in place where all catches that are purchased by these companies could provide accurate data for the MBP CBMMCAs (see Kinch, 2001; Mitchell et al, 2001 for more details). Asiapac and Coral Sea Delights The National Fisheries Authority allows for the provision of three exporters in Milne Bay. Asiapac, which started operations in 1992, is the only other current commercial buyer licensed for Milne Bay and purchases shell, beche-de-mer and sharkfin. Previously another company called Crome Investments was exporting, but this ceased operations in 1996. Coral Sea Delights based at Misima was purchasing produce from CBMMCAs 2 and 3 and Zone 2 in 1998 and 1999. As its export license was based in Port Moresby, it has currently ceased operations under the new regulations imposed by the Milne Bay Beche-de-mer Management Plan (2000). Table 57: Exports (Kgs) from Milne Bay by Asiapac: 1994-1998 (Source: Asiapac) Year Beche-de-merTrochusBlack lipShark fin199417202.56270.0--199520238.028352.5--199625439.29791.3825.0-199735313.520550.0-140.0199871338.325731.1939.3251.3 Recommendation: 20. Investigate a cooperative relationship with marine resource exporters and buyers, who could be involved in extension work delivering management and quality control messages to remote communities. Other Interests During 1998 and 1999 a new fishery venture was under consideration by Misima Landowners and a private Australian company. To optimise the operations returns, a large range of fishing methods were to be investigated. These would include hand lining for reef fish; trolling; long lining for specific species such as tuna or shark; drop lining in deep water, fish traps and netting. Crayfish, trochus shell, beche-de-mer and mudcrabs were also to be considered for harvesting. Live reef fish for direct export was also under consideration (Elfin, 1997). Another potential project involved was a consortium called Horizon Resources Pty Ltd, which is an incorporated and registered Papua New Guinea company, with Australian shareholders. It entered into joint venture negotiations with the Yele Trading Company Pty Ltd, which is owned by landowners within the Louisiade Archipelago and Calvados Chain (see Horizon Resources, 1998). It also wished to embrace all aspects of the fishing industry. Its estimated start-up cost was 7 million dollars. Nothing has eventuated so far. . Strait-Up Seafoods (a subsidiary of Rebel Marine) based at Thursday Island in Australia, has investigated the possibility of opening a fishing business in West New Britain, Central, Madang and Milne Bay Provinces with an idea to start floating fish factories in these Provinces targeting lobster, crabs and fish (Torres Strait Seafoods, 2000). After their investigations they have now set up village-based industries involving marine resources in Central and West New Britain Provinces (see Orroroo, 2000). It appears that one of the major limiting factors for fisheries development is the high cost of set-up and increasing interest rates. Political influences also play a role in siting of such projects. There also may not be enough fish stocks to attract new players to participate in fisheries in Milne Bay. The Long Liner Issue Poachers and illegal fishermen have been a concern of Governments both before and since Independence. As early as the 1920s, in one of the many Bwagaoia Patrol Reports for that year, Zimmer (1922-23) described Japanese fishing boats poaching in the lagoon at Brooker (CBMMCA 3). The peak period for illegal entry from foreign fishermen was between 1967-1981, which saw sightings and arrests of numerous long-range Taiwanese fishing vessels, targeting the adductor muscles of the larger clam species. This activity reached its peak in the mid-1970s then subsided in the face of depleted stocks, strong international pressures and improved surveillance of reef areas (see Lucas, 1994). Taiwanese fishermen used to come regularly to Brooker waters and their trade debris and terminology can still be found in the villages. According to Standing (1975), . . . Sabarl and Panawina villagers accused Brooker and Motorina peoples of trading with Taiwanese vessels. . Far from reporting the presence of these vessels to the government, [they] are openly trading [with them] and in so doing encouraging them to become bolder in their operation (Standing, 1975). Brooker people accepted the Taiwanese, and worked with them, because they brought rice, whiskey, tobacco and other commodities. They were perceived to be more reliant in services than the Provincial Government. However, not all their activities were welcome: People seem to be getting increasingly aware of the long-range harmful effects through depletion of future resources. . . . A man at Brooker Island complained that some Taiwanese fishermen had gone ashore at his island of Panapwa [in the Bramble Haven Group] and stolen coconuts and pawpaws and done damage to trees (Bartlett, 1975). These same Taiwanese fishermen are now blamed by Brooker islanders for the depletion of clam stocks. At Tubetube (CBMMCA 2) there was considerable dissatisfaction with the common poaching by foreign (mostly Taiwanese) trawlers in the 1980s. Older people blamed the depletion of local fish and turtle stocks on this poaching (Macintyre 1983a: 64). Babo and Genolagani (1981) on a visit to Ware (CBMMCA 3) to survey the area for a possible marine reserve, stressed the need for tighter surveillance of the Taiwanese. There is a now a recurrent fear amongst communities in CBMMCAs 2 and 3 that outsiders may well overfish local waters. This is especially the case for clam, beche-de-mer and trochus. The absence of policing and surveillance in these areas means that whilst villagers on outer islands often witness what seem to be illegal fishing practices by outsiders, there is little that can be done to prevent such activities. It has been found in the recent weeks that foreign fishing vessels could also use the passage as a license to sneak into the islands in the area to harvest the marine products such as fish, giant clams etc (Tauliso, 1990b). In 2000 a fleet of PNG flag long liners have been using Alotau as a refuelling port. Local fishermen have consistently been reporting sightings of these fishing vessels illegally fishing within the 3 nautical miles Zone from the shore. Regular sightings are reported throughout CBMMCAs 2 and 3 including the Conflict group and Bramble Haven reef systems, and Zone 2. One of these long liners, Man I Isheng II ran aground in April 2000 at the northwest corner of the Jomard Entrance (11 11.68S, 152 04.43E) an international shipping lane that cuts across Milne Bay Province (Kinch, 2000f) and was initially abandoned. It was subsequently salvaged after being stripped. The vessel is holed on its underneath and is sitting upright on the reef in about 2 metres of water. Even though some diesel fuel was found to be floating on the water, there was no fuel on the vessel as local boats and fishing vessels from Nako Fisheries had already siphoned of the remaining fuel. Oil that was seen to be floating on the surface in large globules was later identified as fish oil, which was coming from the catch of rotting fish that was still on the vessel. Dead fish was also reported to have washed up on the shore of Enivala Island. Even though the wreck was not deemed substantial the area is a prime harvesting area for local peoples for marine resources and is also of concern as this area was once identified as a Wildlife Management Area in the mid-1970s. Also as the wreck occurred in a major shipping lane the Milne Bay Provincial Government should consider a contingency plan for larger ship and consequent fuel spills (Kinch, 2000f). Two other long-liners ran aground in 2000, both in CBMMCA 3. One of these was at the Long/Kosmann Reef and the other was next to the major gardening island of Brooker people at Panapatpat. Companies that are involved are Neptune Fisheries, Coco Enterprises, and Yuwan Fisheries, which are based in Port Moresby. In 2001, four longliners were impounded by the Milne Bay Government for having large quantities of sharkfin on board. Villagers in the CBMMCAs are well aware of the threats to marine resources posed by long-liners and other illegal fishing activities. Concerns are being raised in the CBMMCAs that the fate of their marine resources seems to be decided as a result of deals done in other places, which they have no control over. They have no role in the issuance of fishing licenses to foreign and domestic companies. Greater local involvement and greater transparency is needed. The absence of policing and surveillance in the area means that whilst villagers in the CBMMCAs often witness what seems to be illegal activities, there is little that can be done to prevent such activities. Villagers lack the capacity to respond, and local police and fisheries staff are under-resourced. Other Shipping Threats In 1993, a Taiwanese fishing trawler ran aground at Liak on the north coast at Misima. The oil spill covered the surrounding sea and almost the entire shoreline within the vicinity. Physical damage caused by the oil spillage was only slight in that there was no significant damage or the signs of damage to life in the sea and on the land. However the significant damage noted is the depriving of peoples access to salt water. Because of oil spillage blackened the surface of the surrounding sea, people were denied the right to salt water usage, which includes cooking, swimming, washing (especially for lactating mothers) and even fishing (Minn, 1993). On the evening of June 14th 2000 the Consort Chartered ship MV Gazelle Coast ran aground on the reefs off Igwali (Mekinley) Island near Sariba Island, and some oil leaked. There was destruction of the marine habitat. A claim was been made against Consort Express Line for K 500,000 compensation (Poate et al, 2000). Unregulated shipping can be a threat to the MBP goal of protecting a significant amount of Milne Bay's biodiversity. The Milne Bay Government's emergency services are under-resourced and a major accident or oil spill would surely push the limits of the governments capacity to contain it. Recommendation: 21. Address the need for a strong surveillence component to be built at all levels of government and at the community level. The Live Reef Fish Trade The Live Reef Fish Trade (LRFT) fishery started in Hong Kong and the Philippines in the 1980s to supply local consumers. It has now spread as far as the Maldives in the west and out into the Pacific in the east. It is largely uncontrolled, and many operators use cyanide. Two live reef fish operations were previously established in Milne Bay Province: one in the Trobriand Islands and the other in the DEntrecausteaux Islands. The latter was a joint operation with a Hong Kong company and a local Youth Organisation supported by the National Youth Office. This operation took place from 1997 and 1998 with approximately 20 tonnes of fish recorded for export (Anas, Kumoru and Lokani, 2000). This operation was reported to be using cyanide and numerous villagers who were working for the operation suffered from poisoning. Live fish harvesting was considered by the now-defunct Coral Sea Fisheries (CSF) (Mounsey, 1996) based at Misima and operating in Zones 1 and 2, but particularly targeting CBMMCA 3. A Malaysian live fish company called Moti International was registered in 1998 and was to be based at Nivani (CBMMCA 2), though nothing has followed since then. There is currently a moratorium in place and no licenses are being granted. However two operations to be based in the New Guinea Islands Region are currently under consideration by NFA. The expansion of the LRFT into Papua New Guinea poses a possible threat to the MBP. Commercially Exploited Species Beche-de-mer Fishery In the Engineers (CBMMCA 2), Chinese beche-de-mer traders were among the first foreigners in the area in the 19th Century, bartering with Tubetube people for beche-de-mer, pearlshell and other shell, and employing some men as both divers and assistants (Macintyre 1983a). Exploitation declined in the latter half of the 19th century probably because of overfishing, whilst a slump in trade after 1930 was due to the embargo of trade to China caused by the Sino-Japanese war, followed by the continued restrictions on external trade under the Chinese communist government. The beche-de-mer fishery in Milne Bay Province up until the 1980s appears to have been a haphazard affair. In 1973, the Central Planning Office (1973) describes the industry in Milne Bay: Efforts have failed because of the unreliable approach by indigenous producers to the important and not uncomplicated problem of curing. There is no doubt that the beche-de-mer is here in commercial quantities, but it will not become an industry unless an individual trader sets himself up with the job of supervising processing from the time the slug is extracted from the sea until its ultimate export overseas. The beche-de-mer fishery in Milne Bay Province is presently an artisanal fishery, which involves the villages around the coast and island communities. The present boom cycle in the fishery commenced in 1988 partly due to declines in production from other bche-de-mer producers in Southeast Asia and partly due to the easing of restrictions on trade with China. An example, of the get rich quick mentality that prevailed at the time comes from the Trobriands. In 1987, a company called Sandfish Enterprises Ltd was formed as a joint venture between John Kasipalova and some Asian investors. The company used poorly paid local labour, and conducted operations in locations considered to be traditional fishing grounds of the villagers. The company completely wiped out the beche-de-mer within a year, then packed up and moved to adjacent islands leaving in its wake disgruntled villagers and over-exploited marine resources (Tom'tavala, 1990, 1992). Harvesting is done by hand-collection or free-diving and requires little or no capital investment. In deeper waters people use lead weights with small harpoons attached. The weight is dropped by divers swimming on or just under the surface. The hooked animal is then brought back to the surface. Beche-de-mer requires a large supply of fuelwood, which may not be available in large quantities on small islands and can lead to severe deforestation. This is evident on some of the islands utilised as bases for Brooker (CBMMCA 3) diving expeditions. Preston (1993: 395) suggests that 10 tonnes of firewood is needed to process 1 tonne of beche-de-mer. Beche-de-mer is usually boiled for a period of 2-3 hours. After boiling the stomach is removed either by cutting down the length of the body in the case of black teat, white teat and prickly redfish, or by reaming a stick down the inside of them in the case of black and greenfish. The final export quality products weighs from 10-20% of the original live specimen (Lokani and Ada, 1998; Anon, 1979; Conand, 1979; Preston, 1990). The water remaining from beche-de-mer processing can be harmful to marine organisms if dumped in shallow, near shore waters, resulting in fish kills due to the concentration of toxic substances (Carpenter and Maragos, 1989). Numerous laws have been made for the protection of beche-de-mer stocks in PNG, one of the oldest being the Pearl, Pearl Shell and Beche-de-mer Ordinance 1911-1932 (Papua). These were passed with the aim of protecting villager rights to make a living from these resources. Today, in Milne Bay, the National Fisheries Authority (NFA) has gazetted the Milne Bay Beche-de-mer Management Plan (2000) for regulation of the industry (also see van Helden, 2001) and a Provincial Beche-de-mer Management Committee has been put in place. Little extension work has been done on size limits to advise fishermen. Knowledge of recommended wet lengths, which should be collected for drying are virtually unknown by fishermen throughout the Province as noticed in recent CI patrols. The author on return from one patrol organised educational leaflets that were distributed to communities in Zones 1 and 2, conducted workshops in villages and had them translated into the local Misiman and Ware languages for broadcast over Milne Bay radio. Also because of the high price paid for beche-de-mer, it is difficult to enforce bans (see Jaymes, 2000b). In the 2000-closed season, people from both the Engineers and the Deboynes (CBMMCA 2) were still out harvesting. This is related to the presence of a local businessman with connection to one of the major exporters based in Alotau (Jaymes, 2000c). Divers were also reported to be poaching beche-de-mer from reefs owned by other islanders. The illegal harvesting was partly related to the drop in copra prices. This also occurred at Nuakata and East Cape. Community enforcement must be in place to quell these activities and alleviate pressure on marine resources. This will be done by capacity building at the WDC level and general awareness campaigns (see Kinch 2001 for more details). The major problem is the high prices paid for beche-de-mer. Further study is required on models of