ࡱ> jlghizzQq 2bjbjt+t+ AAAx ]pF P     8V :  NWl^X(ug6$ ?WWWWWWW$XZ9W DquDD9WOI 2,OIOIOID R W  DWOIOIQb N$ " W 0um,  F=V Boboto Amani A report for Peace Report from the Special Envoy for Humanitarian Affairs Dr. Rginald Moreels Peace, Boboto, Amani, Paix, Shalom, is the word I heard most during my field visits to the Congolese sub-continent and neighbouring countries. If you, the international community, wish to help us, please, help us restore peace. Allow us to write our own history, but we invite you to help us in the editing. CONTENTS  TOC \o "1-3" \h \z  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477433" 1. Anecdote  PAGEREF _Toc518477433 \h 3  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477434" 2. Introduction  PAGEREF _Toc518477434 \h 4  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477435" 3. The Politico-Humanitarian Situation  PAGEREF _Toc518477435 \h 5  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477436" 4. Context  PAGEREF _Toc518477436 \h 6  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477437" 5. Strategies  PAGEREF _Toc518477437 \h 9  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477438" How can humanitarian access be expanded?  PAGEREF _Toc518477438 \h 9  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477439" How can we force improved humanitarian access?  PAGEREF _Toc518477439 \h 9  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477440" The armed forced in the East  PAGEREF _Toc518477440 \h 10  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477441" The DDRR programme  PAGEREF _Toc518477441 \h 11  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477442" Priority measures  PAGEREF _Toc518477442 \h 11  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477443" How to bring about lasting peace  PAGEREF _Toc518477443 \h 12  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477444" How to strengthen the state  PAGEREF _Toc518477444 \h 13  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477445" The reform period: helping the state to implement new policies.  PAGEREF _Toc518477445 \h 14  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477446" Reform of Public and Territorial Administration  PAGEREF _Toc518477446 \h 14  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477447" How to encourage investment and growth  PAGEREF _Toc518477447 \h 14  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477448" How to support the local economy: the Congolese miracle  PAGEREF _Toc518477448 \h 16  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477449" How to remove children from situations of violent conflict  PAGEREF _Toc518477449 \h 17  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477450" How to change donor trends  PAGEREF _Toc518477450 \h 18  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477451" 6. Sectors  PAGEREF _Toc518477451 \h 18  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477452" Education  PAGEREF _Toc518477452 \h 18  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477453" Health  PAGEREF _Toc518477453 \h 19  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477454" Infrastructure  PAGEREF _Toc518477454 \h 20  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477455" Justice and Human Rights  PAGEREF _Toc518477455 \h 22  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477456" 7. Conclusion  PAGEREF _Toc518477456 \h 24  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477457" 8. Annexes  PAGEREF _Toc518477457 \h 25  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477458" Priority measures  PAGEREF _Toc518477458 \h 25  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477459" Education  PAGEREF _Toc518477459 \h 25  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477460" Year  PAGEREF _Toc518477460 \h 25  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477461" Health  PAGEREF _Toc518477461 \h 26  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477462" Infrastructure  PAGEREF _Toc518477462 \h 27  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477463" Justice and Human Rights  PAGEREF _Toc518477463 \h 28  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477464" Year  PAGEREF _Toc518477464 \h 29  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477465" Non-violence: non-violent human relations and non-violent conflict management  PAGEREF _Toc518477465 \h 30  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477466" The Win-lose model  PAGEREF _Toc518477466 \h 30  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477467" Mechanisms of violence  PAGEREF _Toc518477467 \h 30  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477468" The Equivalence model  PAGEREF _Toc518477468 \h 31  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477469" Equivalence in practise  PAGEREF _Toc518477469 \h 32  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477470" 9. Bibliography  PAGEREF _Toc518477470 \h 33  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477471" Governmental reports  PAGEREF _Toc518477471 \h 33  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477472" DRCongo  PAGEREF _Toc518477472 \h 33  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477473" Belgium  PAGEREF _Toc518477473 \h 33  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477474" International Organisations  PAGEREF _Toc518477474 \h 33  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477475" NGO reports  PAGEREF _Toc518477475 \h 34  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477476" Scientific and Press articles  PAGEREF _Toc518477476 \h 34  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477477" Mission Reports from Special Representatives  PAGEREF _Toc518477477 \h 35  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477478" International Accords  PAGEREF _Toc518477478 \h 36  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477479" Other  PAGEREF _Toc518477479 \h 36  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc518477480" 10. Acknowledgements  PAGEREF _Toc518477480 \h 37  Anecdote The crisis, born out of recent events, whilst destroying the socio-economic fabric of the country, has struck the entire population, including those families able to remain in their homes. Widespread displacement, isolation of the countryside, and lack of disposable income, resulting in considerably reduced purchasing power, have prevented the population from developing survival strategies: Extreme restrictions on spending for health, education and clothing. Redirection of the young workforce towards the mining sector. Absence of motorised transport, forcing the population to transport large quantities of goods across the entire country via bicycle. Getting from Kinshasa to Kikwit in a 4X4 takes 4 days, and one month in a lorry. By bicycle it takes 3 months to cross the 700 km from Bunia to Kisangani. To alleviate the lack of protein from animal meat, local populations have dug ponds for each family, stocked with fish from the river. To give some indication, in the first 12 km heading south from Kindu, over 200 ponds, which have been created since the outbreak of the second war, can be counted. Families welcomed in by their fellow countrymen undertake the daily chores in order to limit the burden on their host families. Wives of the military join forces to request support from churches and NGOs, and in the worst-case scenario resort to prostitution. Many families who have adapted to life in the forest are not likely to return in the absence of a lasting peace. Amongst those who have returned to their homes, many families divide their time between the crop growing developed in the forest and recovered accommodation in villages or even in town. The majority of civil servants have abandoned their positions to become farmers to meet their basic needs. All layers of society, from shopkeepers to farmers and even civil servants, have been affected by the events. Given the conditions in which some of the population are living, even basic requirements such as access to drinking water, electricity, health and education are not guaranteed, be it in towns or in the countryside. The following few figures give an indication of the socio-economic situation in the country: teachers salaries are at $0.6 / month, a nurse in a health centre will earn $3 / month and a terms school fees for a private school have come down from the pre-war level of $20 to $1 as it stands. Introduction Reconstruction of the Democratic Republic of Congo and peace in the Great Lakes Region are urgently needed. The scale of the human catastrophe is colossal. It is the Congolese people who are suffering. They beg of their new leaders to bring about peace. To be able, once again, to eat, drink, work, be healed and educated. Yet in this conflict, which has spread across central Africa, the people continue to fight for their lives with courage, resignation and great creativity. The typical cheeky, smiley look of the Congolese people has turned to one of sadness, for millions have perished. They suffer in silence, their plight not recorded by any cameras. For many years I have been convinced that Africa would overcome the convulsions of its recent history and become, once again, the cradle of mankind. My conviction is tempered with realism. We are confronted with an enormous political challenge, just like that of economic wealth and cultural diversity. Currently in the sub-region of the DRC, the people are taking control of their destiny, at the cost, however, of great bloodshed and tears. So let us turn our attention once again to our black brothers and sisters who we have ignored for so long. We have an obligation to go beyond rhetorical declarations and intentions and to reinvest in the country in a culture of respect that respects Congolese culture. At the same time we must push for peace. This report, inspired by other international in-depth analyses and excellent national programmes, is more than anything a strategy founded on the hope of possible reconciliation, drawing on modern dialogue techniques and concrete projects with rapid and sustainable impact. In our recommendations, we will give a contextual analysis of the situation and set out details of sectoral strategies designed to be implemented with immediate effect. These will take into consideration the flourishing local culture and economy which form the basis of life and survival for the population. The stance I take has been developed through meetings with local people, official authorities and the international community present in the conflict areas. Similarly, from meetings in European capitals, at the United Nations and other Bretton Woods institutions. I have travelled to different conflict zones and neighbouring countries. I have listened to and transmitted messages expressing a desire to initiate dialogue, to put an end to this bloody and futile war. I have been supported by very competent and committed friends and consultants. I pay tribute first and foremost to the Congolese people, to the victims of this