resource extraction. Beche-de-mer will be the major target for sustainable fisheries management in the MBP. Generous resources need to be allocated for awareness and capacity building at the village level for management of these valuable resources in CBMMCSs and the wider CBMMCAs (see Kinch, 2001). A loss of income and depletion of future stocks through the indiscriminate collection and subsequent rejection of undersized bche-de-mer will cause dire social problems and could lead to destructive fishing practices on Milne Bay reefs. The beche-de-mer fishery has an important role in maintaining rural social stability by providing income-earning opportunities within CBMMCAs where other earning opportunities may be limited by the lack of resources or infrastructure. There is also a need for greater transparency within the business sector that deals with exporting beche-de-mer. Alleged incidents of dealing with undersized illegal product of high value species, corrupting NFA officials and exporting product illegally out of the Province have been raised in the past. The NFA is currently being restructured to deal with these issues. Finally, despite the ban on the use of underwater breathing apparatus and underwater lights for the purpose of fishing for sea cucumbers, these techniques are practiced by some. Undoutedly, there are major opportunities for reform and improvement of this important industry. Communty pressure needs to be applied to unlawful practices and for dealing with 'free rider' elements. Shark Fishery Shark is an expanding income-earning opportunity for people within the CBMMCAs through the preparation of dried fins. Shark-fins contain proteinaceous fibres of elastin and collagen, called fin needles, which are highly prized in Asian markets, primarily for their use in the production of shark-fin soup (Nichols, 1993). The most common species taken in tropical reef systems include the blacklip reef shark (Carcharhinus melantropterus), the lemon shark (Negaprion acutidens) and the whitetip reef shark (Triaenodon obesus). Grey reef sharks (Carcharhinus amblyrhychos), tiger sharks (Galeocerdo cuvieri) and hammerhead species (Sphyrna spp.) are also taken. Within the CBMMCAs the main method used is vertical droplines buoyed as single line are used with a single baited hook suspended from beneath. Common baits are turtles, morays, stingrays and fish. Drying methods of shark fins include sun, wind and smoke drying. Sharks are now coming under pressure from longliners who are supposed to be after a tuna but are instead targeting shark as the main by-product. Recently, two longliners from a Port Moresby registered company were impounded because of this. These same longliners are also a constant source of complaint by villagers in CBMMCAs 2 and 3 who encroach within their three-mile Fishing Zone (see Dindilo, 2000; Israel, 2000a; Jaymes, 2000a). The NFA is currently investigating suitable enforcement and surveillence mechanisms; one avenue is to require longliners to carry transponders. Trochus Fishery Although trochus has always been harvested for subsistence reasons, it is only since early this century that it has been harvested commercially. The fishery had a revival in the mid- to late-1970s when the market value increased considerably when the fashion industry decided to use buttons made from natural products. Trochus catches have fluctuated in recent years as they respond to these outside market forces (Lokani and Ada, 1998). Trochus are collected either by waders on reef flats or by divers in relatively shallow water (< 5m). Despite their cryptic behaviour and inconspicuous algae-covered shells, they are easily spotted by divers and are susceptible to overfishing. Trochus are first boiled and the flesh extracted which is usually consumed, and the dried shell stored. Bagged shell is then sold to tradestores in the village, collected by traders or in some cases sold directly to exporters. Clam Fishery Of the eight species of giant clam, seven occur on Milne Bay reefs. These are Tridacna gigas, Tridacna derasa, Tridacna squamosa, Tridacna maxima, Tridacna crocea, Hippopus hippopus and Hippopus porcellanus. Tridacna derasa is not recorded from the Papuan Barrier Reef running along the south coast of Papua New Guinea but makes its appearance of the southeast point of the mainland (Munro, 1993). This is because it prefers clear offshore or oceanic waters. Export of giant clam from Milne Bay Province commenced in 1983 (Lokani and Ada, 1998), through the International Food and Agricultural Development (IFAD) funded Milne Bay Fishing Authority (MBFA) fisheries development program. It was estimated that in the five years that MBFA was exporting clam muscle, an average of 14.28 metric tonnes was taken each year (Munro, 1989). The purchase and export of clam muscle was halted in May 1988 by a ruling from the Department of Environment for conservation reasons. The ban on exporting clam muscle was lifted in 1995 (Ledua, Matoto, Lokani, and Pomat, 1996). Export of clam meat in 1995 was 1000 kgs with a value of 20,000 kina. Clams in Milne Bay are predominantly found on the sheltered sides of fringing reefs, followed by the sheltered sides of barrier reefs, with smaller numbers found on exposed barrier reefs and lagoon reefs, preferring rocky bottoms surrounded by live corals. The overall standing stock of Tridacna gigas was estimated to be approximately 622,742 clams (see Ledua, Matoto, Lokani and Pomat, 1996). Prior to commercial harvesting, Chesher (1980) reported overall densities of Tridacna gigas as 39.26 clams per hectare. Unfished areas of the barrier reef showed concentrations of 90 giant clams/km (Chesher, 1980: 21). The harvesting of clam is mainly carried out by men with the occasional help of women. Fishing methods for clams are exceedingly simple. The flesh is simply excised from the shells by slipping a knife along the inner surface of the shell to cut one end of the adductor muscle. Smaller clams may be collected opportunistically during reef gleaning activities, while larger ones are collected by free diving. Clam muscle exports were finally stopped in 2000 after a private fishing company was allegedly found to be taking wild stock rather than farmed and thus breaching its licensing agreements with NFA and the Office of Environment (OEC) (see Kinch, 2000f; Timothy, 2000; Israel, 2000b). This company was not fined. This private fishing company's main purchase area was the Calvados Chain (CBMMCA 3 and Zone 2). In 1998, it purchased 4651 kg of clam muscle from this area alone and came under much criticism for the harvesting of clam muscle (see Sailoia, 1996; Merpe, 1996). During recent years, Brooker people (CBMMCA 3) were observed using illegal methods of harvesting (as proposed by the draft Milne Bay Clam Fishery Management Plan) to supply clam muscle to this private fishing company in Alotau. People drop weights attached to ropes into the open clam, the clam shuts and it is then hauled to the surface where the animal is then cut out of the shell. This activity is quite widespread and has caused recent conflict between communities, dive operators and the fishing company (see Halstead, 2000; Eastern Star, 2000b,c,d; The Independent, 2000). This fishing company was paying better prices for larger muscle thus providing an incentive for fishermen to target bigger clams. Purchases of clam muscle from Brooker from January to September 1999 resulted in 697 kgs of clam muscle harvested or 2140 giant clams being taken for a value of K4766 (Kinch, 1999). The muscle accounts for about 10% of the clams soft tissue weight and 1 to 2% of its total weight in the large Tridacna gigas and Tridacna derasa that are fished (Lucas, 1994). It is a feature of giant clam biology that stocks will become non-sustaining when densities fall below certain undefined levels. If a reef is entirely stripped of clams, repopulation will depend entirely on planktonic larvae brought in from other reefs by prevailing currents. Once the population is reduced below a certain level even subsistence fishing may be sufficient to keep the clam below recruitment levels. If the reef is isolated or the current direction is unfavourable, the re-establishment of a stock could take hundreds of years (Munro, 1993). Quotas could be determined for individual areas on the basis of stock appraisals. Such a system implemented and monitored by the MBP could also encourage individuals or communities to develop clam gardens, in which undersized clams could be grown out to a saleable size. Blacklip Fishery Blacklip is derived from the species Pinctada magaratifera and is commonly found where the water is silty. Pinctada margaritifera occurs in lagoons, bays and sheltered reef areas to around 40 mts in depth, but is most abundant just below low-water (Sims, 1993: 209). These shells make up a small quantity of income as they are harvested indirectly. They are taken opportunistically by local fishremen. Fish Fishery Milne Bay Province has the largest reef area (32%) in Papua New Guinea and contains the largest reef fish potential yield by Province, which is estimated at 10,296 tonnes (Lokani and Ada, 1998). It has been estimated that there are a total of 1762 varied fish species in Papua New Guinea waters, with an additional 80 species unverified (Opnai and Aitisi, 1995). At present, there are 1313 fish species known from Milne Bay waters (see Conservation International 1998; Seeto, 2000). Fish consumption in the CBMMCAs is seasonally dependent. In the months of June and July, the silvertail spiny foot or mullet makes up a greater portion of fish consumed as at this time it is netted in quite abundant numbers. Another important species is the ox-eye scad. If one is out diving in the islands, fish catchwill be predominantly reef or trolling species. Fish consumption by villagers is proportionally higher on the islands when on expeditions than in the village. Crayfish Fishery The double-spined ornate lobster (Panulirus pencillatus) and the spiny lobster (Panulirus ornatus) are the most commonly exploited species. The painted coral lobster (Panulirus versicolor) makes a small contribution to the catch as does the long legged spiny lobster (Panulirus longpipes). Lobsters are most commonly caught by spearing while free-diving on the reef-slope and crest. Collection at night using underwater torches is often more effective than during the day when lobsters tend to reside in crevices and in the reef. Spearing is an unsatisfactory technique as it tends to discolour the tail. This is overcome by soaking the craytail in a brine solution for a few minutes, which essentially bleaches the meat white. At present only tails are purchased with the bodies and legs being discarded or eaten by villagers. Purchases of crayfish from Brooker (CBMMCA 3) from January to September 1999 resulted in 1,035 kgs of craytails or 5,175 animals being taken for a value of K 8,280 (Kinch, 1999). Areas of Exploitation Since the only detailed data for exploitation levels and areas for any of the communities come from the recent research by Kinch (1999), this data for Brooker (CBMMCA 3) will be the only area discussed in detail. Information from the CBMMCAs 1 and 2 is still limited. In CBMMCA 1, Nuakata people utilise home reefs, Daiwali and Bwelama, Gaimaniggiu, Tayalibalabala and Gomana areas. East Cape people only have access to reefs close to the shore. The Deboyne Islands and the Engineer Group (CBMMCA 2) utilise their own home areas. These areas contribute 70% of the total of beche-de-mer taken in Brooker waters. The Bramble Haven, Nagobi and Nabaina Islands are the most heavily exploited areas for Brooker. These are also the areas that are targeted by the MBP as possible areas for CBMMCSs because they are the last frontiers and also have the highest biodiversity. The islands of Nabaina and Nagobi are also at the centre of a territorial dispute between Brooker and Ware Islanders. If these areas are to be managed as CBMMCSs then this calls into question the costs and benefits of the MBP (see Mitchell et al, 2001) and the necessity of WDCs and other institutions to undertake conflict mediation (see Kinch, 2001). Table 58: Areas of Exploitation Recorded by Brooker (CBMMCA 3) Tradestore Purchases in Kg: January-September 1999 (Source: Kinch, 1999) Place NameBeche-de-merTrochusBlacklipSharkfinAbowat34.56--Brooker23.513.9-12Buiyola-15 --Bulbul-33--Bwagaman135.5--Bwanaloya-4--Ehiki--1-Enivala270.6177.54.5-Gulewa187.5--Habolipuna-21.5--Hawaia13.7145.37.2-Hogonugonu-71.5-Hoguba-9--Howaimu-2--Jomard-14.5--Lal12.123-Lalagena-2.5--Manua-317-Nabaina977.732-Nagobi529.7362.525.6 -Nitabutabu3.5---Noina113.6393-Nunola11.57.5--Panabwabwatana-10--Panadaludalu102.523--Panalobwa71.729.5-10Panapatpat277.5395-Panawidiwidi13.6 142-Salemwamwanawi-18.5--Salunol38---Siakeu4---Tanunawi-11--Venaliwa-3--Unknown-13013.5Totals2528.81184.776.322 The areas of Nabaina and Nagobi in particular have only been open to exploitation since the mid-1980s when the boom for beche-de-mer began. It is noticed by communities that reef areas closer to home are already showing signs of depletion. Recommendations: 22. Conduct a thorough stock assessment, biogeographical survey and community resource-mapping program. 23. Contract a fisheries modeller to quantitatively describe the potential biological performance of CBMMCSs and other alternative approaches to managing marine resources. Milne Bay Exports Since virtually all green snail, blacklip, trochus, beche-de-mer and giant clam adductor muscle are exported, production should equate closely with export data, though this is not necessarily the case. In liaisons with the National Fisheries Authority and the Planning Cell of the Milne Bay Provincial Government, the author has found significant discrepancies in the export figures, which gives cause for concern. The National Fisheries Authoritys data sets are incomplete for the years 1992-1996 and possibly 1997. Therefore export figures should only be regarded as approximates. It should also be noted that the point of export data can be misleading as an indicator of harvest point. Table 59: Milne Bay Marine Product Exports: 1998 (Source: National Fisheries Authority and the Milne Bay Provincial Government) ProductNational Fisheries AuthorityMilne Bay Provincial GovernmentWeight (kgs)Value (kina)Weight (kgs)Value (kinaBeche-de-mer108669.52464533.47118505.62468373.40Trochus69450.0754245.2878675.0868469.18Clam muscles13560.0320047.5911560.0298458.30Crayfish6140.0243897.033026.01091576.20Shark fins1390.5103733.771434.5106055.95Black lip7425.054289.374875.037965.12 Summary and Conclusion Given the proportionately large area of reef present in Milne Bay, the marine resource in the Province represents a substantial proportion of the total resource potential in Papua New Guinea. Since the rapid increase in prices of several marine products in the past few years, more activity is now evident in the fisheries and this is of particular concern to the MBP. Villages within the CBMMCAs are landing significant quantities of marine resources. Sedentary species found on reefs or shallow lagoon areas are potentially at risk from over-exploitation. The extent of resources thus needs to be assessed and management measures introduced as appropriate. Illegal harvesting and poaching is of major concern to all. Longliners represent a threat to the marine biodiversity of the CBMMCAs. Concerns are being raised in the CBMMCAs that the fate of their marine resources seems to be decided as a result of deals made elsewhere, which they have no control over. They have no role in the issuance of fishing licenses to foreign and domestic companies. Greater local involvement and greater transparency is needed. Poor management of valuable marine resources will lead to decreased production affecting both food security and community wealth. Beche-de-mer will be the major target for sustainable resource management in the MBP. Resources need to be allocated for awareness and capacity building at the village level for management of these valuable resources in CBMMCSs and the wider CBMMCAs (see Kinch, 2001). Chapter 10 Tenure and Rights to Resources Rights to Resources Today customary rights are usually enforced only when outsiders fish for a cash return, not when they fish for subsistence. Customary rights are overlapping to a degree and at present lack clearly defined boundaries. Boundaries are naturally less permeable the more distant the outsider group is socially or geographically. Disagreements over rights of access are unlikely to surface in a formal dispute unless a significant commercial opportunity is at stake. A number of works show that, in Melanesia at least, territoriality in coastal waters only came into existence in response to the commencement of trade in valuable resources such as trochus, beche-de-mer and pearl shell. This was sufficient to aggravate disputes over tenure (see Carrier, 1981; Johannes, 1982a,b; Akimichi, 1995; Polunin, 1984). Marine tenure in Milne Bay, is also defended with a vigour proportional to the perceived value of the resource within (also see Wright, 1985). Thus, as the commercial values for marine products have increased, so has the establishment of tenure and territoriality. This has been observed elsewhere, most notably in the Canadian Sub-Arctic with the advent of the fur trade in the 1800s. This had two immediate consequences. First, the value of furs as a resource to the Indians increased considerably. Second, and as a result, the scale of hunting activity rose sharply and added a new value to the possession of land, with Indians becoming more conscious of the exact boundaries of their territories. Private gain and ownership stimulated by the practices and intrusion of European traders, resulted in the rapid development of a mosaic of family owned hunting grounds within each tribal territory (Brasser, 1988). Leacock (1954) clearly established that a close relationship existed, both historically and geographically, between the development of private land rights and the development of commercial trade (Demetz, 1967; see also Averkieva, 1961; Speck and Eiseley, 1939; Cooper, 1939 for examples from Siberia). A similar pattern of tenure, this time related to resources such as beche-de-mer rather than fur bearing animals and reefs rather than trapping areas, could be suggested for Milne Bay. For example, at Sudest (ZONE 2) commercial use of reef waters has altered the previously open-use policy to one where the reef is now divided into family or clan boundaries of ownership (Ralphael Kiltus, Sudest Islander, pers. comm, 1998; also see Stevens, 1990). People within the CBMMCAs today strive to have enough money in order to satisfy their wishes, desires and obligations brought about by modernity and the cash economy. People need money for clothes, kerosene, certain foods, and consumer goods, church donations, community programs such as new churches or school buildings. Problems related to access to resource grounds have existed since the mid-1970s. These have not always been related to the harvesting of commercially valuable marine resources. Mailu people used to sail from Mailu to Sudest in ZONE 2 each year at the end of the northwest monsoon season until 1977 where they would dive for conus shells which they us for ceremonial exchange. During the 1970s and 1980s, there were several requests for Mailu fishers to enter CBMMCAs 2 and 3 waters. . . . the people of these areas [Deboyne and Engineer Groups] have expressed concerns that from time again, the Mailu people from Central Province are continually coming to the area and without consulting the people for this approval, have gone ahead and harvested marine products such as trochus shells, clam shells, beche-de-mer plus large cone shells (Heveve, 1977). . . . traditional island owners would not agree to allow your people to exploit the marine resources in their waters (Elimo, 1986). However, by 1992 the Mailu were apparently sailing to Milne Bay again. Swadling saw Mailu traders on five traditional outrigger canoes at Gaire beach in eastern Motu; they had brought conus shell from Tubetube (CBMMCA 2) for sale to the Motu (Swadling 1994). With the advent of reefs and their resources being seen as valuable commodities, the perceived value of natural resources has changed and requires protection from outsiders. Conflict over property rights in marine resources has arisen with increased demand and with new technology and techniques to harvest resources. In some cases, areas such as deep water, which were, only used for travel, may now come under claim. Willis (1993) writes For the open and deep sea water areas . . . up until now, only have been used for travel. With the new technologies proposed to be used by Coral Sea Fisheries, it is expected that fish will be caught in these areas. Once this is realised, claims of who has rights to what areas will be made. Disputes are bound to arise (see also Huber, 1993). During the operation of Coral Sea Fisheries, Brooker (CBMMCA 3) people closed off their areas to outsiders. The Brooker Ward unanimously agreed in community discussions not to allow anyone to fish within their boundaries for the purpose of selling fish to the Coral Sea Fisheries. Fishing for local consumption was not restricted and people could enter and fish for local consumption (see Louisiade Local Government Council, 1994). As can be seen when marine resources come to represent cash at the market, villages begin to guard their fishing rights jealously. Arguments develop over exactly where the traditional boundaries lie and who, by virtue of clan or village ties, has the right to fish within these boundaries. Traditionally, when everyone got all the fish they wanted, rights and boundaries were often hazily defined as there was no need for great precision. Growing harvesting pressure on marine resources is linked to the consequences of the process of monetization of these resources and in most areas has led to increased frequency of disputes over ownership rights (see also Pernetta and Hill, 1981). Access controls are applied to outsiders and people from other social groups within the CBMMCAs. There often is boundary permeability between groups due to a long history of friendship, kinship or other closer association. Boundaries are naturally less permeable the more distant the outsider group is socially or geographically. But increased commercial resource use often leads to strong access controls, even for close neighbours (Ruddle, 1994a). There is increased concern within all CBMMCAs over other people poaching on their reefs and selling their catch for money. It puts the people and communities in an awkward financial position. In the Misima District a general consensus was reached that any outside person wanting to fish within community fishing grounds must consult the WDCs. Anybody found illegally fishing within their grounds would be fined 500 kina. A problem raised to the Council was how do we identify or determine boundaries of these fishing grounds or reefs if we are to say who owns what? The Councillor from East Panaeati (CBMMCA 2) suggested it would be best to refer this matter back to the wards for the people to have their professional input as they would be in a better position to deliberate on the resource ownership and other matters relating to common boundaries. Also called for was an investigation of the ownership of the small islands as well as the relationships of the islands and mainland people (Louisiade Local Government Council, 1998a). Even though these issues have been broached at the Local Level Governmnet nothing has actually happened. Recommendations: 24. Conduct research to determine the level of dependency on marine resources and community cash requirements. 25. Provide recognition and support to all levels of government for community developed regulations and CBMMCSs. 26. Conduct in-depth study of property relations for the CBMMCAs. Data on marine tenure needs updating with the implementation of a social mapping program. With each grouping of peoples having its own myths, legends and migration stories, it is important that an attempt is made by the MBP to gain at least some understanding of these and how they may (or may not) relate to claims to or ownership of marine resources. 27. Support Milne Bay Provincial Government programs in conflict resolution and mediation, either through informal/formal court systems and/or demarcation and registration of claims to traditional fishing rights. This would benefit villagers, particularly from Ware and Brooker, in CBMMCA 3. Property Rights and the Commons Debate Most conflicts over marine resources arise when the resource is (or is perceived to be) so scarce that sharing it becomes difficult. When rights, particularly those relating to participants' activities regarding their own portions of a stock, are well defined, understood and observed, allocation conflicts tend to be minimized. However, when rights to the use of a stock are not well defined, understood or upheld, divergent assumptions about what the rights may convey often result in conflicts over scarce fisheries resources (FAO, 2000). Fisheries resources are becoming increasingly scarce, so conflicts over the allocation and sharing of these resources are likely to become more frequent, unless there are mechanisms that allocate resources explicitly. Conflicts can be minimized by clarifying the property rights conferred by the management of a fishery, following risk-based decision strategies and using conflict mitigation processes (FAO, 2000). The 'tradegy of the commons' dilemma (Hardin, 1968, 1976) develops when there are too many users of a limited resource (Grima and Berkes, 1989). In traditional societies, the commons dilemma is often solved by the emergence of common-property institutions to define the rights and duties of the co-owners of the resource, or of the right to use the resource. Resources which are abundant relative to needs do not require any special arrangments such as territories. However, when the resource becomes scarce relative to needs, then special care has to be taken. Open access is an undesirable regime under which to exploit a natural resource, at least when extraction becomes intensive, as there is excess demand for the resource, and overexploitation results as each user rushes to harvest the resource before the next person does. Abuse of the resource occurs because each user, while striving for private gains, can spread some of the costs of his or her use to other users. This is what is occurring in the Milne Bay marine context. Generally, authors have accepted the assumption that sea tenure institutions are overwhelmed by wider global political and economic contests over natural resources (see Graham and Idechong 1998; Mantjoro and Akimichi 1996), or by situations where the difficulties of exclusion and the subtractability of benefits are intensified (Becker and Ostrom 1995). Exclusion refers to a groups ability to control access to resources by its own members or outsiders. This ability depends on the social, economic, and political costs and benefits of defending a resource or territorial estate; on the groups ability to legitimise territorial claims through their validation by neighbouring groups; and their ability to enforce these claims via either formal or informal means. If resources are located within a bounded common property regime where participants can prevent non-members resource access while enforcing limits on resource use among themselves, the regeneration rate of resources is more likely to be sustainable (Aswani 1999, 2000; Becker and Ostrom 1995). The problem of subtractibility may be approached by making and enforcing rules to limit short-term individual interest and to protect long-term, collective interest (Berkes, 1994). In every group there will be individuals who will ignore norms and act opportunistically. There are also situations in which the potential benefits will be so high that even strongly committed individuals will break norms, like when the price of beche-de-mer is so high or a commercial fishing company visits the area. The free-rider problem results when an individual shirks responsibiity to the community or group (Runge, 1992). As long as profit can be gained from a CPR, people will continue to enter the system and compete for diminishing goods until all true profit (rent) is dissipated. The presumed incentive any individual may have to shirk responsibility to the community is often construed as logical from the point of veiw of narrow self-interest and cited as a dominant human motive against which the group is defenseless (see Dasgupta, 1982). This opportunistic behaviour is a possibility that must be dealt with by the MBP. Ostrom (1990) has proposed a set of institutional characteristics that, when present, can mitigate free-riding, subtractability, and self-enforcement problems. These include: (i) the clear definition of boundaries; (ii) equitable costs and benefits for all inclusive members; (iii) participatory decision-making by all stakeholders; (iv) the capacity to monitor; (v) the enforceability of collective action decisions; (vi) the presence of conflict resolution mechanisms; and (vii) the availability of formal or informal means for users to secure tenure and organisational rights. Institutions displaying all or most of these traits are generally robust and enduring (Bromley 1992; Becker and Ostrom 1995). The MBP needs to determine whether or not people within the CBMMCAs can translate governance into effective management regimes. Rational actors will choose to either free-ride or not depending upon a groups potential to develop monitoring and controlling mechanisms (see Aswani, 2000). Community-Based Co-Management The common property resource literature documents a range of past and current 'traditional' resource management systems in non-western societies, which have had the outcome of protecting particular areas or species for periods of time (Alcorn, 1995; Berkes and Farvar, 1989; Gibbs and Bromley, 1989; Lynch and Alcorn, 1994; McCay and Jentoft, 1996; Berkes, 1991; Ostrom, 1993; Pinkerton and Weinstein, 1995). Recent research on small-scale coastal fisheries has shown that a degree of regulated access, enforced at the local level through community institutions and social practices, as the best chance of success (see Hviding and Jul-Larsen, 1993; Korten, 1986; Berkes, 1989; McCay and Acheson, 1987; Poffenberger, 1990; Bromley et al, 1992). At the core of community-based management are the issues of property rights, resource management regimes and institutional arrangements. Community-management systems that will be devised by the CBMMCAs can perform a number of critical roles in the local community in maintaining livelihood security. In many cases the implementation of management and tenure systems has a potential capacity to avert or overcome problems of open-access fishing and to generate incentives on the part of holders of rights to harvest efficiently and conserve and manage resources (cf Ruddle, Hviding and Johannes, 1992). Enforcement Violations of the rules and conflicts over use of the commons suggest that any such rules must be designed to have an obvious and direct relationship to the goal of preservation. Co-owners of the commons will not obey regulations that they regard as frivolous or arbitary. They will obey regulations that are quite clearly based on principles of maximum sustainable yield. They will consent to being deprived of certain products of the commons only if they can be convinced that what they do not extract from the commons is truly needed for its long term maintenance, and that others will exercise similar self-restraint (McKean, 1992). If rights are to be meaningful, provision must be made within the system for monitoring compliance with rules and imposing sanctions on violators (Ruddle, 1994a). Sanctions are culturally constituted means for motivating the individuals of a given society in such a way that they will play their roles in the total scheme of property relations in the most efficient manner (Hallowell, 1943). Self-regulation works best in traditional societies in which economic activities are embedded in social relationships within the community, and are regulated by common values and rules (the culture) of the people who live in that society (Berkes, 1985). Societies have the capacity to construct and enforce rules and norms that constrain the behaviour of individuals (Feeny, Berkes, McCay and Acheson, 1990). This will be developed by the MBP. Obligations associated with individual user rights usually involved a commitment beyond simple judicious resource use, including: (i) participation in decisions concerning resource allocation and management; (ii) agreement to abide by communally imposed measures designed to protect the resource; (iii) commitment to report infringement of agreed conservation and mangement measures; and (iv) participation in the performance of rituals designed to enhance resource productivity and longevity (Doulman, 1993). These will be helped by capacity building at the community level (see Kinch, 2001; Mitchell et al, 2001 for details). Current Tenure Disputes CBMMCA 1 Problems at Nuakata centre round the Balu Island dispute and poaching from Alotau, East Cape and Kurada, and by alleged intrusions by Nako and Kiwali. A total of 20 traditional fishing sites have been identified around Nuakata (Kelokelo, 2000). Ninety-nine percent of the catch was reef fish. At Nuakata ownership of the foreshore was awarded according to the principle of adjacency to owned land by matrilineages. There are boundary disputes at Iabam and Pahilele. Nuakata would like to see outsiders seek permission and respect management plans on selected species and size harvesting and fishing restrictions placed on the use of gill nets and on resources needed for food exchange. CBMMCA 2 In 1909 the government disallowed any further applications for the alienation of small uninhabited islands that might have been stopping places for Papuan canoes or visited by their fishermen. This suggests that the colonial government was already conscious in the first decade of the 20th Century of claims by local landowners to isolated (and unoccupied) reefs/islands/islets (United States of America Armed Forces. 