humanitarian tragedy. I take this opportunity to encourage the leaders, endowed with vision and fresh transparency, to set in motion the Inter-Congolese Dialogue and for the signatures to the Lusaka Accord to respect their commitments. I denounce all parties involved who, for reasons of profiteering, are bent on fuelling the conflict, denying access to humanitarian agencies, and insidiously sabotaging the peace process. I pay homage to the members of the I.C.R.C. who were murdered in Bunia for their impartiality, independence and human qualities. We aim to convey to the Belgian Presidency, and to the international community, the urgency of the humanitarian situation, the almost permanently changing security situation, and the tight link between political dialogue, humanitarian action and the economic interests in this DRC conflict which has spilled over into Central Africa. The Politico-Humanitarian Situation A. Right at the outset, in the name of both the Congolese people and the humanitarian actors, I appeal for IMPARTIAL AND EVENLY DISTRIBUTED humanitarian assistance to the ENTIRE nation. In the absence of this, the Inter-Congolese Dialogue cannot get off the ground. Extreme poverty on the one hand and insecurity, specifically in the East, on the other, restrict humanitarian ACESS. We can no longer accept the death and suffering of millions of people, hidden away in highly populated areas of the main cities, backward rural zones and dense forest. In the Eastern provinces, more than 85% of the territory is inaccessible to all humanitarian organisations. We call upon the cameras to take the risk and bear witness to this widespread human catastrophe. Furthermore, criminal groups supported through obscure and complex alliances have assassinated humanitarian workers. These people continue to target and pillage humanitarian assistance, threatening the remaining safe havens where local populations can still benefit from external aid. This impartiality serves to encourage RECONCILIATION, from the highest political level to the simple communities and villages. Humanitarian activity, which brings people together, must extend to all sides of the conflict to work to help and witness the suffering and hopes of all concerned. We lend our support to the humanitarian workshops run by OCHA, designed for this purpose, which we are convinced will have a concrete impact. The goal, among others, of MONUCs presence, logistic mobilisation and reconciliation, is to permit access for men and women to markets, health centres and farm land unseen for the last five years. B. Simultaneously, we appeal for an approach and technique based on NON-VIOLENCE in all aspects of the Inter-Congolese Dialogue, reaching from the high political strata to the community level, just as in the sub-regional, regional and international dialogue. We feel encouraged by The Decade of Non-violence and Peace for Children of the World. There is a strong demand in the east for training in non-violence. The Inter-Congolese Dialogue (of which humanitarian aid and the re-starting of the economy will be crucial) is the key to bring about peace in the region. Each side must make concessions, and not cling intransigently to their positions. This is not solely a question of politics, but, as far as we are concerned, it is even the beginnings of an approach based on non-violence. Traditional conflict management is based on the Major-minor scenario. Where each side seeks to prove he is right, to dominate, to place themselves in a superior position (M) and to weaken the opposition (m). The alternative to this M-m situation is the equivalence model (E). That is, to be aware of ones own ideological basis, to listen and to be open to the reasoning and stance of the opposition. Following which, a solution can be drawn up which is equitable to all parties concerned. DRC has a president and his government. There are opposition groups, some armed, some not, with their own political leaders. Finally, there is the civil society which is well organised and represented. It is necessary, from the very beginning, to accept the role and specific mandate of each actor in the Dialogue, with respect for opposing positions. If there is a single empty chair at the negotiation table, it must be recognised, with total honesty, that the dialogue is incomplete. The internal and external actors who sabotage this dialogue will bear a heavy debt towards their people. Diplomatic initiatives must support those who will the dialogue to go forward, whilst, at same time, being realistic and very firm with those intent on sabotaging the peace process. Next, there is the question of how to agree on the agenda for the negotiations and the strict timing of meetings. This is the task of the designated facilitator, President Masire, and all parties to the conflict, with particular emphasis on the Congolese leaders. The relevant actors must welcome the transition as an historical opportunity for peace and stability in their region. It is up to the Congolese people to take their fate into their own hands and for us to lend our support. The Lusaka Peace Accords essentially call for a ceasefire rather than for peace. However, the priorities remain clear: Territorial unification of DRC and the withdrawal of all foreign troops. Transition to a nationally unified government, a parliament and future elections. The demilitarisation programme (DDRR) in the East. The question of nationalities. Humanitarian assistance to all the country. This last point must be emphasised. All points are delicate, requiring a new approach, which will incorporate: open communication; transparency; self-confidence; positive recognition of one another; creativity and honouring ones word and signature. Context Peace is a political, humanitarian and economic challenge. Peace is the word I heard most commonly uttered in the field. It is the prerequisite for all humanitarian assistance. It is in this paradoxical context caught between the necessity for rapid progress and the impossible task of building sound foundations for peace in a short space of time that we locate political and humanitarian actions in the region. The conflict in the Great Lakes is unique in its complexity, its numerous contradictions and paradoxes, its unlikely and changeable alliances between belligerents and its logical succession. At the same time, we can identify elements typical of African conflicts. Since the fall of the Berlin wall, new types of conflict have arisen, characterised by: Criminalisation: due as much to non-payment of military salaries as to a lack of cohesion and leadership and the existence of natural riches. Applicable to private actors and armed forces alike. Multi-faceted nature of criminalisation: these wars are fuelled by exploitation of natural resources, and the trafficking of light arms and children. Double privatisation: On the one hand, the armed protection of mines and illicit trafficking. On the other, the often constraining and even threatening protection of humanitarian convoys by rebel forces or armed groups. Access to the populations has become the key problem in these wars. Humanitarian assistance is limited to the periphery of conflict zones, preventing aid to the victims at the heart of the inaccessible areas. The normalisation of suffering and death: the majority of victims are civilians. Children are profoundly involved in the conflict (as soldiers, street-kids, abductions); the arms used are lo-tech, but the wounds inflicted can be deadly. The ratio of deaths stemming directly from the war compared to those who have died through a lack of access to basic services is 80-90% in favour of the latter. There are 2,100,000 internally displaced Congolese, 330,000 refugees from neighbouring countries and 190,000 Congolese who have fled the country. Unscrupulous exploitation by individuals with a vested interest in maintaining the war has been exposed (with ample facts on economic exploitation). Instead of trying to globalise a civilisation, it would seem more appropriate to civilise globalisation. Congolese society has never enjoyed an institutional framework devised for its benefit and aspirations. Current wars have merely exacerbated this historical legacy of colonisation and post-colonisation. Aside from the measures taken in the state of war and the financial policy of the government, not a single public service has reached the Congolese people. The population suffers directly from both the war and a total absence of a public authority operating for the benefit of its citizens. Development indicators for Congo read more like poverty statistics. Population living on less than 1$ / day - 200089-90 %Life expectancy 199947Infant mortality 1998 (death / 1000 live births)127Maternal mortality 1998 (deaths / 100,000 live births)1837Maternal mortality in East DRC 20015000GNP / capita / day 19990,21 $Primary school drop-out rate - 199580%Daily adult calorie intake 19971830GNP growth rate - 1965 1995- 3 %GNP growth rate 1999- 15 %Inflation 2000> 500 % A patient suffering from malaria, TB, sleeping sickness or HIV/AIDS will often find himself alone, as his family and friends have no money to visit him and because they are ashamed to no longer be able to share the only meal of the day which they can afford. Students waste 5 hours a day getting to school, and pupils hang around the school in the knowledge that they wont get anything to eat until they return home in the afternoon or evening. Some do not even dare leave their hut or shack because they cant even assemble adequate clothing. People take it in turn to do the shopping. I was asked to launch a second-hand clothing project from Europe, to bring clothes to the DRC - a country where a beautiful new shirt can be made in just 24 hours! On objectively studying the indicators for poverty and neglect of the Congolese people and the collapse of the public sector, we were surprised, indeed shocked, by the fact that three quarters of the population have not been wiped out. Yet, despite the large number of victims, mostly indirect consequences of the war, this has not taken place. If the population has managed to survive, it is because of its resourcefulness, traditional creativity, physical and psychological courage and inherently non-violent character. Nevertheless, their natural smile has faded, died and turned to tears. I call this resilience non-violent resistance to the forces of injustice and exploitation, the responsibility for which is shared between certain shady Congolese citizens and national and international mafia networks. With the arms trafficking, prostitution and violence inflicted on children, the Congolese people play host to all the dishonest activities imaginable in the world. The local economy, a traditional network of solidarity, has effectively saved this population. Its working mechanisms, deeply ingrained in tradition and history, go beyond the stereotypical portrayal of a people scrabbling to get by to survive. On the contrary, this local economy uses extensive communication networks and exchanges and knows no boundaries. It even forges direct links with large international commercial players. The mechanisms resemble classic conditions for a market economy: Free circulation of goods and people, geographical access, simple dissemination of economic information, freedom of prices and use of a local currency, the rate of which will adapt to each new piece of economic information. The rules of conduct are based on un-written laws founded on social consensus. Possession of capital is indispensable, be it a rudimentary tool, second-hand equipment or a small stock of merchandise. Military pillaging, imprisonment, illness or death of a close family member or friend can, therefore, have catastrophic consequences if this leads to a loss of this small capital. Being forced outside the local network can lead to exclusion and financial ruin. It is through the local economy that the Congolese citizens contribute 1.6 times more to the GDP than through the official economy. The commercial products are uncut diamonds, gold, coffee, coltan and various consumable goods. Some companies, within the informal economy, manage to rise above levels of basic survival by becoming more advanced and professional. This, however, is not easily achieved, as any entrepreneur will tend to come into conflict with the family and community networks. The local economy is one based on solidarity and is the economy of the poor. Nevertheless, not all the poor people take part in the local Congolese economy. In reality, the poverty indicators quoted above do not take into account the extreme frailty of life among certain groups of people. Specifically among unaccompanied children, former child-soldiers, handicapped and displaced people who are wrenched by civil war from their traditional economic and social background and forced to survive. These are the main groups of people who live in extremely precarious conditions and who should be targeted as priorities for all humanitarian aid. Strategies The strategies are set out in the table below: Political action concerns all type of action or initiative involving the authorities. It is aimed towards the construction of a society based on justice and the rule of law, going beyond support to the various mechanisms such as the judicial system, and laying foundations for new mechanisms aimed as creating a sense of solidarity among individuals, families and communities, together with a bond of citizenship. Humanitarian action comprises all initiatives that aim to improve the well-being of the people. Striving to allow each individual improved access to all basic public services, adequate food, health and work, be it productive or commercial, and to be able to attend either school or a workshop. The strategies identified under first phase highlight the necessary political measures, aimed at facilitating a process of conflict resolution and the implementation of initial state reforms. In this phase, humanitarian activity is focused on the most vulnerable groups. The single and outstanding imperative shared at all levels is the necessity for peace, the replacement of the sound of gunfire by that of dialogue. The measures labelled second phase are geared towards more profound state reform, engendering political reunification. This includes more long term humanitarian assistance programmes, aiming to achieve integral development. Shunning, however, development according to the White Mans dream. StrategiesFirst PhaseTransitionSecond PhasePolitical actionPre-reform of the StateState ReformHumanitarian actionPrioritising the most vulnerable groupsSustainable development How can humanitarian access be expanded? How can we force improved humanitarian access? I have often heard expressed among displaced people in the DRC, as well as refugees in Rwanda and Burundi, a desire to return to their villages or homes in the hills as soon as possible. But they are held hostage by armed gangs and groups who are sustained by regional and international trafficking of arms and exploitation of natural resources. We propose that the following measures be included and supported in the DDRR programme: Working with and respecting the mandate of MONUC, speed up the process of observer deployment (UN, EU) to monitor the transport of arms and natural resources to small airports in strategic towns along Great Lakes regional borders (Goma, Bukavu, Kisangani, Bunia, Beni, Butembo ). Actively support the coordination of humanitarian affairs by the United Nations. This, together with the NGOs, endeavours to install coordination mechanisms such as the sectoral platforms concept which already exists in Bukavu and is worth drawing attention to. These platforms are different from the standard coordination committees, in that they promote reconciliation and help meet the needs expressed by the local communities themselves. These platforms are founded, on the one hand, on the notion of including one or two representatives from local NGOs and organisations, technical experts, local private investors, local authorities and their technical advisors, and on the other, responding to needs through concrete action. For example: Dividing up an agricultural area, building a bridge in the bush, draining a swamp, repairing a sewage system, reforesting of a hillside, digging a fish-stocked pond etc. Those that carry out these tasks are paid salaries by international organisations (for example, the Food For Work, Fee For Work programme, an access card for health care etc ). These people are also local representatives who, through their links with popular local resistance movements, can play an important role in the opening and securing of currently inaccessible areas. These representatives can also play a role in sensitising their communities to non-violent resistance and reconciliation with neighbouring countries, following the withdrawal of foreign troops. Silencing the weapons, thus bringing peace to the East of the country, is dependent on the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration of the armed groups in the East. Together with the construction of a new Congolese national army, such that an army defends the land and a police force defends the people.Finally, these representatives can also act as agents for social control in the transparent distribution of aid. The armed forced in the East The armed Rwandan Hutu forces (Interahamwe, ex-FAR) are estimated to number between fifteen and twenty thousand in the Kivus, Masisi and Rutshuru provinces, together with the Virunga and Kahuzi forests Biega. Nearly 80% of these people could return to the villages in the hills of Rwanda and Burundi via the Gacaca judicial system in Rwanda. The other diehard extremists will gradually be neutralised, most likely by the real Congolese resistance forces. The International Tribunal based in Arusha bears the responsibility to bring the true perpetrators of the genocide to justice. The individuals concerned are known by both first and surname. The second group is the Burundian FDD (Front for the Defence of Democracy), who number roughly ten thousand. Their soldiers move regularly between DRC, Burundi and Tanzania. The third group is the diverse military movement spanning from the lowlands to the highlands and into the forests, known as the Mayi-Mayi. This group unites the traditional non-violent resistance movements, together with their armed factions, which stand against all kinds of foreign occupation, wherever it may come from. With the tragic events of the recent past, the genocide in Rwanda in 1994 and the massacres in the East in 1996-7, different alliances have been forged. They are changeable alliances within which it is important to make the distinction between the Interahamwe, the ex-FAR, and those who actually carried out the genocide and the Rwandan Hutu forces who did not. The Mayi-Mayi movement, both its non-violent and armed wings, have nothing to do with the militia groups made up of young stragglers, claiming to be Mayi-Mayi. The DDRR programme The implementation of the DDRR programme (disarmament, demobilisation, reintegration and repatriation) will be carried out jointly by the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General, Mr Kamel Morjane, and the JMC (joint military commission) chaired by general Miwangihi. The programme has the following priorities: Identify the exact agenda and monitor each of the armed groups, identifying capacity in terms of arms and logistics. The voluntary demobilisation initiative. Violation of Human Rights monitoring. Deployment of MONUC to strategic locations in conflict zones (Kisangani, Bunia, Goma, Kalemie etc.). As already emphasised, we are currently witnessing an almost predictable escalation of violence, delaying the effective implementation of this programme. The crisis we dare not tackle head on is beginning to open up. Many combatants, regrettably backed internationally on both sides of the conflict, are launching either major new (backed) offensives or small suicidal missions, taking hostages and looting from thousands of Congolese citizens. Whilst this programme fails to get visibly off the ground, we will see no complete withdrawal of foreign troops, as demilitarisation in North Katanga leads to a build up of foreign military presence in the Kivus. If the DDRR process gets under way, we are convinced that the Mayi-Mayi, the pseudo Mayi-Mayi and the armed Hutu groups will disband. We take this opportunity to call upon the highest Congolese, Rwandan and Burundian authorities to come together in a process of bilateral dialogue and to respect their commitments to the cessation of military hostilities and to loosen their economic stranglehold on the DRC. This will strengthen their international credibility and give signs of encouragement to the Kivu people and promote borderless trade with their Rwandan, Burundian and Tanzanian brothers. Similarly, it will serve to promote acceptance, once again, of certain groups among them (namely the Banyarwanda, Banyamulenge and Banyauvira), and even to accept the confirming, in the medium-term, of Congolese nationality according to the terms borne out of the Inter-Congolese Dialogue. Priority measures With reference to the recommendations made by ICG, we propose the following priority measures be put in place in the weeks to come: We appeal, with great urgency, to local NGOs, through their family and community-based network forces of resistance, to launch an appeal for international humanitarian assistance and to give concrete reassurance for each context security in the main areas in the Kivus. Memoranda of Understanding should be negotiated. We have, herein, devised strategies to guarantee new access, inspired by the humanitarian coordination of the UN and NGOs in both the Kivus and Ituri. We propose financial support for small workshops to encourage non-violence between the communities. This would commence in the next two months, if funds are forthcoming. The idea of these training sessions was warmly welcomed in Bukavu, Goma and