1942). Both the Engineer Group and the Deboyne Islanders claim this area. On Tubetube when disputes did occur, myths were generally not drawn on to serve as charters for claims, nor were there appeals to the antiquity of a clans ownership. Instead, because of the high incidence of transferral of usufruct rights disputes resulted in careful examination of the history of land exchanges for previous generations, exchanges which in most cases involved immigrant affines or clanspeople (Macintyre 1983a). The basis of Panaeati land tenure, in particular the transfers of usufruct rights under the matrilineal system, is described in Berde (1974). Berde argues strongly that in the pre-colonial period inter-island sailing by Panaeati islanders was very restricted, with the closest contacts only with the Torlesse Islands and a small island known as Mabui, north of the reef fringing the Calvados. During World War II, it was recorded that only Bona Bona Kai (Bonnabonnawan on later maps) Island in the Torlesse group was under coconuts planted by Panaeati people (United States of America Armed Forces. 1942). Panaeati people claim the Torlesse Islands, whilst both Panaeati and Panapompom have rights to the Conflicts. In the past the Conflict Group has been under dispute between Panaeati and Kwaraiwa . . . even though the islands or reefs are owned by one group, it has been allowed for all groups to have access to them in the past years, as I understand both groups traditionally possess similar customs and perhaps conflict only arose as the result of economic development (Kotauga, 1983). A Louisiade Local Level Council Resolution No.: 40/1983 called for the Conflicts to be returned to Panaeati and Kwaraiwa. This free-hold land is now owned by a retired US Attorney General, L.J. Neveles. In recent Community Entry Patrols as part of the MBP concerns were raised about the return of these islands and there is very much the potential for conflict over resources to arise once again between Engineer and Deboyne peoples. Panaeati people are now diving extensively at Kanalilae and Kanali Tewtewa Reefs east of the Conflicts. The Conflicts are already considered fished out. Table 60: Freehold Status of the Conflict Group (CBMMCA 2) (Source: Kimas, 1986) PortionPlaceStatusCode No.Reference No.Plan No.Portion 01Ilai Is. Freehold LandCT 160Ref: 66/1638Plan: 58/43Portion 02Maliboiboi Is.Freehold LandCT 159Ref: 66/1637Plan: 58/44Portion 04Kabagabuta Is.Freehold LandCT 157Ref: 66/1635Plan: 58/47Portion 06Lupilan Is.Freehold LandCT 157Ref: 66/1635Plan: 58/47Portion 08Lut Matavi Is. (No.: 1)Freehold LandCT 156Ref: 66/1634Plan: 58/48Portion 09Lut Matavi Is. (No.: 2)Freehold LandCT 156Ref: 66/1634Plan: 58/48Portion 11Tinori Is.Freehold LandCT 155Ref: 66/1633Plan: 58/46Portion 12Kisa Is.Freehold LandCT 153Ref: 66/1631Plan: 58/45Portion 13Reef Is. (No.: 3)Freehold LandCT 152Ref: 66/1630Plan: 58/51Portion 14Itamarina Is.Freehold LandCT 153Ref: 66/1631Plan: 58/45Portion 15Aroroa Is.Freehold LandCT 154Ref: 66/1632Plan: 58/50Portion 17Kolavia Is (No.: 3)Freehold LandCT 158Ref: 66/1636Plan: 58/49Portion 18Kolavia Is (No.: 2)Freehold LandCT 158Ref: 66/1636Plan: 58/49Portion 19Kolavia Is (No.: 1)Freehold LandCT 158Ref: 66/1636Plan: 58/49Portion 21No.: 2 Is.Freehold LandCT 158Ref: 66/1636Plan: 58/49Portion 22No.: 1 Is.Freehold LandCT 158Ref: nilPlan: 58/49Portion 23Reef Is. (No.: 2)Freehold LandCT 152Ref: 66/1630Plan: 58/51Portion 24Reef Is. (No.: 1)Freehold LandCT 152Ref: 66/1630Plan: 58/51Portion 25Two Small Islets.Freehold LandCT 154Ref: 66/1632Plan: 58/50 In 1985, Ian Finley planned to build a tourist resort called Club Calvados at the Conflicts. A Panaeati man who worked for the Department of Policy and Planning opposed this. If the present proposal goes ahead, this will mean, cutting off income and total destruction of their traditional area of livelihood. This will be against the traditional culture of the people, the rightful owners of resources (George, 1983). CBMMCA 3 Of highest significance to the MBP is the major dispute between Ware and Brooker over the Bramble Haven/Long Reefs (see Kinch 1999; Kinch 2000e) and the Nabaina and Nagobi Islands. The current dispute has been going on for a considerable length of time. Brooker people told the author that it had been an issue at one time in the early 1950s. In 1950 Mr Cowell, a government officer from Bwagaioa, came to map the area and had Ware going to Guawana and Brooker going to Liwaus, causing an overlap. He had come down because Bob Bunton wanted to buy Enivala but Brooker had said no. Cowell had told people at this time that the government was the boss of the disputed area. The Department of Primary Industries in 1981 records that in one area of the Louisiade Archipelago people were arguing over reefs that were previously fished by anyone of that area. This was the Long/Kosmann Reefs area. The problem has escalated in the last ten years or so when the Brooker workboat 'Esowal' owned by the Sam family of Brooker started diving at Nagobi in 1987 (see Benjamin, 1998). The 1980s saw an increase in prices paid on beche-de-mer and a subsequent rise in harvesting and consequently a rise in disputes. Things finally came to a head in 1998 when Ware people with the help of Samarai Police confiscated nine bags of processed beche-de-mer at Nabaina. A total of 304.05 kg of beche-de-mer was confiscated and was later sold to Asiapac for 2405.15 kina (see David, 1998; Kinch, 1999, 2000e). In April 1999, Ware people came again to Nabaina to warn Brooker people away. This time they confiscated the engine handle off one of Nakos fishing vessels which was purchasing clam muscle and crayfish from Brooker people. This incident finally led to some government intervention. A meeting was held in Alotau in May 1999 with the District Administrator from Misima, the Provincial Administrator, as well as elders from Ware. The Administrators office was to pursue the matter and a court order was to be placed restricting both parties from harvesting marine resources. In July and August 2000, and January 2001, Ware people came again to Nabaina to order Brooker people away from the island attacking people and canoes. Nothing has been resolved and the issue still festers, though now becoming more hostile and dangerous. Brooker people are mobilising mythological association with the area to validate their rights to the islands under dispute. Brooker people have two stories related to the area and a summary of these is given below. Other linguistic evidence and historical associations also support Brooker claims. The passage Liwaus that is designated by Brooker people as the traditional boundary is also a language boundary between the Misima and Ware (Tubetube) languages. Most named places to the east of this passage are in the Misiman language, those to the west are in the Ware (Tubetube) language. Historical association for Brooker people with the disputed islands goes back to the turn of the 20th Century when the European Nik the Greek took men from Brooker to the Nabaina and Nagobi Islands. They were made to stay there for the turtle nesting season harvesting hawksbill shell for the lucrative trade at that time. Moreover, historical accounts place Calvados Chain people thoroughly at home in the Duchateau islands in the mid-1880s. In July 1849, for example, when H.M.S. Rattlesnake visited the Duchateau Islands (south of Brooker), MacGillivray reported that canoes from the western Calvados frequently visited these islands. MacGillivray and his crew were able to barter for coconuts and yams, and some crops not previously seen such as Indian corn, ginger and sugar cane (MacGillivray, 1852). Ware people also have some more recent historical associations with the disputed islands which date back primarily to the 1950s and 1960s when numerous men worked with Boss Marigili on developing coconut plantations on the islands. Ware people are also claiming mythological association with the islands. Belshaw (1955) made two general distinctions in regards to tenure on Ware. One was land and distant islets, which are owned by clans, and the normal mode of access is inheritance through matrilineal succession. The second dealt with reefs, which are owned by the whole community rather than associated with clans as such, and the same applies to the surrounding reefs where most subsistence fishing takes place (see Hayes 1993). Belshaws (1955) account suggested the possibility of a complex distribution of rights to such land and marine resources. After noting that coconuts had been planted on a number of islands and islets including Panaman (Imbert), Tarikubwakubwa, Mwalalitabi, Mwelali, Tariwewai (Stuers Islands), and others of the Long Reef, which stretches to Sudest, he wrote: Ware people own and have planted most of these, though through kinship and co-operation people from other villages also have an interest. Some Ware people also have shares in plantations as far away as Motorina and in the Engineer Group. A number have been allowed to work plantations of the Samarai firm of Buntings, Ltd., but recently the firm announced it was planning to recommence operating them on its own account . . . Associated with the plantations are the nearby reefs, varying in resources, which the villagers use mainly for trochus shell fishing. On occasion special expeditions from Ware fish the reefs of Sudest. (Belshaw 1955: 32) The Ware association with Buntings was longstanding: plantations on Marigili and Imbert islands and on Panamau and Meilai in the Dumoulin islands east and west of Wari respectively had been planted originally by Bunting Brothers and were still owned by A. H. Bunting Ltd in 1940 (Lewis, 1996). R. Bunting had also established a plantation on Ware itself. This Company also owned plantations in the Duchateau Islands near Brooker (Lewis, 1996). Clearly, the association between Ware people and Buntings provided opportunities for widespread economic activity and certain legitimacy to the Barrier Reef area. In fact the government thought so to, as plantations close too Ware were returned to them in 1983. This is of specific interest because in the Calvados Chain (and Misima District) rights to reefs are reportedly claimed by whole island communities rather than by lower level units such as clans, lineages or families. This has been summarised by the author (Kinch, 1999), citing work by others (Stevens, 1994; Gerritsen and Macintyre, 1986; Alu and Mee, 1979). In contrast to such community level claims, there are reports from the Trobriands where, although a whole village community normally holds rights to marine resources, there are exceptions such as the village of Kevatariya (Kavataria). Here the reef is divided into distinct clan and family claims (Williamson, 1989). There is a similar report of such lower level claims to reefs from Sudest Island (Kinch, 1999), and from Tubetube nearly a century ago (Seligman, 1910). Recent talk at Brooker has suggested the extending of island claims to the surrounding reef to the depth of where a canoe pole can touch. Table 61: Islands Around Brooker (CBMMCA 3) and Their Clan Ownership (Source: Kinch, 1999 PhD Field Notes) PlaceClan OwnershipAbowat IOwned by the Clans of Pana'alalan.Awanogamwana I / Nitabutabu IOwned by a member of the Ewau Clan. Given originally by the father to the present owners.Brooker ISeparate blocks owned by different Clans. Manilobu and Ewau Clans are the largest land owning groups.Ehiki IOwned by the Clans of Pana'alalan.Enivala I / Punuwan IOwned by a member of the Meisoga Clan. Given originally by the Manilobu Clan.Eyaluguguwa IDisputed between Misima and Panaeati.Gulewa IOwned by a member of the Mwaowa Clan. Given originally by the Guwau Clan.Gulewa Kekei IOwned by a member of the Mailobu Clan. Given originally by the Mwaowa Clan.Kokoluba IOwned by a member of the Ewau Clan. Lal lele I / Rara IOwned by a member of the Mailobu Clan.Mabui I Disputed between Misima and Motorina.Mwanewa IDisputed between Misima and Motorina.Nabaina IDisputed between Ware and Brooker.Nagobi IDisputed between Ware and Brooker.Nibub IOwned by the Clans of Panapompom.Noina IOwned by the Linawiya Clan. Given originally by the father to the present owner who was from the Manilobu Clan.Panadaludalu I / Panalailai IOwned by the Laeloga Clan (?).Panakivinina IThis island has been destroyed by wave action. It is now just a submerged sandbank.PanakoubwaOwned by the Mwaowa Clan who live at Gulewa.Panalobwa IOwned by the Ewau Clan. Given originally by the Mailobu Clan to the present owner's mother.Pananimunimu INo ownership as the island is mosquito infested swamp.Panaapwa IOwned by a member of the Ewau Clan. Given originally by the father to the present owner who was from the Manilobu Clan.Panaalaalan I / Panapatpat IOwned by a member of the Meisoga Clan. Given originally by the Mailobu Clan.Panasagusagu IDisputed between Misima and Motorina.Panasial I Owned by the Manilobu, Laeloga, Meisoga, Mwaowa Clans.PanauabwaubwaOwned by a member of the Ewau Clan.Panawidiwidi IA member of the Ewau Clan owns the western half. A member of the Mwaowa Clan owns the eastern half.Panalolan I / Panarara IOwned by a member of the Ewau Clan. Panuabwabwayoina I / Salunol IOwned by a member of the Manilobu Clan.Panuiyayapona I / Jomard IDisputed by Clans at Brooker.Tavalkaukaubwana I / Talikubwakubwa IOwned by a member of the Meisoga Clan who own Enivala.Panuluwaluwala I / Hoviyouwan IOwned by a member of the Ewau Clan who own Kokulouba.Salunamunamu IOwned by a member of the Mwaowa Clan who live at Motorina (?).Siva IOwned by a group from Suau. Given originally by the Manilobu Clan.Tobwayam IOwned by a member of the Mwaowa Clan. Given originally by ancestors along with the eastern half of Panawidiwidi.Uliulina IDisputed between Motorina and BrookerVenaliwa IDisputed between Motorina and BrookerYotavi IOwned by a member of the Ewau Clan. They planted the first coconuts there. It is worth pointing out that some of the early colonial land purchases for plantation purposes might possibly have recorded valuable historical information on the details of customary land and marine claims to isolated islands and reefs. In CBMMCA 3 relevant records could include Duchateau Islands (south of Brooker), and the Dumoulin Islands (Miligili and Imbert Islands, and Panamau and Meilai islands, east and west of Ware respectively. Another method to follow up would be to check if any of these were returned/resumed/resold as part of the Plantation Redistribution Scheme (or for similar purposes) to previous customary landowners. If so, there may be information on file in either the Milne Bay Lands Office in Alotau or in the Lands Department or the Land Titles Commission, Port Moresby, concerning the investigation and settlement of such claims at the time. To complicate matters worse people at Kwaraiwa and Anagusa Islands in the Engineers believe that the Long and Kosmann Reefs are and always have been public areas and should not come under the ownership of either Brooker or Ware (Kinch, 2000e). This is because they want to dive there as well. Other ongoing disputes within CBMMCA 3 are between Brooker and Motorina who dispute each others access to seas and the island of Venaliwa that lies between these two islands. Motorina are also in dispute with Panaeati as well as the south coast villages on Misima regarding the north Barrier Reef Islands. Summary and Conclusion Property rights and marine tenure have a crucial bearing on questions of resource sustainability for the MBP. There is a need to understand how institutions help users in the CBMMCAs cope with resource use problems. The MBP gives us an ideal opportunity to monitor the processes of self-organisation and self-governance. When marine resources come to represent cash at the market, villages begin to guard their fishing rights jealously. Arguments develop over exactly where the traditional boundaries lie and who, by virtue of clan or village ties, has the right to fish within these boundaries. Traditionally, when everyone got all the fish they wanted, rights and boundaries were often hazily defined as there was no need for great precision. Growing harvesting pressure on marine resources is linked to the consequences of the process of monetization of these resources and most areas has led to increased frequency of disputes over ownership rights. There is an increased concern within all CBMMCAs of other people poaching on their reefs and selling their catch for money. Conflict management and resolution at the LLG and Ward levels will have to be developed. There is a possibility of conflict within all CBMMCAs and also within the communities themselves. Different islands within the Engineers have recently become hostile to each other over rights to beche-de-mer diving grounds. This is a threat to the MBP. The most lond standing and delicate situation within Zone 1 is that between Ware and Brooker in CBMMCA 3. All these