Bunia. Furthermore, Butembo hosted the international symposium on peace for Africa (SIPA). Active support for victims of the genocide through the Gacaca justice system and various commissions for demobilisation and reintegration in Rwanda. Active support for the Arusha peace process in Burundi, which is in its most delicate and decisive phase to date. Finally, we appeal to international armed forces to refrain from targeting humanitarian convoys. Such restraint will serve to bolster international credibility of the authorities in neighbouring countries. Extensive opening of access, not of border areas but more remote areas, as well as the opening of transit centres and provision of stocks for hostage communities. UNHCR and NGOs should monitor and accompany returnees to both their countries of origin (Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda) and their villages. There is a necessity for supplementary funding to be allocated as soon as possible by donor countries interested (i.e. with a stake) in Central Africa. The Secretariat General of the UN and the Belgian presidency of the European Union should provide the lead in these initiatives (the Geneva humanitarian conference in July could serve to this end). Early encouragement must be given, in terms of logistics and funding allocations through small grants (Rapid Action Funds). To speed up (this is absolutely necessary) the deployment of lightly-armed UN, EU or OAU observers at strategic airports in border areas of the Great Lakes Region to control and confiscate weapons and natural resources. Bring into force Security Council resolutions 918, 997, 1011 and 1341, which provide the legal basis to announce an embargo on arms sales to the negative forces. Trace genocide suspects and present them to the International Tribunal in Arusha. How to bring about lasting peace Through political dialogue at the highest level. By improving living standards through, on the one hand the de-isolation of the front lines and, on the other, the opening of rivers, roads, rail and air to traffic. By forcing access for humanitarian assistance in the Eastern Provinces, specifically in the Kivus. Through reinforcing the Gacaca system and the reintegration commissions for refugees in Rwanda. Through concrete initiation of the disarmament, demobilisation, reintegration and repatriation programme (DDRR). Through a training programme on non-violence for all levels, from the leaders of the peace process to the community level, which should begin in the coming weeks. We propose to carry out these initiatives on two separate levels: Three courses lasting three days for between ten and fifteen selected participants (decided by a group of experts) in the Kivu and Orientale provinces (as well as in other areas in DRC as required). One or two representatives of the local chiefs, local NGOs, community based organisations, churches, NGOs, specialised international organisations, United Nations and a representative of MONUC. The participants will, in turn, train facilitators in the regions and villages. A three-day course aimed to sensitise other individuals such as technical experts, local people and foreigners working in crucial public sectors (security, food, health, education, infrastructure, and justice). It is therefore vital to select representatives who have a connection with the community-based networks. Local radio and national and international journalists should attend these courses to make techniques more common and widespread. We cannot adequately stress the fact that all sides of the conflict in DRC must be taken into account, from: sub-regional, territorial and regional perspectives. Just as in other conflicts in the world, the war is characterised by violence; violations of Human Rights; humanitarian rights and obligations; and a culture of impunity. Violence can stem from genetics, education or a specific context. As has been shown in the DRC, just in the region as a whole, to tribalise or ethnicise a population immediately renders it prone to confrontation. There exits a delicate balance of a desire to accelerate the peace process and an inability to resolve differences. When a man acquires a kalachnikoff, or descends into the atrocity of killing Another, he becomes another man  How to strengthen the state After a long period of inefficient governance, the state institutions loose all credibility in the eyes of the public. A strong commitment on the part of the authorities to increase state capacity and to deliver services, above all social services, can aid the necessary restoration of state legitimacy. This process requires international cooperation. The pre-reform period: how to help the state formulate new policies. While the government fails to represent a minimal consensus on division of power between the various influential groups in DRC, and while the governmental institutions lack political projects incorporating some of the more universally accepted international policies, it can be considered in a pre-reform phase. So as not to fall (once again) into models based on paternalism, superiority and the power of the rich, donors must, first and foremost, be attentive to the most urgent needs voiced by the Congolese people. In this phase the international community ought to focus on lending support to ideas, by giving technical assistance to different key ministerial departments who have demonstrated a desire for reform. To submit this type of aid to conditionality is deemed to be counter-productive and is, therefore, undesirable in this phase. The reform period: helping the state to implement new policies. The DRC will be considered to have entered a reform phase once given international recognition as such. Technical assistance in the design of policies remains important, however, financial aid targeting public programmes is a necessary way of consolidating the reforms. This aid, endowing the country with proof of credibility, will stimulate private investment and the population will benefit more quickly from state administered services. Some donor conditionality is welcome, however, for it helps keep the reform on the right track. Nevertheless, as stated earlier, conditionality must be founded more on the priorities of the Congolese people than rigid rules of accountancy or Western values that are deemed to be universal. In this phase, the international community must invest large sums of money in the country, whilst devising mechanisms for control and transparency. On this matter, the current authorities are willing to set up a mixed transparency commission with both Congolese representatives and donors placed in the heart of the Ministry of Finances. Reform of Public and Territorial Administration Public Administration nowadays appears to be more as a machine for exploitation than a vehicle for delivering goods and services to the population. Territorial administration is governed by an inadequate text which has limited scope and effectively leaves the territories without any administration system. The reason for this run-down state of affairs is, amongst others, the deterioration of the macro-economic climate, the only source of government funds since 1991, which has reduced government capacity. The establishment of strong institutions, capable of implementing policies, above all concentrating on the re-launch of public services, is urgently needed. Motivation of civil servants, for example, through a policy of salaries and bonuses, and the setting up of efficient control structures resurrect the Court of Accounts and the General Inspection of Finances are structural necessities for these departments. In the short-term, several projects, aimed to have rapid impact, could be undertaken with aid from the international community. Identification of Civil Servants: verify the effective role of Civil Servants in their specific work place, and that grades, tasks and salaries correspond. Instigate the retirement of 15,000 Civil Servants. The state is not in a position to meet pension payments for the 15,000 Civil Servants who fulfil retirement criteria. The installation of a Reinsertion Fund or micro-credit scheme would initiate the rehabilitation of this significant institution. Civil Servant motivation: in the absence of a minimal salary, civil servants will not be in a position to deliver quality services to the nation. It is worth, therefore, researching alternative formulae such as the food for work programme. By depending on the banking system, it is possible to reach the districts through a mechanism of linking the syndicates and the Churches who could be responsible for withdrawing money and channelling it to the communities. How to encourage investment and growth Gross national product per household 2000100 $Increase in currency circulation 2000502%Growth rate GDP 2000-14 %Inflation 2000510 %Export growth rate 97 99-45 %External debt end 200012.860 billion $Trade balance 2000 (millions of dollars)100 $Budget deficit 993% of GDP Macro-economic indicators reveal a situation under abnormal strain. The crux of the problem is that the budget deficit is financed by the printing of bank notes, exacerbating the exchange rate, which has resulted in a depreciation of the Congolese franc by 360% per year over the last five years. The population has been forced to find other practical solutions: each Congolese franc not spent directly is exchanged on the informal market. In May 2001, the official exchange rate was 50 Congolese francs to the dollar, whilst the parallel rate is 315 to the dollar. The reform of the macro-economic infrastructure requires three stages of action: the present, the second half of 2001 and the beginning of the year 2002. Two measures should be taken, as soon as possible, requiring only Presidential signature: Ending hyper-inflation: the vicious circle of bank note printing inflation depreciation must be broken. Financing the budget deficit by increasing currency in circulation must be reduced by at least one percent through the course of the year. This will serve to reduce inflation and create a more healthy environment for all producers and traders. Harmonisation of the exchange rate: the depreciation of the Congolese franc will increase nominal state assets, reducing the budget deficit. Stabilise debt repayment to the International Monetary Fund: meaning that the DRC should pay off $8 million to the IMF before December 31 2001. The IMF has made an agreement with the Congolese authorities to recommence assistance at the start of 2002, given the fulfilment of conditions set out in the Staff Monitored Programme. Until which time the DRC will receive no financial backing from the IMF, leaving the country with an estimated currency deficit of $70 million. It is important to note that there is no single solution to this problem. Given that the DRC lacks any credibility on the international markets, which would permit currency loans, the country is in need of friendly bilateral donations to provide the necessary currency to bridge the gap until the end of 2001. This short-term prerequisite will help avoid a macro-economic crisis. If the DRC manages to fulfil the conditions set out by the IMF for the transition phase, the country will receive substantial financial aid, on the back of which other bilateral and multilateral donors can follow suit. This influx of funds will help stimulate economic growth in the DRC, to boost state coffers (debt repayment) and allow the first steps towards poverty reduction to be made. During this period, which will begin no earlier than the first months of 2002, debt relief can be negotiated, permitting the authorities to tackle the question of domestic debt, the vicious circle of late-payments, for example. After an initial minimum period of three years, if the conditions are fulfilled, the country may be able to benefit from assistance through the HIPC initiative, allowing up to 70% of external debt can be postponed. How to support the local economy: the Congolese miracle The local economy represents not only an interdependent network cutting across all aspects of life (health, education, agriculture, etc.), but its contribution to the incomes of Congolese people is, in monetary terms, very substantial.  EMBED MSGraph.Chart.8 \s  It is, therefore, worth supporting, or at the very least not hindering, this system of creativity which keeps the population going. The following measures can be directly implemented: Technical assistance, in the from of a consultancy mission, with two objectives: Discuss with the government, in particular the Ministry of Finance and the Central Bank, which measures could be taken in the framework of a macro-economic re-launch designed to strengthen the local economy, undertaken in a spirit of encouragement rather than dissuasion. The question is how to move progressively from a local, informal economy, which should remain in place, towards a burgeoning semi-formal economy. We are faced with a simple dilemma: for the people to survive, the local economy must be endorsed, yet for the state to avoid bankruptcy, a semi-formal economy must be revived. As it stands, the current state of finances, including the emerging micro-business schemes, is quite clearly incapable of achieving this goal, as any progress made, is effectively suffocated at birth. Analyse in what way donors can lend their support to other financing mechanisms and specific schemes such as: Poverty reduction and anti social exclusion strategies run by fundamentally community-based organisations. Decentralised authorities who support community-based development and the local economy. To avoid reinventing the wheel, we suggest, in this context, that it would be wise to draw on the experience of the innovative STEP programmes (Strategies and Techniques against social Exclusion and Poverty) launched by the International Labour Organisation (ILO), given as an example in the annex entitled Community Development in the DRCongo. How to remove children from situations of violent conflict Throughout the DRC I came across child soldiers. As a war surgeon, I have operated on many of them. It has always repulsed and saddened me to see these children with not only amputated limbs but amputated souls. I feel strongly that the arms dealers deserve to be brought to justice, with no mitigating circumstances, before International Tribunals. The reality of the situation, where many children are socially excluded, represents a crisis of family ethics. A child recruited by the army, thrown out in the road or lured into sorcery is one less mouth to feed. This runs totally contrary to family, and African, values. It is a societal cancer hiding behind a shameful level of poverty. Current figures indicate that more than 300,000 children throughout the world bear arms, half of which can be found in Africa. The situation is worse still if we include all the women in forced labour and prostitution. We welcome, of course, the conventions on the Rights of the Child. We endorse the professional efforts of UNICEF, specialist NGOs, experts in mental health, social workers and committed teachers, whilst drawing attention to a lack of coordination among these groups. We propose several priority measures to affront this problem which has appalled every one of us: There is an urgent need to professionalise the psychological support to children living in violent situations. We suggest the organisation of a workshop, under the auspices of UNICEF, bringing together various different individuals and organisations, many local, with a view to exchanging experiences and harmonising different approaches. We have come across some excellent initiatives for peace in the villages of the Great Lakes Region including Kinshasa, but all facilitators have requested a professional exchange of ideas to further improve their own skills and treatment capacity. The impact of this workshop would be twofold: The organisation, region by region, of a psychological counselling and non-violence training session for health staff and social workers working in the region and the villages. Army officers should also participate. Stepping up official diplomatic pressure, on the part of European countries, and lobbying the Security Counsel, so as to ratify, as soon as possible, the two UN protocols: the first, banning the enrolment of children into armed forces or groups; the second, banning sexual exploitation of minors. We need to plan from now on, therefore, for the post-demobilisation phase. For it is unwise to strip the children of the current status they have (however appalling it may be), for fear of exacerbated isolation, traumatisation and danger following immediate reinsertion into society without, beforehand, receiving the appropriate psychological and physical preparation. How to change donor trends A highly complex situation requires a nuanced approach. Can it be said that donor decision-making and intervention strategies allow for appropriate and efficient interventions in the DRC today? In our opinion, donors should incorporate the following recommendations: Flexible funding mechanisms: the majority of the rapid impact measures, mentioned in this report, require availability of Rapid Impact Funds that are highly decentralised and flexible to suit the actors in the field. Flexible control and monitoring mechanisms. An approach for meetings that promotes cooperation action instead of a culture of meetings promises. Open up the possibility of directly financing local NGOs. Promote the ethics of respinsability among the Congolese and foreign civil servants. This section is short, yet, for the author, it bears crucial significance. For, if the international community fails to adapt its working modalities to the requirements of the Congolese context, its interventions will have markedly less impact and could even be counter-productive. Sectors Four sector will be outlined below: education, health, transport infrastructure and the system of justice and Human Rights. No sector takes priority over another, nevertheless we acknowledge that education, production and commerce are all dependent on good health. We suggest Key Measures for each sector. These are rapid impact initiatives of the highest urgency, stemming from the field. They can be immediately implemented with, in many cases, little expense. They should be seen in the light of the emergency and rehabilitation measures currently being implemented in the field. The short, medium and long-term Priority Measures aimed at structural rehabilitation are attached as an annex. Education A. Context The widespread demand for school materials, aggravated by the exponential growth in the population of schooling age, continues to rise. At the same time, availability of education, at all levels of the education system, continues to diminish. Furthermore, there are a great many obstacles blocking a childs education, of which the main constraint voiced by the Congolese people is a lack of disposable income, making payment of school fees difficult. Even in 1995, 8 pupils in 10 failed to finish primary school! Finally, the non-payment of teachers salaries, not retaining staff and the lack of logistical means have all contributed to the drop in standards of the Congolese education system. B. Key Measures Improve work conditions for teachers and pupils alike: Launch a national campaign titled Glass of milk plate of rice, corn, beans and manioc in exchange for children helping out with small gardening projects and school upkeep. Reward teachers through distribution of food rations and seeds and tools. An educational programme adapted to the needs of the children: a grounding in agricultural economy, through, for example, working together on a common plot of land for demonstration where pupils can keep chickens and other animals. This could help improve the childrens nutritional status, whilst sales of part of the farmed product could help boost school coffers. Children must also be encouraged to learn basic notions of health, hygiene and nutrition. School supplies: by undertaking an extensive programme, biros, blackboards, chalk and notebooks can be delivered to 20,000 schools, together with mosquito nets for the pupils. Encourage the creation of parent committees: Generally speaking, parents with even a minimal disposable income are prepared to pay for school fees, when guaranteed that the school is well run. The Parent Committees could be contribute in a positive way to this end. Donors should incorporate these committees into their school rehabilitation programmes. Support to university students for fee payment: The students would benefit from a Social Services Student Support body who would help students pay their academic fees in instalments. The Student Support Service would pay the difference between the student contribution and the university requirements. This difference could reach as much as $20 per annum. Financial assistance to the Social Services Student Support: A budget could be allocated to the Support Service to provide the students with food and non-food items, as well as subsidised medical expenses and various other academic expenses, etc. This system is already in place, but is in need of financial reinforcement. Health A. Context All health indicators vary dramatically and generally present figures well below the average for sub-Saharan Africa. For example: life expectancy in 1999 was only 47; infant mortality rose to 127 deaths per 1,000 live births in 1998 and the rate of maternal mortality reached 5,000 per 100,000 live births in the east of the country. Vaccination rates have fluctuated around the 30% mark for the last 10 years. Endemic disease has become more commonplace as a result of increasingly restricted access to primary health care and safe drinking water. Medical staff are grossly under-numbered to be able to provide minimal coverage for the Congolese people, their salaries are extremely low and infrequently paid. Medical transport is often impeded by the dilapidated state of the road system and the poor security levels. Fewer and fewer patients are in a