disputes over access to marine resources, and territories are very significant and will be of major importance in the context of any conservation-related activities that the MBP tries to implement. Some of these disputes appear to have gone on for years without either side being prepared to discuss the issues, much less reach compromise. Emphasis will need to be put on supporting any programs relating to demarcation of marine territories and on encouraging the traditional owners to exploit the resources within their sustainable limits where markets are available. Supporting any programs by the Milne Bay Provincial Government in relation to conflict resolution and mediation either through informal/formal court systems and/or demarcation and registration of claims to traditional fishing rights would be beneficial to villagers. This is of particular concern in light of the continuing desire for cash and exploitation of marine resources. A strong social mapping program may lay to rest once and for all the disputed areas. Chapter 11 Conservation Conservation Dichotomies Because the social and cultural fabric is so tightly interwoven with the biodiversity that provides material sustenance, peoples perception of the 'ecosytem' is markedly different from the Western scientific concept (cf Regis, 2000). People are generally concerned with the immediate benefits of fishing and gardening rather than the conscious need to manage resources sustainably. The environment is now valued insofar as its exploitation can provide financial rewards and better services to people. They are more concerned with immediate yields and with their ability to earn cash by selling and exploiting elements of the environment, rather than with questions of future sustainability. Even when community organisational structures are strong, current population pressures make it increasingly difficult for communities directly dependent on natural resources for survival to defer present exploitation for the sake of future security of the resource base (cf Kiss, 1990). Overall, the question of whether indigenous and conservation interests really coincide has been strongly debated, with convincing evidence that such a commonality cannot be assumed (Cox and Elmqvist, 1997; Dwyer, 1994; Einarsson, 1993; Ellen, 1986; Gomez-Pompa and Kaus, 1992; Jeanrenaud, 1997; Korten, 1996; Orsak, 1996; Peres, 1995; Redford and Stearman, 1995). Determining whether or not a traditional conservation ethic exists within the CBMMCAs is important when framing conservation measures. Where it exists, it provides an excellent foundation on which to build conservation programs; they can be planned around accepted local values and associated customs. Where traditional conservation is weak or non-existent, the natural resource manager (and the schools) need to be aware that a major education effort lies ahead. Polunin (1984; 1990) challenges the view that indigenous systems of sea use encourage conservation. Pernetta and Hill (1980) who state that subsistence societies exploit available resources for their immediate survival and that whilst traditional knowledge may include the knowledge of the consequences of given activities or actions this would always be moderated by the immediate needs of survival. This statement is still valid today. Hames (1987: 106) argues that the jury is still out over the notion of an indigenous conservation ethic because of a lack of behavioural data pertaining to resource management and conservation. On Manus, Carrier (1982) found that people are not very interested in the ways that species of fish are unique rather they were more interested in their suitability as food, and where and how to catch them. Conservation must largely be consistent with local peoples priorities - or, conversely, by enabling local residents to better manage their resources for the benefit of current and future generations, conservation will result. The truth is that conservationists often have very different priorities than the intended beneficiaries. Producers will limit their production to a certain level using fewer resources when they intensify production to a certain level, therefore using fewer resources when they intensify production at the site (Brown and Wyckoff-Baird, 1992). Buried in this assumption is that people will be perpetually content with the small amount of cash provided by alternative enterprises and will not seek to maximise income (Chummy, 1996). In the Milne Bay case people will desire more cash. Recommendation: 28. Given the lack of a conservation ethic among communities in the CBMMCAs, the MBP will have to link conservation to issues which local people find important and which move them to think about resource management, planning and conservation. The Case for Local Ecological Knowledge One of the features of fisheries in Papua New Guinea that is constantly highlighted is the lack of information on the resources and the way in which they are currently being exploited (Hair, 1994). Despite its high marine biodiversity, PNG has been poorly studied, and official monitoring statistics are non-existent, unpublished or rudimentary. Local Ecological Knowledge (LEK) has not yet been assessed and documentation is only fragmentary(Piddington et al, 1997). Johnson (1992: 4) defines LEK as a: . . . body of knowledge built by a group of people through generations living in close contact with nature. It includes a system of classification, a set of empirical observations about the local environment, and a system of self-management that governs resource use. The preoccupation with the direct use value of natural resources in rural PNG is evident in their local knowledge systems. First, people usually only have detailed names and classifications for those elements of the environment that are useful and important in fulfilling their daily needs, but lack specific names for the elements that are less important from a utilitarian point of view. Second, this knowledge is aimed at the exploitation and use of natural resources to fulfill human needs, rather than at understanding the interdependency of ecological systems (cf van Helden, 1998). It has important ramifications for creating fishery management schemes. LEK is a valuable resource of relevant information that can enhance resource conservation and the preservation of ecological integrity in many parts of Milne Bay. It also provides insights into human-environment relationships and can be employed to enhance local self-sufficiency, both in the maintenance of subsistence strategies and for the development of market-orientated programs of carefully managed commercial exploitation of natural resources (particularly baitfish, beche-de-mer and trochus). Given that these are the explicit goals of the MBP, there is a strong case for a major emphasis on the value of LEK. In recent years at the global level, there has been wide recognition of the value of LEK.. For instance, Chapter 17 of Agenda 21 (United Nations Conference on Environment and Development) made important recommendations concerning traditional resource management. According to Section 17.81 (c) people must Develop systems for the acquistion and recording of traditional knowledge concerning marine living resources and environment and promote the incorporation of such knowledge into management. Section 17.94 (b) requires people to Provide support to local fishing communities in particular those that rely on fishing for subsistence, indigenous people and women, including as appropriate, the technical and financial assistance to organise, maintain, exchange and improve traditional knowledge of marine living resources and fishing techniques, and upgrade knowledge on marine ecosystems. The Convention on Biological Diversity, which is managed by the United Nations Environment Program makes specific reference to the need to protect the world's indigenous cultures and traditions. Article 8 of the convention states: subject to its national legislation, (to) respect, preserve, and maintain knowledge, innovations and practices of indigenous and local communities embodying traditional life styles relevant for the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity. Recording the spatial and temporal distribution of habitats and biota is fundamental to developing CBMMCSs. It is probable that the locations of rare or endangered species are more likely to be identified by local resource users than by outside researchers doing site inventories (Johannes, 1994; Johannes and Hviding, 2000). This research involving communities in the CBMMCAs can contribute in the long-term by promoting culturally appropriate and environmentally sustainable adaptations acceptable to people as they exploit their resources commercially (see Sillitoe, 1998). LEK in Milne Bay could be incorporated into a database or Global Information System (see Calamia, 1999; Lucas, 1996; Ault et al, 2000) along the lines of the already-developed PNGRIS and BIORAP programs. Most people dependent on marine resources for their livelihoods come into contact with a wide variety of marine fishes and invertebrates on an almost daily basis. As a consequence, most are familiar with the names of a large number of these animals. A great deal of local knowledge is often implicit in the names themselves and in the classification system used (see Ruddle, 1994b). Etymologies of folk taxa are categorised according to the type of information they reveal about the animal (see Foale, 1998). The largest category of taxa comprises names, which simply describe the external appearance of the fish. Many names refer to the fishs habitat or some aspect of it. Basic information is encoded in the etymologies of many local fish taxa and items of local knowledge about the behaviour of some fish species (see Kinch, 1999). A particular body of LEK refers to peoples classification of natural phenomena and their perceptions of environmental causes and effects, understandings of natural processes (systems of relationships involving plants, animals and various supernatural and environmental factors) (Lewis, 1993). Fishing-related knowledge is linked with similar knowledge regarding the terrestrial environment, and with knowledge about climate and seasons (see Hviding, 1996). Peoples knowledge of the marine environment, being behaviour and capture orientated, and focusing on predictable cycles in the availability of fish, invertebrates, and other living things of sea, reefs, and mangroves, guides practice to produce regular temporal and spatial activity patterns. In the case of Milne Bay Province, within Zone 1, current evidence indicates that explicit LEK is not strongly developed in some communities. On Brooker (CBMMCA 3), for instance, there is general agreement that fishing is always better at low tide. However, no clear axioms emerged regarding particular seasons or lunar phases that were better for any particular method of fin-fishing. Although local knowledge of seasonal spawning aggregations of certain species of serranids has been demonstrated for several Pacific Island societies (Johannes, 1978b, 1980; Johannes and Hviding, 2000), nobody on Brooker claimed to know of such aggregations in the area. At East Cape (CBMMCA 1), knowledge of spawning areas for flying fish and various other fishes has been reported (Seeto, 2000). Islanders in Milne Bay utilise many generations of accumulated knowledge and skill about the local territory. There is a wealth of knowledge about ocean currents, tides and associated wind-current relationships, which help to define access and availability of species in the seascape. In practical navigation, ensuring safety at sea means utilising ones knowledge of waves, currents, and other environmental forces so as to obtain as smooth as passage as possible. The use of stars as navigational aids was among the vital skills of early voyagers; today this knowledge is all but lost. People make use of cloud patterns and are further assisted by the emerging island features on the horizon. Cultural identity is deeply imbedded in the seascape as well as the landscape. Life in, on and at sea remains a deeply meaningful component of peoples practical lives (cf Hviding and Baines, 1996; Bourdieu, 1977). Recommendations: 29. Appropriate marine resource management systems should be designed, implemented and monitored. Construct an appropriate feedback mechanism from top to bottom and vice versa. 30. Investigate the suitability of closed seasons for different species and the problems of multi-species fisheries at different spatial and temporal scales. 31. Western and local scientific knowledge of marine systems management are jointly employed to reinforce the interdependency between humans and nature, and to provide a platform for the introduction of more Western concepts of conservation. 32. Encourage, traine and equip communities should be to participate in the monitoring and surveillance of their own marine resources. The Current Status of Local Knowledge and Cultural Loss Ten years ago, the Provincial Issues and Concerns Report raised the following perceived problems: (i) loss of traditional customs, taboos, laws and values; (ii) increase in lack of respect for village elders, traditional values and customs; (iii) growing unacceptance of village life; and (iv) deteriorating traditional methods of land inheritance and settlement of disputes. More recently Callister (1998) notes from workshops held on traditional resource tenure at Misima: The young people were recipients of knowledge about the culture they live in, knowledge, which surprisingly is no longer passed, allowing them to gain some of the identity they feel theyve lost. The older generation in turn felt glad of the opportunity to impart this knowledge, gratified that some of the younger generation are showing interest in their culture Education is also a double-edged sword. If young folk are all being educated in Western curricula, they have less time to learn traditional ecological knowledge. On the other hand, if they have exposure to education about marine issues it can make them more informed about what is happening to their marine environment. Recommendation: 33. Design activities to create a mechanism for recognising the value, role, and importance in Local Ecological Knowledge. Tradition and Place Of particular interest to the MBP is the critical role that oral histories, myths and legends play in defining the territorial domains of social groups and a sense of place and identity within that place (see Khan, 1990, 1996). In Papua New Guinea, in general, it is thought that through myths people have transmitted basic legal, political, social and economic charters by which rights and obligations between groups within communities are defined and rights to specific resources and territories are defended (Lacey, 1979). In a study of the Mandok people of the Siassi district Pomponia (1992: 66) states: The Mandok believed, as did many other Melanesian societies, that an inherent aspect of an individuals (and a cultures) identity was assimilated from that individuals residence and subsistence economy. It was as if people absorbed all of the life-giving forces from their land and from food grown in that place. That substance was then transformed, through the food and liquids ingested and the air breathed, into human life. For most Melanesian horticulturists, this substance comes from the ground . . . For the Mandok, it comes from the sea. Place names may mark territorial claims, function as spatial references in economic activities, encode oral history or serve as identifiers of territorially integrated, corporate social groups (Ayres, 1983; Basso, 1984; Gaffin, 1993; Takaki, 1982). In some cases, groups claim customary rights on the premise that their ancestors were the original inhabitants and/or users of particular land and sea areas. Myth is used to illustrate the connection between sea territories and culture, the social links among people, and the value of the landscape (see Fitzpatrick, 1991). The sea is of focal importance to islanders throughout Milne Bay in terms of both cultural and social relations: it is an environment criss-crossed by culturally inscribed paths of sequential practical experience leading to and from distant islands whose inhabitants are part of the wider social universe. The understanding of the stories and the arrangement of the places they relate to is proximal to understanding the pattern of social organisation and the ecology of marine environments. In Appendix 8 the names of Brooker (CBMMCA 3) geographical features and their meanings and significance are given as examples of this. Knowledge of place names and customary usage is also important in resolving and supporting claims against disputes relating to maritime claims. This is particularly true in the present dispute between Brooker and Ware presented earlier. Customary usage is also preserved in lore, legends, songs and dances. On Brooker, there are mythological stories of a species of triggerfish and of a turtle at Panapatpat and on Panasial, the neighbouring island, there are stories of a moray eel and a giant from Sudest who originally brought yams to the area. Songs are still remembered concerning the sandpiper and pigeons, and dances have now seen a small revival of culture days. These include dances for moray eels and the hump-headed maori wrasse. Community-Based Marine Management and Conservation Sites Researchers broadly agree that CBMMCSs are beneficial in enhancing spawning stock biomass, and allowing for larval dispersal and the export of adults to adjacent non-protected areas (Bohnsack 1993, 1996; Roberts and Polunin, 1991; Alcala and Russ, 1990; Russ and Alcala 1996; Alcala, 1997; White et al, 1989; Nowlis and Roberts, 1998; Adams, Dalzell and Roberts, 1997). Likewise, spatio-temporal refugia alleviate pressure on stocks by allowing depleted populations to recover during seasonal or episodic no-take periods; they may also allow for increased larval dispersal, particularly if the area is dotted with permanently closed source population Zones (Quinn et al, 1993). CBMMCA members' perception of the CBMMCS's impact on the resource is also an important indicator. It is these perceptions that will influence their behaviour regarding the CBMMCS (Pollnac, 2000). Johannes (1998; also Schmidt, 1997) has recently supported the application of 'data-less' precautionary management in the tropical Indo-Pacific region. He argues that the best way to manage inshore tropical fisheries is to partly devolve managerial responsibilities to local communities. It is important for the MBP that it establish reasonable expectations for when the communities within the CBMMCAs should expect to see results from their conservation and mangemnet exercises. Johannes (1994) has argued that this very problem is an opportunity to seek a new paradigm for fisheries management in the South Pacificone that is not based on the conventional approach of intensive data gathering and analysis, but based on self-reinforcing feedback systems at the local level. Johannes argues that the very limitations evident in most island fisheries departments are sufficient to make the conventional approach invalid, as it is usually impossibly cost-inefficient to collect sufficient data for the results to conform to the usual tests of significance. Instead, another approach is required where less emphasis is placed on hard data and more on gathering information from the fishermen who prosecute the fishery. Johannes (1994) emphasises that data-less management is not information-less management, but rather a mechanism that pays greater attention to the information provided by fishermen on their assessment of a stock, and of the ways in which traditional and community measures were brought into play to maintain stocks. This is of course provided that indicators are negotiated and well understood by communities within the CBMMCAs. By social necessity many of the CBMMCSs developed for the MBP are likely to be small and numerous, often with small separating distances, thus forming a network of fish refuges. Such a network may maximise the linking of larval sources and suitable settlement areas and provide the means by which adjacent fishing areas are eventually replenished with marine species through reproduction and migration. Ideally, CBMMCSs should be located in such a position, and be of sufficient size, to encourage a significant increase in the numbers of sedentary species (including corals) and fish stocks, thus also contributing to conserving biodiversity. Most fisheries conservation measures will result in a short-term decrease in catch. The same will hold for CBMMCSs because they reduce the area available for fishing. As most subsistence fishers require seafood for their daily subsistence and cash needs, it is unreasonable to expect communities within the CBMMCAs to adopt conservation measures which will initially reduce present catches of marine resources without offering alternatives. This is especially true in light of the current situation where prices are high and communities notice a decline in stock numbers (see Mitchell et al, 2001). Alternatives offered elsewhere have include the introduction of medium-sized, low-cost boats (to divert fishing pressure to areas immediately beyond the reefs), the promotion of village-level aquaculture and restocking of depleted species of molluscs in village areas (King and Fassili, 1998). The MBP may have to investigate alternative incomes; particularly the possibility of collaborating with the European Union Rural Coastal Fisheries Development Program planned for Milne Bay (see Kinch, 2001; Gillett et al, 2000). It also should be posited that marine resource incomes can be maintained at sustainable levels, ie. higher productivity per annum, if regulations are followed and suitable monitoring is put in place. Scientific input is also required to advise on, and monitor the effects of, community actions. For CBMMCSs, this includes providing advice on the placement of reserves, monitoring biological changes within the reserves, and collecting data on fish catches in adjacent areas. A large amount of information, and even estimates of sustainable yield by area, may be gained from such extensive surveys with the collaboration of community members (see Kinch, 1999, 2001). The main reason used to justify the introduction of seasonal fishery closures is the need to protect a species during part of its life cycle, especially during spawning or recruitment. One of the best-known examples is the stock management of trochus and bche-de-mer on Ontong Java in the Solomon Islands. The whole community there decides to alternate exploitation of these two fisheries from year to year. This annual closure is a good illustration of the concept involving the restriction of harvesting for the purpose of guaranteeing that the resource will remain permanently available in adequate quantities (Farman, 1997). Sustainable use approaches are predicated on the concept that the living resources of a CBMMCS can replenish themselves naturally and can be harvested, within limits, on a continuing basis without eliminating them (Crosby et al, 2000). For the MBP we need to investigate the suitability of closed seasons for different species and the problems of multispecies fisheries. Recommendation: 34. Involve LLGs in future demarcation of conservation and management areas and the provision of services that would off set these conservation and management areas costs. There is a need to establish linkages with the LLGs and assist in giving advice on the formulation of LLG laws that are useful to the MBP. Wildlife Management Areas Currently the best conservation option available to PNG reef owners is the establishment of village-level Wildlife Management Areas (WMAs), or in the MBP's case CBMMCSs. Successful examples include the one set up in Madang Lagoon (the largest marine lagoon system along the north coast) when local reefowners, after noticing declines in local fish stocks, declared one of the islands in the Lagoon (Sinub Island) a WMA, encompassing 11.6 ha of coral reef (Jenkins, 1999). After one year of community management top-level predatory fisheries have increased numerically on the reefs of the WMA and decreased on umanaged reefs. Reefs sharks have re-appeared around Sinub WMA after being essentially absent from the inner-lagoon for over 10 years. Long-term success of the project is still being measured. Wildlife Management Areas were originally developed by the DEC to give local landowners a say in how wildlife in their areas could be managed and allow sustainable exploitation levels. These are established on customarily owned land on the request of the landowners for the conservation and controlled utilisation of the wildlife and its habitat. Landowners desiginate a Wildlife Management Area Committee that is responsible for making and enforcing rules. These rules may be made for the protection, exploitation or management of wildlife. The major weakness is that WMAs may be dissolved by landowners at any time, or its rules amended or altered (see Regis, 2000). Other problems are lack of local resource management expertise and delays in responding to requests for WMA establishment, which leads to apathy and weak enforcement of regulations. The Lake Lavu Wildlife Management Area on Fergusson Island was proposed in 1975, supported by the LGC, in response to a need to limit exploitation by outside hunters. The WMA was formally gazetted in 1981, with regulations. It was inspected by Ingram in 1989, who reported that no formal meetings of the local committee had been held since 1980 and there had been little contact with government, (many national Wildlife staff were laid off in 1982); but there was still a chairman monitoring the lake for rule infractions (see Ingram 1994; Eaton 1985; 1986; 1997). There is almost a complete absence of government support and backup for the Lake Lavu WMA. The implication of this is to the extent that MBP is dependent on both National and Provincial Government bureaucracies for both initial implementation and sustained management, there are major problems and risks (see van Helden, 2001 for details). More specific marine WMAs that have been proposed were the Eastern Islands and Pockington Reef in 1980, Lunn Island in the Conflict Group (CBMMCA 2), Trobriand, Woodlark and Fergusson Islands, and finally the initial attempt to establish one in the West Calvados (CBMMCA 3). In the mid 1970s representatives from DEC and the Department of Primary Industries came to Brooker to talk about using some of their islands in the Duchateau and Bramble Haven Group for this purpose. Brooker people were favourable to this idea. . . . [The people are] enthusiastic about the idea of wildlife preservation and would be amenable to any reasonable proposals suggested by Wildlife. . . Various possibilities for preserving the wildlife on the islands were considered, with [the people] keen to support the idea. He does require that some of the islands be available to the local people for obtaining turtle eggs and birds for food. [The people] suggested that Punawan, Panapa and Panuiapona could be classified as total, all year-round-reserves, whilst the other islands could be used by the local people for turtle eggs and bird collecting (Bourne, 1976b). My intention and plan would be that out of the islands around the Jomard passage one of them should be preserved so that the wildlife on it can be preserved, and I think that Panuiapona Island is the best one. The island is surrounded by a reef and atolls and has beautiful white sands right around. Turtles usually lay their eggs and certain types of birds feed on the island during the December month. I feel that if the life of these birds and the turtles is disturbed and the eggs interfered with, then the population of turtles and birds will decline unless there is some protection given (Bourne, 1976b). This reserve was never gazetted even though some people at Brooker currently believe that Jomard is in fact a wildlife reserve, especially for the preservation of turtles and pigeons The Wildlife Management Area Committees are made up of elders from Brooker, Panavalavalan (Panapatpat), Motorina and Bwagaman and the rules drawn up for this area are made by the people and agreed in principle by the people of the whole West Calvados Chain, therefore all of them are aware of the rules. Your [Fisheries] boys have broken one of the rules by harvesting coconuts without the approval from the people or the Committees therefore they were concerned about this. . . When this WMA is gazetted then the Committees will have all the power to take anybody whether he is government worker or private) to court for breaking one of their rules and they can fine up to K 20.00 in the Local Court (Hevehe, 1978). Every men and women were very interested with the suggestion that was made by the Committees of the Islands of the Bramble Haven Group (Department of Primary Industries, 1978). . . . Some people said that they were allowed to harvest the eggs of both species for one month and then leave the islands for one month. However it does not work that way. People go down whenever the weather is suitable and take everything that they can find. We tried to encourage them to take only half the eggs from each nesting site and leave the rest. For our troubles we were viewed as something incredibly stupid. I mentioned that one of the biggest changes that I had observed over the last twenty years was the dramatic reduction in the number of turtles. To placate us they left some eggs in each nest, but it probably only lasted as long as we were watching (Stevens, 1993: 4). For a WMA to be established, all landowners must agree to the establishment and to the rules of enforcement. The use of this Wildlife Management Area should be reinvestigated, particularly since the people who had entered discussion in the 1970s have now passed on. They could be important in facilitating resource management in the area. There was also a visit to Ware (CBMMCA 3) by National Parks in 1981 to assess if it was a possible candidate for a Marine Conservation Area . . . the people were assured that the government takes into consideration all aspects of the people's welfare before proceeding. It was reiterated strongly that the whole decision rests upon the people. They decide who to restrict, ban and who is to enter their premises. The government cannot impose unnecessary sanction against the villages (Babo and Genolagani, 1981). Chesher (1980) also called for the Kosman Island (Nabaina) (CBMMCA 3) to be considered as a site for a national reserve. This intial interest was retained throughout the 1980s with several dozen or more WMAs proposed throughout PNG. Unfortunatley fewer and fewer were gazetted and the capacity of DEC diminished as they were hit by increasing funding cuts. There is a severe lack of government capacity to implement a working national system of MPAs from government to community levels. Subsequently fewer WMAs went through the process of boundary definition and management rules implaced. Traditional Practices: Reef Closures, Tabus and Monsters Throughout Milne Bay Province the practice of closing reefs or fishing grounds is/was carried out for a certain length of time following a death. This is called 'Gwala' in Ware (CBMMCA 3) and 'Tawakaus' in the Deboynes (CBMMCA 2) and at Brooker (CBMMCA 3). After a period of sereval months to several years the area is reopened and people can access that area for harvesting purposes again. People are well aware of the benefits of such reef closure in resource regeneration and this practice therefore offers the most culturally appropriate way to introduce CBMMCSs in the MBP. There will be a need to modify the custom for management. The following discussion recorded in Misima (the local language) and later translated into English by the author comes from Brooker in the last Community Entry Patrol: Solomon If we are to close off areas, how much, what is the measure we will use? Jeff says that it is up to the community. Weke This way we will be able to restrict fishing vessels, and also the government will know that the Nogini community has control over, and is restricting the use of, its sea resources. Solo I support this thought because it means that it will yield good things in the future. Joseph This practice was implemented on the reefs of Hawaia and we found it worked well. It will be good if Conservation came and helped us make rules / regulations about our reefs. Iuda I say yes to there being rules over the reefs. The rest of the people also say yes to there being rules over the reefs and they agree that Conservation should come and do training. Sala Reef/area was closed off in the past in the time of the ancestors then there was burning of pigs [feasting] to mark this. But these days it will be the rules which will be the things which control or help the use of marine resources. Rules will be the things which allow or govern the closure of areas. Wiakai We want to try it at the island of Noina. Joseph again We want to control and look after our marine resources by the legitamacy of good and proper rules not through the legitamacy of feasting. The important thing here is that we look after our marine resources properly. Weke again There should not be closure of areas until there has been education and training around conservation. After this then we can make rules and regulations about our islands. This practice can also be applied for other reasons as a recent example from Skelton Island in the Engineer Group shows. The village there had decided to apply this traditional practice of closure to allow the numbers of beche-de-mer and trochus to replenish so money could be made available for a new church building. This practice may have practical application MBP and assist in the implementation of Coastal and Marine Resource Management and Conservation Plans (CMRMCPs). Monsters were previously believed to inhabit Guawana Passage, Houmi and Soliyaveya reefs near Nagobi, and people were afraid to enter these areas. These traditional