position to be able to pay for their medicines and treatment. It is fair to say that the condition of the health system throughout the country is dire, with the exception of the Church and medical NGO-run referral hospitals and health centres that are still operating. B. Key Measures School health standards: measures to promote hygiene, school-feeding and awareness of sexually transmitted disease. Risk-free maternity: Assemble small teams made up of a doctor with basic experience in surgery, anaesthetics, gynaecology and obstetrics, and a midwife with health education experience. These teams would visit the maximum number of maternity wards as possible that are still functional across the different health zones in the country. The struggle against contagious and avoidable childhood diseases: Far too many children die as a result of these diseases, vaccination against measles and rubella should, therefore, be stepped up. Safe blood transfusions: there is currently available an HIV test (the Abott test) which is both affordable and has a high detection rate. At the same time, it is simple to use and does not require respect for the cold chain. The propagation of these tests would certainly contribute towards a drop in HIV transmission via blood transfusion. Combating tryponosomiasis: Urgent purchase of 4x4 vehicles for mobile teams, designed to increase detection and distribution of special nets. Support for the Minister of Health: The launch of a health website providing all information deemed both interesting and significant. To be constantly up-dated and include contributions from international medical NGOs and Tropical Medicine Institutes. As an alternative for those who do not have reasonably-priced internet access, CD-ROMs or floppy discs containing all the information could be circulated on a regular basis. Infrastructure A. Context Bearing in mind that the roads account for roughly 50% of domestic transport, only 3,000 km of the total 58,000 km main road system, including bridges and ferry sections, are in working condition. Similarly, 80% of the rail network has been destroyed, and the average age of all freight trains is 40. Lack of access to various navigable waterways has isolated a large section of the country. Equally, air transport has suffered a considerable drop, with many small airports inaccessible. As a result of all this, transportation of goods, foodstuffs and medicines has become extremely difficult, if not impossible. In the countryside, the local people lack seeds and fertilizer and are giving up on subsistence farming, causing a rise in unemployment, isolation, and poverty in the rural areas. In towns, the availability of foodstuffs is decreasing and prices are rising correspondingly, the outcome of which is increasing levels of malnutrition. B. Key Measures The boat for peace: the boat, bearing the insignia of the UN with the assistance of Memisa-Belgium, will represent a symbolic step towards the peace process. The boat, loaded with food, and local products, will travel between Kinshasa, Mbandaka and Kisangani. Reintroduce road-workers: manual road-workers can be reintroduced, with immediate effect, to work on 3,000 km of the road network, to be gradually extended to include the rehabilitation of the entire 5,800 km network. It is advisable to entrust the road work to the private sector (PME, NGO, cooperatives, groups) under the supervision of the Transport Office. Tens of thousands of jobs will be created in just a few weeks by providing spades, shovels and a small salary. Introduce a toll on the Kinshasa - Matadi road: in the past, transport companies joined forces to co-finance the rehabilitation and maintenance of roads. Then in 1997, they created a company which imposed a toll, allowing the road to be kept in an acceptable condition. We advise giving support to this kind of system, which is currently not operational. Rain barriers: this system, which has been implemented in several isolated cases, is truly something that can save the rehabilitated roads. It could be controlled and enforced through national legislation. It would be constructive, taking the example of western Africa, to build the rain barriers on the same routes where the tolls will be positioned. Rehabilitate allocated farming strips: this scheme, using high intensity labour (HIL) could be carried out at low expense and employing the local work force. These techniques have already been successfully implemented under World Bank funding: PNUD/BIT, EU/PAR, EU/UNOPS. Reduction of obstacles: according to those who use river transport, various obstacles stand in the way of its smooth-running. The setting up of Committees which would bring together representatives of the civil society and the state would be advisable. The mandate of these committees would be to formulate a plan to progressively reduce these obstacles and to oversee its implementation. Undertake a study targeting the restructuring of the rail transport: this sub-sector is currently in such a state of neglect that any rehabilitation action plan would be impossible without first carrying out a study on its general condition, leading without doubt, to the restructuring of viable and profit-making activities together with the closure of all those which are non-viable and non profit-making. Transport cost reduction card: to be distributed according to criteria of social conditions, by an independent committee made up of a mixture of Congolese and foreign experts. Rehabilitation of infrastructure: according to the priorities marked on the map below.  EMBED Word.Picture.8  Justice and Human Rights A. Context The current official legal system cannot operate independently, efficiently and with the impartiality of the law. Paid very little and infrequently, the working conditions and living standards of legal personnel are appalling. The courts, prosecution and prison system is totally run-down, lacking basic equipment and furniture. The most recent publications of legal and judiciary journals date back to the seventies; the youth protection act of 1950 if now out of date, and badly applied for what its worth; political power carries sway over judges decisions and only 5% of decisions are enforced. As a result, other forms of justice, closer to the population and local traditions, have emerged, working at a local, decentralised level. This informal legal system governs economic, family and social disputes in a highly decentralised manner. Both systems function in the absence of any formal structure providing organisation and training. Furthermore, a parallel judiciary system has sprung up. One that is arbitrary and dangerous, linked to corruption and impunity. To be able to establish an independent judiciary, it is essential that that the military, without exception, cease to take into its own hands its public matters. Interference of the judiciary in private businesses, along with administrative and customs bureaucracy, is holding back national and international investment in the country, opening instead the door to exploitation of Congos natural resources. Additionally, in Congolese prisons men, women and children are all held together, both civil and military prisoners, in inhumane conditions. They are neither fed nor looked after by the prison staff who, in turn, are barely trained or paid. The Human Rights situation in Rwanda and Burundi is linked to that of eastern DRC. The fact that the perpetrators of the 1994 genocide have yet to be brought to trial, that thousands wait in prison without even a file on their case or a basic hearing, and that there are frequent violations of Human Rights all contribute to tension and fuel the conflict. Whilst this situation remains unresolved, whilst basic measures are not taken to improve the justice system in Rwanda and Burundi, the war in the east DRC will periodically resurface. B Key Measures Redrafting of the DRC Codes of Conduct and Laws: Codes of conduct for the DRC have been put together by a team of lawyers together with a Belgian editor, De Boeck. Only the funding for its publication and dissemination is lacking. Facilitation role for MONUC troops: Transport for fact-finding missions for judiciary organizations (bilateral cooperation experts such as RCN, BDH, OCHA, IHRLG, IFES, CODHO) Logistical support in installing the control centre antennae for the Judiciary Support Programme (JSP), assisted by the European Commission. Transport from Kinshasa into the occupied areas where the new Congolese civil code applies, monthly legal publications etc. Conveying verdicts from first and second hearings in courts in the north and eastern zones to the High Court in Kinshasa. Training of para-legal personnel: to carry out an important role in term of mediation and conflict resolution techniques as well as forging a link with the civil society. Negotiation between the RCD and the JSP are underway, following a specific training in Goma and Bukavu. Put in place active solidarity links: including, principally, representatives from local Human Rights NGOs. These links would sensitise the population to problems of access and justice, specifically the complementary link between informal and traditional justice and the formal justice system. The NGO, IHRLG, is currently working very actively in this field. It is necessary, therefore, to lend it further support and to build on its experiences. Improve prison conditions: the NGO, CODHO, is currently working on detention conditions, with particular attention to the matter of torture. It carries out regular visits to detention centres and reports on conditions and length of prison sentences. It proposes to give legal advice and assistance, principally to those in the worst conditions and to the unfortunate victims of torture. It is currently working to sensitise communities to encourage them to relay information on Human Rights violations. Again, it is merely a question of supporting an NGO which is already operational and building on its experiences. Support the Gacaca system in Rwanda: to be carried out by, among others, the Belgian Cooperation. More specifically, to support the Belgian NGO, ASF, which is recruiting foreign lawyers to aid with the legal process of the genocide trials. Local NGOs, such as Ibuka, which is working on sensitisation and promoting a culture of peace, and Liprodhor which stages a mobile theatre, are equally worthy of support. Support to Human Rights Committees: these were established on every Burundian hill to promote Human Rights. The members, who were chosen by the local people, receive training and teaching methods from the Ministry of Human Rights. These committees should be supported for the role they play as the main link with civil society. Conclusion The current situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo represents not only a catastrophe but also an opportunity. The opportunities are there for the nation, and the brothers and sisters of the magnificent Great Lakes region to take. The opportunities lie in the peoples courage and in their creativity, but