exclusion Zones may have had ecological significance attached to them as in other parts of PNG it has been recorded that the reefs around uninhabited islands were sometimes declared taboo in order to provide good fishing for special expeditions or when resources on the regular fishing grounds ran low (see Beckett, 1964). Nowadays with the teachings of the church, these areas are now open for exploitation, as people do not fear evil spirits as much as in they did in the past. In the past people would have been reluctant to travel through stretches of water traditionally known to be dangerous (cf Lepowsky, 1995; Hviding, 1995). Taboos that existed related to the prohibition of eating certain marine resources. These restrictions were applied to expecting mothers and young children. Other restrictions applied to eating ones fathers clan fish. These restrictions are not particularly adhered to today except for pregnant women. Table 62: Marine Resources Subject to Customary Taboos on Brooker Island (Source: Field Notes) Common NameReasonRed BassSores will appear on the skinStriped CatfishSores will appear on the skinGeneric term for certain Triggerfish species including: Starry Triggerfish Blue-finned Triggerfish Yellow-spotted Triggerfish Yellowmargin Triggerfish Black Triggerfish Red-lined TriggerfishYou will sleep and not wake up again, making the sounds like this fish in your unfitful sleep Southern Drummer Topsail DrummerSores will appear on the skinGeneric term for GoatfishesSores will appear on the skinGeneric term for Cowfishes, Boxfishes and TurretfishesWill affect your wrists making them weakGeneric term for certain Trout and Cod species including: Coral Trout Polkadot Cod Verimicular Cod Chinese FootballerSores will appear on the skinGreen JobfishSores will appear on the skinQueensland Groper Flowery CodSores will appear on the skinOctopusBones will not be strongTurtleWill be sickSquidBones will not be strongCrayfishWill have a crooked spine Many of the indigenous religious beliefs and traditional restrictions that may have had a beneficial impact on the environment are now disappearing. This is a result of the impact of education, the churches, the people's increasing mobility and exposure to new ideas and worldviews. One of the main things that is taking place in MBP is the segmentation and 'desecration' of daily life. In traditional society, the profane and sacred aspects of daily life were very closely related. Aspects of production and exchange, the regulation of access to resources, food taboos, leadership, religion, and social structure were closely integrated. With the arrival of the colonial powers, Christianity, and Western education, questions of religion have become increasingly separated from production and consumption, and many of the restrictions that were associated with them have been dissolved. More important in its consequences than the loss of environmentally beneficial religious restrictions, is the changing valuation of the environment, which results from the increasing monetisation of the rural economy. Summary and Conclusion Determining whether or not a traditional conservation ethic exists within the CBMMCAs is important when framing conservation and resource management measures. Where traditional conservation is weak or non-existent, as is the case in Milne Bay, the MBP and the schools need to be aware that a major education job lies ahead. Recording the spatial and temporal distribution of habitats and biota is fundamental to developing CBMMCSs. It is probable that the locations of rare or endangered species are more likely to be identified by local resource users than by outsider researchers doing site inventories (Johannes, 1994; Johannes and Hviding, 2000). This research involving communities in the CBMMCAs can contribute to the long-term success of the MBP by promoting culturally appropriate and environmentally sustainable adaptations they find acceptable to themselves. For the MBP we need to investigate the suitability of closed seasons for different species and the problems of multispecies fisheries. Initial interest in WMAs was supported by Brooker (CBMMCA 3) and investigations were conducted at Ware (CBMMCA 3) for areas of marine reserves. Unfortunately none of these areas were gazetted and there is currently a lack of government capacity to implement a working national system of WMAs or MPAs from government to community levels. This needs to be reinvestigated. Traditional practices of reef closure after someone's death also requires further investigation. These have acted as temporal CBMMCSs in the past and communities have seen the benefits of such closure. This practice may have practical applications for the MBP and assist in the implementation of Coastal and Marine Resource Management and Conservation Plans (CMRMCPs). Chapter 12 Conclusion Papua New Guinea possesses a marine biodiversity of great national and international conservation importance. Milne Bay, the largest maritime Province in PNG, contributes greatly to this richness and has recently been acknowledged as one of the countrys most important areas for marine and coastal biodiversity (see Werner and Allen, 1998; Seeto, 2000). It is considered imperative to secure a representative sample of globally significant marine biodiversity in Milne Bay Province. The MBP can achieve this goal with the establishment of CBMMCSs in collaboration with communities in the CBMMCAs in a variety of species-rich, unique and critical habitats. Van Helden (1998) argues that Papua New Guineans in many cases have not generally had to look seriously at the long-term implications of their economic behaviour. While this is generally valid, there is clear evidence that many people in Milne Bay have an understanding of rapid temporal changes in marine resource stocks due to human use. This is partly due to the restricted resource base of many small islands, and partly to the long, if intermittent, histories of commercial exploitation of some marine species. The main implication of all this is that Milne Bay may be a suitable area for conservation linked to sustainable use management plans. Best Opportunities for Conservation in Zone 1 Several communities within Zone 1 present opportunities for a successful conservation and resource management initiative (Appendix 9 gives a list of indicators). These communities are listed below: CBMMCA 1 Nuakata, Iabam/Pahilele These communities have the highest level of subsistence of all communities and thus have a less reliance on marine resources to secure acceptable levels of livelihoods. A CBMMCS would be possible due to the newly implemented diver fees that have been scheduled after the recent Dive Tourism workshop. Such a site could be secured, as communities will now have the incentive to protect dive areas and thus have their costs of protection offset. CBMMCA 2 The Deboyne Islands The Deboyne Islands are one area where the MBP with proper support could implement the most successful CBMMCA. They have recently set up the Deboyne Islands Development Association for the sustainable management of their resources. Already in collaboration with the author they have taken a proactive role and have taken the initiative to conduct a household resource use and household income and expenditure survey. The communities on Panaeati have strong leadership, good community cohesion, have regular and responsive community meetings and working groups and their Village Court system is effective. They also have the dominant rights over the Conflict Group. This area is a high priority for the MBP. Their interest in participation would be partly motivated to reclaim alienated land of the Conflicts. CBMMCA 3 Brooker Brooker has had previous exposure to conservation though negotiations for a WMA, and previously had set up committee and put rules in place. The presence of the author during his PhD research has also raised community awareness over resource management issues. It also has had contact with tourism activities with sailing adventures during the 1980s. The Bramble Haven, which belongs in Brooker waters, has been previously targeted as a potential tourism spot and was an area to be developed as a WMA. Brooker has the largest sea territory of all groups; the best possibility for CBMMCSs in the author's opinion would be Jomard Island. This island is under dispute by all clans on Brooker, traditionally it was a no-go Zone and is a major turtle-nesting island. In recent community discussion they were receptive to closed areas and set asides, particularly at Niona Island. They have plenty of reef area to experiment with. Brooker is in need of sound community management as they have a high dependence on marine resources, and a high population density/per unit arable land. They are one of the major producing communities in all of Milne Bay for marine resources. Their reef systems are constantly intruded by illegal longliners. One possible problem for this community is the long running territorial dispute with Ware over the Long/Kosmann Reef. Appendix 1: Activities to Date for the MBP Field Activities DateActivityAreas Visited12/09-26/09/1997Community Awareness PatrolMilne Bay, Samarai Islands, Engineer Group, Deboyne Islands, Misima, D'entrecasteaux Islands and the North Coast27/09-18/10/1997 Marine RAPMilne Bay, Samarai Islands, Engineer Group, Conflict Group, and the D'entrecasteaux Islands28/02-07/04/1998 Community Needs Assessment and Cyanide Impact AssessmentMilne Bay, Misima Island, Trobriand Islands, Goodenough Island and Nuakata Island04/12-20/12/1999 Nuakata Fisheries Survey (Phase 1)Nuakata Island22/03-16/04/2000 Province Wide Assessment PatrolThe East Calvados Chain, Sudest, Rossel, Misima and Panaeati Islands05/04-13/04/2000 Province Wide Assessment PatrolCape Vogel and the North Coast17/04-25/04/2000 Province Wide Assessment PatrolThe D'entrecasteaux Islands02/05-12/05/2000 Province Wide Assessment PatrolWare Island, the Engineer Group and Samarai Islands09/06-16/06/2000 Province Wide Assessment PatrolTrobriand Islands20/05-24/06/2000Marine RAPCollingwood and Goodenough Bays, the D'entrecasteaux Islands, Samarai Islands, and the Louisiade Archipelago08/07-16/07/2000 Nuakata Fisheries Survey (Phase 2)Nuakata Island21/09-24/10/2000 Community Entry PatrolNuakata, Iabam and Pahilele Islands10/11-14/11/2000 Community Entry PatrolEngineer and Conflict Groups12/10-01/11/2000 Community Entry PatrolDeboyne Islands, Brooker and Ware Islands19/12/2000-08/01/2001Deboyne Islands Income and Expenditures SurveyPanaeati and Panapompom Islands Workshops and Meetings DateActivityPurpose14/10/1998Eco-Tourism WorkshopTo investigate appropriate eco-tourism ventures and business linkages 03/02/2000Local Program Appraisal Committee Meeting (Port Moresby)Discussion and endorsement of the UN proposal by sectors of the National and Provincial governments09/05/2000Stakeholders ForumTo discuss and identify roles and potential problems of stakeholder groups 17/07-22/07/2000 Site Selection WorkshopTo select CBMMCAs for the MBP04/08-10/08/2000Planning Workshop To formulate aims, activities and objectives, and to identify threats to the program (with the Milne Bay Provincial Government and the United Nation Development Program)16/08-17/08/2000 Community Entry WorkshopTo produce a rationale for Community participation08/11/20001st National Steering Committee Meeting (Port Moresby)To endorse government support, organise the Public Investment Program and awareness of the program to government representatives27/02-04/03-2001Policy and Planning WorkshopTo discuss and validate findings of the Policy Planning Needs Assessment and the Sustiable Use Options Plan01/03-02/03/2001 Tourism Workshop To evaluate tourism as a sustainable alternative income source for targeted Communities Appendix 2: Population by Age Groups CBMMCA 2, The Engineer Group SkeletonBwanabwana LLGAgeMaleFemale0-4101305-09111610-1415915-19161420-24102025-29191130-3410735-39101340-447345-495650-545455-592160-640165-704171-750176 +01Total124121 TewatewaBwnanabwana LLGAgeMaleFemale00-0411305-095710-144415-193120-243525-292730-344235-395440-444345-491-50-541-55-59--60-64-165-702-71-75--76 +--Total4637 KwaraiwaBwanabwana LLGAgeMaleFemale0-4141505-09251510-14191115-19252320-24222125-29161430-34121235-3961140-4413845-494650-544455-593160-641165-703271-751376 +-2Total168149 TubetubeBwnanabwana LLGAgeMaleFemale0-4101305-09141410-1412915-197820-249925-297930-3410635-393640-443345-497350-541255-592360-642165-703271-752176 +21Total9490 CBMMCA 2, The Deboyne Islands West PanaeatiLouisiade LLGAgeMaleFemale0-4442605-09395010-14304015-19273220-24372725-29292830-34233135-39162140-44191045-49131150-547855-59151060-645365-7031071-751376 +33Total311303 PanapompomLouisiade LLGAgeMaleFemale0-4272305-09241910-1441015-19142720-24181625-29211030-34272635-39151240-443845-49191050-5491555-599560-646265-703571-752276 +-1Total201191 CBMMCA 3 (Ware and Anagusa) Anagusa Bwnanabwana LLGAgeMaleFemale00-047405-097910-141115-195120-248525-296530-346235-393540-443145-491350-544155-591160-641265-703-71-75--76 +--Total5640 East PanaeatiLouisiade LLGAgeMaleFemale0-4604205-09515610-14423715-19192620-24313625-29293430-34251835-39222340-44122045-4991750-54131855-59111060-64131065-701271-754376 +37Total345359 WareBwanabwana LLGAgeMaleFemale0-4372405-09525010-14304215-19333120-24332625-29312630-34222535-39172440-44141745-4913850-54121855-5912660-643665-707771-759476 +816Total333330 Appendix 3: All Schools in or Near the ZONE 1 (source: Division of Education, 2000) Elementary Schhols, Language, Community Schools, Agencies, District, LLGs and Receiving Schools in the ZONE 1 Sphere Elementary SchoolElementary LanguageCommunity SchoolAgencyDistrictLocal Level Govt.Receiving SchoolAlotauEnglishAlotauGovernmentAlotauAlotau Town Auth.AlotauGoilanaiEnglishGoilanaiGovernmentAlotauAlotau Town Auth.GoilanaiKBKwato AgencyAlotauAlotau Town Auth.KBDivinaiTawalaDivinaiGovernmentAlotauHuhuDivinaiBunamaBunamaBunamaUnited ChurchEsa'alaDuauBunamaKurada St PetersCatholicEsa'alaDuauKurada St PetersWalalaiaGovernmentAlotauHuhuWalalaiaNuakataCatholicAlotauMaramatanaWalalaiaEast CapeUnited ChurchAlotauMaramatanaEast CapeWagohuhuGovernmentAlotauMaramatanaWalalaiaBagalinaMisimaLiakGovernmentSamarai/MuruaLouisiadeLiakEwenaEnglish and MisimaLiakGovernmentSamarai/MuruaLouisiadeLiak or EboraGulewaMisimaLiakGovernmentSamarai/MuruaLouisiadeLiakLiakMisimaLiakGovernmentSamarai/MuruaLouisiadeLiakBwagaioa VillageEnglishBwagaioaGovernmentSamarai/MuruaLouisiadeBwagaioaEiausMisimaEiausUnited ChurchSamarai/MuruaLouisiadeEiausAlhoga and BalomaMisimaEiausUnited ChurchSamarai/MuruaLouisiadeEiausHalibaMisimaEiausUnited ChurchSamarai/MuruaLouisiadeEiausKimutaUnited ChurchSamarai/MuruaLouisiadeKimutaKalotawaMisimaSiagaraUnited ChurchSamarai/MuruaLouisiadeSiagaraNigomMisimaSiagaraUnited ChurchSamarai/MuruaLouisiadeSiagaraKaubwagaMisimaHikaboGovernmentSamarai/MuruaLouisiadeHikaboUleyaMisimaHikaboGovernmentSamarai/MuruaLouisiadeHikaboPanaeatiMisimaPanaeatiGovernmentSamarai/MuruaLouisiadePanaeatiPatawanMisimaPanaeatiGovernmentSamarai/MuruaLouisiadePanaeatiPanapompomMisimaPanaeatiGovernmentSamarai/MuruaLouisiadePanaeatiMotorinaGovernmentSamarai/MuruaLouisiadeMotorinaPalalakel (Kuanak)GovernmentSamarai/MuruaLouisiadeMotorinaSamaraiGovernmentSamarai/MuruaBwanabwanaSamaraiSariba/SiduduUnited ChurchSamarai/MuruaBwanabwanaSariba/SiduduSawasawagaUnited ChurchSamarai/MuruaBwanabwanaSawasawagaWareUnited ChurchSamarai/MuruaBwanabwanaWareKwaraiwaUnited ChurchSamarai/MuruaBwanabwanaKwaraiwaTubetubeUnited ChurchSamarai/MuruaBwanabwanaTubetube High Schools in the ZONE 1 Sphere by Date of Establishment and Agency (Division of Education, 2000) SchoolAgencyDate EstablishedDistrictStatusCameron Government1960Alotau-RabarabaBoardingHagita Catholic1960Alotau-RabarabaBoardingWesley United Church1960Esa'alaBoardingMisima Government1991Samarai-MuruaBoarding High Schools in the ZONE 1 Sphere with Classes Numbers and Enrolments (source: Division of Education, 2000) High SchoolNo. of Grade 7 ClassesNo. of Grade 8 ClassesNo. of Grade 9 ClassesNo. of Grade 10 ClassesNo. of Grade 11 ClassesNo. of Grade 12 ClassesTotal ClassesEstimated EnrolmentEstimated No. of TeachersCameron --44641872030Misima 1144--1036015Wesley 2375--1768026Hagita 1255--1352020 Vocational Schools in the ZONE 1 Sphere with Classes Numbers and Enrolments (Division of Education, 2000) Vocational SchoolNo. of Year 1 ClassesNo. of Year 2 ClassesNo. of Year 3 ClassesNo. of Grade 9 ClassesNo. of Grade 10 ClassesTotal ClassesEstimated EnrolmentEstimated No. of TeachersKuiaro 2212181259Kaubwaga 21---3754Sidea 21---3754 Appendix 4: Aidposts in ZONE 1 as of June 2000 (source: Milne Bay Health Department, 2000) DistrictSupervising CentreAidpostCensus DivisionCensus UnitBuilding StatusNo. of StaffAlotauEast Cape HSCNuakata0419Permanent1Wagohuhu0413Permanent1Guga0412Permanent1Alotau Urban ClinicWatunou0506Permanent1Divinai0504Permanent2Walalaia0501Permanent1Bou (new aidpost)0503Permanent1Bubuleta (new aidpost)0505Permanent1Samarai MuruaMisima HospitalEaus0919Permanent1Loaga0920Permanent1Kaubwaga0905Permanent1Siagara0908Permanent2Liak0910PermanentVacantEbora0914Permanent1Ewena0918Permanent1Awaibi0916Permanent1Kimuta0921Permanent1Motorina0926/27Permanent1Panaeati HSCNo aidposts supervised08PermanentKwaiaiwa HSCDawson0807Permanent1Ware0818Permanent1Tubetube0813Permanent1Samarai RHCKuairo0821Permanent1Loani0802Permanent1Simagahi0817PermanentVacantSidudu0823PermanentVacantSawasawaga0810Permanent1Sidea HSCGotai0806Permanent1Gigia0815PermanentVacantMokiamokia (new aidpost)0816PermanentUnsure of existenceBedauna0819Permanent1 Appendix 5: 1999 Family Planning Rates in the ZONE 1 (source Provincial Health Information Office, Division of Health) CentreTotal % of New Contraception Acceptors No of New AcceptorsNo of Re-AcceptorsPermanent SterilisationMicrolatePillDepo proveraOvulation MethodCondomMicrolatePillDepo proveraOvulation MethodCondomTubular LigationVasectomyBwagaioa Health Centre 6.54831841-39320591459121354Samarai Health Centre 6.4111131-1014113288-23--Panaeati Sub-Health Centre 11.541226-224253298-1--Kwaraiwa Sub-Health Centre 6.12513-484285-2--Sidea Sub-Health Centre (Catholic)2.5333-7102628161--Total 33.06864157123449249321581748354 Appendix 6: Cash Earnings from Sale of Marine Resources at Brooker (CBMMCA 3): July 1998-June 1999 (source: Commercial Buyers) Month FishBeche-de-merTrochusBlack lipSkark finCrayfishClam >400 grsClam <400 grsTotalJul 98 11.707240.65186.90-----7439.25Aug 98 275.70--104.40----380.10Sep 98 1119.80-------1119.80Oct 98 183.00-461.7623.1046.70952.00-60.001726.56Nov 98 273.00-1820.7513.5039.00---2146.25Dec 98 360.801906.303791.2522.5011.50---6092.35Jan 99 -639.302437.0056.2552.102364.00411.0065.006024.65Feb 99 -7277.202526.20210.60----10014.00Mar 99 21.00833.90---2920.00681.00310.004765.90Apr 99 55.309734.751013.70-151.402252.001983.00925.0016115.15May 99 858.605106.00499.0270.50-20.0018.045.006617.12Jun 99 4009.30195.70---256.006.020.04487.00Total 7168.2032933.8012736.58500.85300.708764.003099.001425.00% 10.849.319.00.70.413.14.62.1100Overall Total for Cash Income from the sale of marine resources 66928.13kina Appendix 7: Household Production for CBMMCAs 2 and 3 Household Domestic Production Type: CBMMCAs 2 and 3 (source: Milne Bay Provincial Management Information Services) Domestic Production TypeEngineer Group (CBMMCA 2) Panaeati/Panapompom (CBMMCA 2)Ware/Brooker (CBMMCA 3)TubetubeSkeltonKwaraiwaTewatewaWest PanaeatiEast PanaeatiPanapompomWareAnagusaBrookerFood Crops (Market Only) ----7--2-N/AFood Crops (Market and Subsistence Only) --501873-2719N/AFood Crops (Subsistence Only)4339529912483116-N/ARearing Chickens (Market Only)----6-1--N/ARearing Chickens (Market and Subsistence Only)--46181333197019N/ARearing Chickens (Subsistence Only)--6-32103624-N/ARearing Pigs (Market Only)----28-1-N/ARearing Pigs (Market and Subsistence Only)--50182931255519N/ARearing Pigs (Subsistence Only)--2-47304413-N/ABetel Nut Growing (Market Only)-----21---N/ABetel Nut Growing (Market and Subsistence Only)--501842887619N/ABetel Nut Growing (Subsistence Only)43391-22273217-N/AOther1--1-18---N/ANone-----3-7-N/A Household Major Cash Crops: CBMMCAs 2 and 3 (source: Milne Bay Provincial Management Information Services) Major Cash CropsEngineer Group (CBMMCA 2) Panaeati/Panapompom (CBMMCA 2)Ware/Brooker (CBMMCA 3)TubetubeSkeltonKwaraiwaTewatewaWest PanaeatiEast PanaeatiPanapompomWareAnagusaBrookerCoconut/Copra*4239511811510484-19N/ACocoa---------N/ACoffee---------N/APalm Oil---------N/AOther1--24--1-N/ANone--81-30-143-N/A* Even though nearly every household states that it produces copra, this is more a stated activity than actual reality. Household Business Activity: CBMMCAs 2 and 3 (source: Milne Bay Provincial Management Information Services) Business ActivityEngineer Group (CBMMCA 2) Panaeati/Panapompom (CBMMCA 2)Ware/Brooker (CBMMCA 3)TubetubeSkeltonKwaraiwaTewatewaWest PanaeatiEast PanaeatiPanapompomWareAnagusaBrookerTrade Store/Canteen Operation234-77271N/APMV Operation---------N/AFuel Outlet Operation-----3---N/ADinghy Operation--1-23-5-N/ACo-operative/Business Group1----1---N/AOther111----3-N/A Household Fisheries Activities: CBMMCAs 2 and 3 (source: Milne Bay Provincial Management Information Services) Fisheries ActivitiesEngineer Group (CBMMCA 2) Panaeati/Panapompom (CBMMCA 2)Ware/Brooker (CBMMCA 3)TubetubeSkeltonKwaraiwaTewatewaWest PanaeatiEast PanaeatiPanapompomWareAnagusaBrookerFresh Fish Marketing38391----21N/AProcessed Fish Marketing----2-44-N/ADried marine Products-39-2--1N/AFishing for Home Consumption433959-1161288481-N/AOther--------N/ANo commercial activity-17--2-17-N/A Appendix 8: Brooker (CBMMCA 3) Names of Geographical Features and their Meanings (source: Author's PhD Field Notes) PlaceEtymology and SignificanceAnatuluvia PassageName of coconut shell cup. Used by the Ancestral Woman Wainega.Awanogamwana IslandAwan village; gamwana inside. A safe place to be inside the reef in times of bad weather. Also called Nitabutabu. Niu coconut (particularly a large red variety found there); tabu - a Dobu word for forbid. The coconuts are not eaten or drunk, belief that you will become illBrooker IslandBrooker from an old European in the area, a Mr Brooks. Also, called Utian Island. Utian- the movement of a digging stick. Nowadays this name is not used due to the custom of renaming places/things if they have a similar name to the deceased. Also called Nogini, a corruption of New Guinea.Bwaluwala PassageName for moray eel in the Ware language.Enivala IslandEvala rack, usually for smoking fish or meats. Also called Punawan Island.Etatabwa ReefName of native fork. Used by the Ancestral Woman Wainega. She left her fork here.Eyaluguguwa IslandEyalu Casurina spp; guguguwa where they cut that eyalu. Relates to a past event involving either mythological ancestor.Guawana PassageAwana opening, mouth. A place that used to off limits due to monsters.Gulewa IslandName for clay used to make clay pots, can be found on this island.Houmi ReefName of two stars that are used in navigation when traveling from the southeast.Hipopomwa ReefHi they; popoma to turn upside down, to cover over. Mythological evil spirit who turned the place over.Itutupalika ReefI he; tutupa to come up against, touch; lika - To cover over from the outside. Mythological story about a shark.Kibyok SandbankA corruption of the name Cape York, introduced by an early European who had traded with Brooker Islanders.Koka PassageName for moray eel. Mythological eel who impregnated a woman. A Place that used to be off limits due to monsters.Kokoluba IslandKoubwa - short. It is a small short reef in comparison to the neighboring reef, which is long. Used to differentiate between the two.Lal IslandOriginally called Lal lele. Bwaga - distance; lele - refers to people from the Calvados, was away Misimans differentiated themselves from people of the Calvados Chain of Islands.Libu ReefLibu - to stand, referring to a coconut frond woven mat stood up against the side of the canoe to stop waves coming into the boat. Also used for shade and to protect fires from the wind.Liwaus PassageLiwaliwan - story; mowasi - finish. The end of the Mythological story for Ancestral Woman Wainega. She dies and sinks to the bottom of the sea here.Mangolugolu SandbankCorruption of gonugonu - black which refers to the colour of the black or brown seagulls seen in the area. Also called Mankelakela. Maniheiman PassageName of area between two stars that sit in the sky between Houmi Reef and Memena Reef. Used in navigation when travelling from the southeast.Manua IslandCorruption of mwanewa - name given to betel nuts when they ripen orange.Maneinul ReefName of white terns seen in the area.Memena ReefName for tongue. Belonged to the Ancestral Woman Wainega. She spat out her tongue here.Nabaina IslandThe joking of two Ancestral small children whilst washing in the sea. Na ba inana, pai o nati? I say does he go, west or east?  PlaceEtymology and SignificanceNabwik ReefNabwa - bag, wika - bilum. Refers to a possession of a Mythological ancestor.Nevenak IslandNevenak - middle aged woman. Relates to a past event involving a Mythological ancestor.Numuwalikela PassageNumu - term for Ancestral beings that came from the south who had white skin, term applied to white people at time of contact; wali - their; kela - path.Nuwaveveywa ReefNuwavevehe - to plan, to think ahead. Refers to the action of Ancestral being Maninaknak when he was flying about and couldn't make up his mind either to fly to Nagobi and Nabaina Islands.Panadaludalu IslandPanuwa - place of; daludalu - dolphin. Also called Panalailai. Lailai - old term for dolphin. Nowadays this name is not used due to the custom of renaming placies/things if they have similar name to the deceased.Panakivinina IslandPanuwa - place of; kivin - refers to the hard centre of a tree.Pananimunimu IslandPanuwa - place of; nimunimu - mosquitoes. Refers to the abundance of these annoying insects found on the island.Pana'apwa IslandPanuwa - place of; apwa'apwa - name of an unidentified tree. Refers to this specie of tree found on this island.Pana'avalan IslandPanuwa - place of; ala'alan - to make your name. Refers to the custom of making your name big by giving away food and objects at feasts. Also called Panapatpat, pat-rock.Panasagusagu IslandPanuwa - place of; sagusagu - laiwa (wild pandanas). Refers to a species of pandanus that can be found there.Panasial IslandPanuwa - place of; sial-smell of fish. Refers to the abundance of fish found in the surrounding seas.Panatatuni ReefPanuwa - place of; atuni - a species of fish (ox-eye scad - Selar boops). Refers to the abundance of this fish in the surrounding seas.Panawidiwidi IslandPanuwa - place of; widiwidi - kunai grass. Refers to the vegetation of this island.Panalolan IslandPanuwa - place of; rora - meat. Refers to the abundance of resources to be found on the island and its surrounding seas.Panuwabwabwayona IslandPanuwa - place of; bobaaina, corruption of the word bwabwanana-big. Also called Salenol. Nowadays this name is not used due to the custom of renaming places/things if they have a similar name to the deceased.Panuwayayapona IslandPanuwa - place of; yayapuna - long. Refers to the topography/length of this island. Also called Lampe i mina. Lampe-lamp; i he; mina-stay. Refers to the lighthouse found there. Also called Jomard Island.Panuwakaukaubwana IslandPanuwa - place of; kaukaubwa - short. Refers to the topography/length of this island.Panualuwaluwala IslandPanuwa - place of; luwaluwala - middle. Refers to its place between Panuwabwabwayona I and Kokoluba I. Originally called Hoviyouwan, which refers to the names of logs washed up and later used for outriggers.Salmwamumwamu IslandSalu - island in the Dobu language; mwamwa nawi-to net. A popular place to net surgeon fish and silver spinyfoots.Salunamunamu ReefSalu - island in the Dobu language, namunamu - sandy bottom. Refers to the underwater topography of this area.Tauhahaba Passage/ReefTau - man, ha - we; haba - finish. Refers to a Mythological story where a man went diving and chased a turtle underwater and both were eaten by a shark.Ulina IslandUlina-tail. Refers to abundance of fish in the surrounding seas.Valan ReefValan - name of the oar used on traditional sailing canoes. Was used by an Ancestral man to cross over this reef. Appendix 9: Indicators for Community Conservation and Resource Management IndicatorNuakataIabam/ PahileleEast CapeTubetubeSkeltonKwaraiwaTewatewaPanaeatiPanapom-pomBrookerWareAnagusaPopulation DensityMedium/LowMediumMediumMediumMediumMedium/HighHighMedium/LowMedium/LowHighHighMediumAnnual Population Growth (% Increase)3.2-1.7N/A2.93.11.91.71.41.52.41.4N/ALevel of OutmigrationLowHighMediumMedium/HighMedium/LowMedium/HighMedium/LowMedium/HighMediumLowHighMediumLevel of Education MediumLowHighHighMediumHighLowHighMediumMediumMedium/HighLowCommunity School Present YesNoYesYesNoYesNoYesNoNoYesNoHealth Facility Present YesNoYesYesNoYesNoYesNoNoYesNoTransport (either owned or serviced by)DinghiesCanoesVechicles/DinghiesWorkboat/DinghiesWorkboat/DinghiesWorkboat/DinghiesWorkboat/CanoesWorkboat/Dingies/ CanoesDinghies/CanoesCanoesWorkboat/Dinghies/CanoesWorkboat/CanoesOn a Shipping Route NoNoYesYesYesYesYesYesYesNoYesNoAccess to Service Centre (dependent on distance and mode of transport)MediumMediumHighMediumMediumMediumMedium/LowMediumMediumLowMediumMedium/LowPressure on Marine ResourcesMediumMediumLowMediumMediumMediumMediumMedium/HighMedium/HighHighHighMediumLevel of SubsistenceHighMedium/HighMedium/HighMedium/HighMedium/HighMedium/HighMedium/HighMedium/HighMedium/HighMediumLowMediumLand/Garden Pressure (High people/land ratio)LowHighHighMediumMediumMedium/HighMedium/HighHighMediumMedium/HighHighMedium IndicatorNuakataIabam/ PahileleEast CapeTubetubeSkeltonKwaraiwaTewatewaPanaeatiPanapom-pomBrookerWareAnagusaCommunity AttitudesMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMediumMediumMedium/HighMediumMedium/HighMediumMediumMediumMediumCommunity Decision MakingMediumHighMediumMediumMediumHighHighHighMediumMediumLowMediumWomens Particpation in Decision MakingMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumStrength of WDC LowLowMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumHighMediumMediumLowMediumExistence of Community LawsLowLowLowLowLowLowLowLowLowLowLowLowTenure Conflict LowLowLowMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumHighHighLowLevel of Mutual Recognition of BoundariesMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumLowLowHighLocal OrganisationMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/HighMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowCommunity WorkMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/HighMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowInfluence of Church HighHighHighHighHighHighHighHighHighHighHighHighLevel of Traditional Values Still HeldMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowPride in Traditional LifestyleMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowMedium/LowInterest Expressed in ConservationNoNoNoNoNoNoNoNoNoNoYesNoPrevious Exposure to the Idea of ConservationNoNoNoNoNoNoNoNoNoYesYesNoMost Likely Reason for Interest in ConservationEconomic/TerritorialEconomic/TerritorialEconomic/TerritorialEconomic/TerritorialEconomic/TerritorialEconomic/TerritorialEconomic/TerritorialEconomic/TerritorialEconomic/TerritorialEconomic/TerritorialEconomic/TerritorialEconomic/Territorial IndicatorNuakataIabam/ PahileleEast CapeTubetubeSkeltonKwaraiwaTewatewaPanaeatiPanapom-pomBrookerWareAnagusaDependency on RemittancesMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumLowHighMediumLowHighLowUse of Cash CropsHighHighMedium/HighMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumLowLowLowAccess to Markets YesYesYesNoNoNoNoNoNoNoNoNoUse of TradeLowLowLowMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumHighHighMedium/LowDependence on Marine ResourcesMedium/LowMedium/LowMediumMedium/HighMedium/HighMedium/HighMedium/HighMedium/HighMedium/HighHighHighMedium/LowMonetisation of Traditional ObligationsMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumMediumLowMediumLowTourism Activity HighHighHighLowLowLowLowLowLowLowLowLowTourism PotentialHighHighHighLowLowLowLowMedium/LowLowLowLowLow References Aalbersberg, W. 1999. 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Misima Patrol Report for the Calvados Chain and Sudest for the purpose of Investigating the alleged poaching of Japanese Fishing Boats, and to Issue Seed Rice to the Native Plantation, Under the N.P.O. Bwagaoia: Misima District Office. Zweifel, R. and Tyler, M. 1982. Ambhibia of New Guinea. In Gressit, J. (ed). Biogeography and Ecology of New Guinea. Monographiae Biologicae, Vol: 42. The Hague: Junk. PAGE 125 PAGE 136 PAGE 125 PAGE 138 PAGE 125 PAGE 141 ______________________________ 2 CFDI is a convenient method for assessing and comparing overall reef fish diversity for a single dive site, restricted geographic areas or countries and large regions, and involves an inventory of six key families: Chaetodontidae, Pomacanthidae, Pomacentridae, Labridae, Scaridae and Acanthuridae. CFDI values can also be used to estimate the coral reef fish fauna of a particular locality by means of regression formulas (see Allen, 2000 for more details). 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O!Ole CompObjMObjInfo !"#$%&'()+ FPBrushPBrushPBrush9q FPBrushPBrushPBrush9qOle10Native dxOle10ItemName_1034502550 FF!F!Ole `xBMFx6(Dx j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j jCompObj MObjInfoOle10Native Ole10ItemName  FPBrushPBrushPBrush9q                       ! " # $ % & ' ( ) * + , - . / 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 : ; < = > ? @ A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z [ \ ] ^ _ ` a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z { | } ~  BMv6(jy@_1034501603 F_!`!Ole  CompObj MObjInfo Ole10Native DOle10ItemName_1034515738 Fo!o!Ole  @BM66(^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^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ĥOle10ItemName FPBrushPBrushPBrush9q FPBrushPBrushPBrush9q                          ! 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