above all in their desire for PEACE. A word that came to our ears ten, or a hundred times a day. Opportunity lies in the new generation of political leaders, those men and women who are finally aware of the true cultural and material wealth of their country, and who aim to turn it to the benefit of their people and no one else. Whilst we were left with the feeling that even those brothers who have become enemies still remain brothers, we can testify to the existence of many other types of people. Those who loot, rape and kill. Those who refuse to listen or engage in dialogue. But we have the overriding feeling that many people would rather trade their gun for a hoe. We have learnt the true meaning of extended humanitarian aid. It is, first and foremost, an act of emergency, which saves and alleviates. But it also an act which transforms victim into actor once more. It is the kind of key, rapid and sustainable measures that are mentioned above. They are the kind of measures which not only permit survival but breath life back into the individual, furnishing him or her with dignity rather than dependence. It should be noted, in addition, that the DRC possesses plenty of resources, both human and natural, to be able to carry out its Marshall Plan itself. Enough even to be able to help its neighbours in the quest for dialogue, peace and equitable trade. The needs are of such a scale that we must act. When should this be done? Immediately. How? On a massive scale. What condition should be attached to the aid? That neither side lets the other down. It is our most heartfelt desire that, 40 years after independence, a new independence dawns on the country indeed, for the entire region, the African continent, the world. Annexes Priority measures Education The successful revitalisation of the Congolese education system is dependent on certain prerequisites, which can be categorised in two ways: those measures requiring political will, and those in need of financial assistance. Naturally, the implementation of certain political and administrative measures will require funds. Political and administrative measures: Redefine the legal framework of the partnership, implying the adoption of legal and regulatory measures. Support and encourage initiatives in the education sector. Measures requiring financial assistance: Rehabilitation of infrastructure Institutional facilities Grants for subsidised schools Cleaning up recruitment standards Training of inspectors Training and refresher courses for trainers Priority measures EDUCATIONFirst phaseSecond phaseYear12345National framework planAdoptionTransitional coordination structurePromotion and reform of basic formal educationRehabilitation of academic coursesIntroduction of technical and professional courses and schoolsSchool facilitiesNew teaching programmesImprove standard of national examinationsTeaching materialStocking of libraries and documentation centresDrafting and dissemination of school syllabusesHuman resourcesTeacher retirement and recruitment Introduction of incentives, especially in rural areasImprove salary structureTraining and up-dated training of teaching personnel, both administrative and technical  Health In the initial phase of humanitarian aid, emergency medical interventions will be necessary to assist those who are ill and in pain. The authorities, be it on a national, district or local level, should at all stages be consulted, informed and involved. Where possible, emergency medical aid should be integrated into existing health structures. Once the most pressing needs, primarily malnutrition and disease caused by the displacement of populations, have been met, support can be channelled towards the restructuring of the health sector, requiring aid on three levels: periphery, intermediate and central. The system of reimbursement of medical expenses is collapsing, owing to the diminishing numbers of subscribers, which is linked to poor levels of purchasing power and basic income. Priority measures: HealthFirst phaseSecond phaseYear12345Emergency medical assistance (vulnerable groups)Emergency medical assistance for vulnerable groups including seeds, food, water and sanitationTemporary support funds to subsidise health care. Allowing the survival of the reimbursement systemsRejuvenation of health zonesRehabilitation of buildingsHardware (scanners for hospitals)ConsolidationMedical kits, subsidised Essential MedicinesProjects to combat diseasesIncrease resourcesSupport to health sectorsGradual integration of primary health careIntermediary supportTechnical supportPurchasing co-operativesSupport at the central levelPay civil servantsNational system for the supply of Essential MedicinesPlanning supportHealth reform Infrastructure The envisaged public strategy will establish an institutional framework to improve the quality of infrastructures, reduce service costs and guarantee wider coverage. This new framework will actively involve the private sector along with OBCs to cover both service costs and to fix reconstruction priorities. The Government can act quickly to improve the quality of structural services whilst reducing costs at the same time. To achieve these results, it is of utmost importance to begin to eliminate bureaucratic procedures and taxes which raise the cost burden of the consumer. During the last two decades, the private sector has gradually developed in the areas of road, river, lake and air transport. Those who manage such companies have, nevertheless, encountered obstacles which cut into their profit margins. These difficulties are due to the unhealthy socio-economic atmosphere and the deplorable state of infrastructure. However, it is thanks to the private sector, for all that is good and bad about it, that there exists any public transport at all in the main Congolese cities. Public companies emerging in this sector cannot, alone, provide durable solutions to the problem. It is therefore, advisable for the state to concentrate on essential tasks aimed at very rapidly liberalising public transport, whilst securing a framework for price and technique control. It should commit itself to the establishment and follow-up of a legal framework and a national policy of security and public order. Recommendations by sub-sectorFirst phaseSecond phaseYear 1Year 2Year 3Year 4Year 5Main roads and farming allocationsUpkeep of black spots Network rehabilitation On-going and periodical upkeepMaritime routesDredging and laying out of buoys and channel markersDredging and up-keep of channel markersDredging and up-keep of channel markers, improvement of port infrastructuresRiver routesRehabilitate markersUpkeep of markersRiver routes to allocated farmlandClean-up and markersUpkeepRailwaysGeneral auditRestructuring of activitiesAir routesRehabilitate and promote private sectorUpkeep of runways and state control of air routes (private runways, private transport companies)Urban transportPrice liberalisationStudy and implement modalities for the privatisation of public companies and mixed economy.Urban drainageRehabilitate, upkeep and stabilise erosion Rehabilitation, upkeep and network extension in the fight to combat erosion. Justice and Human Rights As far as the law is concerned, it is necessary to address the plan for the promotion and consolidation of Justice and the rule of law, set out by Mr Ntumba, vice-Minister at the time. This plan covers the main points, identifying measures to be implemented and the possible or desirable partnerships and funding. It fails, however, to tackle all that is outside the formal framework for justice, that is to say, all that can be described as informal justice and that which is linked to the prevention of litigation, and the promotion and defence of Human Rights. The plan is yet to be formally adopted, either by the Minister or, as a result, by the government. In total, there are nearly 260 local NGOs working to promote Human Rights. If all international funds are allocated to international NGOs there will be no support for local NGOs, who are the only groups capable of fully grasping a deep and efficient understanding of the reality in Congo. It is therefore important to bolster the efforts of local NGOs so that they can: Help establish the role of the judiciary, its forms (formal, traditional, informal) and functioning to promote channels for justice for those waiting to be tried. Provide legal advice and assistance, notably for prisoners. Monitor the Human Rights situation on the ground and in detention centres. The Court of Military Order (CMO). Created in 1997, the CMO was set up to deal with the influx in criminals following the war, so as to restore civil peace and to demonstrate the effective grip of the authorities over mechanisms for regulating and controlling public order. The Court soon declared itself fit to try even civilians. This legal body, with the ability to pass the death sentence without opportunity for appeal, has played a significant role in a justice system based on repression. In July 1999, 143 people were condemned to death. The Court has also passed judgement on several child soldiers. Interference of the law in private affairs. For private companies, insecurity and multiple layers of bureaucracy are the norm, undermining the desire to invest and undertake projects. This bureaucracy is linked to legal insecurity and the absence of a clearly defined and enforced policy. Companies come up against many obstacles, whether it be concerning customs, the department of taxation, registration etc. The most flagrant abuses lie in the enforcement by judges of unfair dismissal charges, forcing compensation fees as a result. The companies are systematically forced to pay totally unreasonable sums. Priority measures: Justice and Human RightsFirst phaseSecond phaseYear12345Rehabilitation of infrastructuresRehabilitation of University Law facultiesRehabilitation of courts, tribunals and prosecution*Rehabilitation of penitentiary establishments, particular attention to be paid to the detention of women and childrenLegal documentationEquip libraries for judges, prosecutors and lawyersStructural rehabilitation and basic legal documentationDrafting, publication and distribution of basic texts (codes and jurisprudence)Updating of codes, follow-up and evolution of jurisprudence.Jurist seminarsRejuvenation of the Permanent Commission for reform of Congolese lawInitial training and ongoing training of legal staffRehabilitation of the Higher School of MagistratesContinuous action (initial and ongoing training)Ongoing training for legal personnelRevival or creation of new courts, control of jurisdictions and prosecution, penal fines and legal expensesCreation of a youth tribunal Revision of jurisdictions and functioning of Military Court of OrderCreation of civil and labour tribunals Implementation of penal fines, legal and other expenses (+ publication)Living standards and conditions in the work placeMechanisms for transfer of responsibility to the jurisdictions. Readjustment of remuneration packages. Acquisition of vehiclesComputerisation of jurisdictions and prosecutions Mechanism for tracing and up-keeping the vehiclesStrengthening of structures and specific or specialised organisations Revue and revitalise the role of the High Counsel of Magistrates Up-dating of the statute of magistrates Revitalise the General Inspectorate of Legal Services Youth protectionRevision of the 1950 decree (child delinquency), + creation of youth tribunals + location/conditions of separate detention centresPenitentiary establishmentsPhysical rehabilitation Control and follow-up of registration and detention. Guaranteed access to NGOs and lawyersDevelop conditional release Support to production workshopsJudiciary policeTraining and equipping. Police recordsFollow-up of training for judges and prosecutorsRights to a defence and the lawyers role Develop legal aid (notably free consultation offices)Establish a code of ethics Non-violence: non-violent human relations and non-violent conflict management The Major-minor model Violence and non-violence tend to stem from situations which are not problematic in themselves: usually a situation in which there are (at least) two differing points. These points can be based on characteristics, behaviour or constitute different points of view of two individuals or groups. The most common way of managing two different points of view is based on the major-minor model (M-m) which sees each individual trying to present their characteristic (or point of view) as superior to that of the other person, attempting to dominate and to win. Each person attempts to put him or herself in the (dominant) M position and to force the other person or group into the (subversive) m position. Examples of the M-m model: A child feels he or she is placed in the l position because he or she is fat, wears glasses, has difficulties with maths or sport; because he or she can not play with the other children, because he or she is insulted, picked on. A male adolescent feels placed in the l position because he is small, has no girlfriend, or doesnt ride a moped. A female adolescent might feel in the l position because she is not allowed to go out dancing, or doesnt have the right designer clothes, or because her peers make fun of her. People can feel in the l position because of their skin colour, gender, education, profession, lack of money or handicap. Divorced parent often place the other in the l position. Populations or nations feel superior to others because of their level of technology, strength of economy, culture or religion. Mechanisms of violence No body likes to feel they are in the m position. Such that, a person in the m position will develop an impulse to get out of it. This, in itself, is a healthy reaction: it is an impulse generated by our instinct of survival. Less healthy is the fact that, generally speaking, the only perceivable alternative to the m position that most people see is the M position. People think that the M-m system is the only one that exists. This brings us to three mechanisms for violence. 1. Repression: self-inflicted violence. Examples : A child feels neglected and left out in the class room (invisible phase). He gets depressed, and in some cases commits suicide (visible phase). An adolescent has the feeling that his parents are always criticising him and dont love him. He takes drugs or causes self-injury. A woman who is unhappy in her relationship develops a psychosomatic illness. Someone who feels threatened by a gang and can see no way out, kills himself. 2. Escalation of violence (violence against another person) Examples : A child who is insulted by another child (invisible phase), in turn insults another child (sill the invisible phase) or hits that child (visible phase). A child who feels unjustly punished, later on refuses to cooperate. Someone who is regularly annoyed by the noise of his neighbours music, tries to ruin the neighbours barbecue by sending over bad smells. Most gang fights (revenge attacks) 3. The chain of violence (violence against a third person) Examples : A child who feels picked on by his classmates, treats younger pupils in the playground badly or his little sister badly once he gets home. A youth who feels oppressed by his father is aggressive towards his teachers. Someone who unemployed is aggressive at home. A frustrated man rapes a woman. The Equivalence model The alternative to M-m system is, therefore, a way of avoiding the mechanisms of violence resulting in this model, which can be labelled the Equivalence model or E model. The foundations of the M-m and the E system are very different. In the latter, we talk of arguments and reasoning. We understand arguments, in this case, to mean: all that is put forward (e.g. words expressed) to attempt to achieve position M, to place one point of view above another. The three most important kinds of argument are the following: 1. Positive arguments: citing the positive aspects of ones own point of view, so as to place it in position M. 2. Negative arguments: saying negative things about the other persons point of view so as to force it into position m. 3. Destructive arguments: saying negative things about the other person, so as to push that person, together with his or her point of view, downwards. It is in this category that we find racist or sexist remarks. A characteristic of the other person is cited (e.g. skin colour, age, gender), and this is played on so as to suppress the others point of view. In using arguments, we fuel conflict in a superficial way. Each person attacks with whatever they can find to be able to place their opinion above that of the other, to be able to win. In the E model, reasoning is applied. As the word suggests, reasoning is the underlying factor of a point of view. This is the reason why both parties have different points of view: it is their motivation, their needs, their feelings, their interests, their objectives, their values. This provides the answer to questions such as why do I have this point of view? why does he see things in that way? In applying reasoning, we render the situation more profound (the crux). However, often the reasoning is not expressed. Often we are not even aware of its existence. Therefore, the necessary circumstances to create an equivalent situation are: become aware of ones own reasoning and be open to that of other people. Equivalence in practise To follow the model E, a certain number of skills come into play: Communication Among others: Expressing ones view as clearly as possible Being aware of the way in which expression is made: choice of words, body language, facial expressions, level of voice, physical distance between individuals in conversation etc. These factors often result in our message not being understood in the same way as we intended it to be! Listening to the other person as intently as possible. Asking oneself: what lies behind this message? What is the reasoning? Is this person trying to place him or herself in a M position because he or she feels necessarily placed in position l by myself or someone else? The affirmative position: towards both the self (building up self-confidence) and towards the other person (genuine compliment). Such that each individual builds an interior strength, meaning that he or she will feel less easily attacked, and will feel less of a need to place him or herself above the other. Power management Learn to recognise ones own forms of power (strong sides) and not to exploit them but use them in a positive way (assertiveness). Creativity In analysing conflicts conforming to the M-m model there are two possible solutions: either I win, or he does. In the E model, the exposure of all reasoning on both sides reveals often fairly original solutions, satisfying both parties. Example : Francois and Mireille argue over how to decorate their living room. Francois would like to paint the walls and Mireille would like to carpet them. When they exchange reasoning, it becomes clear that Mireille is worried that if they paint the walls they will be a monotonous colour; whilst Francois thinks that, by painting, it is easier to get the exact colour you want. Having searched for a solution, it occurs to Mireille that some of their friends have painted their walls using a special sponge technique, which creates an uneven blotchy effect. This is the final solution for Francois and Mireille as it satisfies both of them. If they had only considered one point of view, it could easily have led to a small yes-no-yes-no dispute. Only through considering the reasoning of the other person does a solution emerge. It is also because Mirelle proposes the solution in an atmosphere of open dialogue, that Francois is able to listen to her. Non-violence is not something that can be installed from one day to the next. It is more an ideal which we very slowly get closer to if constant effort is made. All of us are situated somewhere on the line the extends from 100% violent to completely non-violent. Bibliography Governmental reports DRCongo Presidency of the Republic PRESIDENCE DE LA REPUBLIQUE de RDC, Main plan for health development 2000-2009, Kinshasa, February 2001, 94 pages Decree D66 (2000) of the DRC government, pertaining to demobilisation and reintegration of vulnerable groups. DRC government DRC government, National Action Plan for Development 2001-2010 (RDC), DRC government report following the Third Conference of the United Nations on the Least Developed Countries, Brussels, 13-20 May 2001, 37 pages. DRC government, Strategic Options and Sectoral Questions, DRC Governance of Public Health Inter-ministerial Economic-Financial Committee (ECOFIN), March 2001 (2nd version), 42 pages. GOUVERNEMENT DE SALUT PUBLIC, Intermediary government health programme, Kinshasa, February 2001, 20 pages. GOUVERNEMENT DE SALUT PUBLIC, Priority Measures and Action Plan, Kinshasa, February 2001, 21 pages. GOUVERNEMENT DE SALUT PUBLIC Ministry of Health, Emergency Evaluation Missions of the Humanitarian situation in DRC food needs and health care, Kinshasa, February 2001, 5 pages. GOUVERNEMENT DE SALUT PUBLIC Socio-Cultural Committee, Action Plan for the year 2001 in the socio-cultural sector, Kinshasa, February 2001, 28 pages. ECHOS MILITAIRES Weekly publication from the Ministry of Defence and the Congolese Armed Forces (FAC), Kinshasa, N6, 23 November 2000, 12 pages. Rassemblement Congolais pour la Dmocratie Humanitarian Situation in DRC, RDC Rassemblement Congolais pour la Dmocratie Cabinet Unique de la Prsidence et du Secrtariat Gnral, Goma, 22 March 2001, 5 pages. RCD, Rassemblement Congolais pour la Dmocratie : Annexes 1-11. Belgium Belgian Government Beleidsnota van de Minister van Buitenlandse Zaken (December 1999) BOUTMANS Eddy, Staatssecretaris voor Ontwikkelingssamenwerking, Actieplan voor Vredesopbouw in de Regio van de Grote Meren, 14 June 2000, 35 pages. 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OCHA-Regional Office for the Great Lakes Region, Affected Populations in the Great Lakes Region, Nairobi, December 2000, 23 pages. OCHA, Principles for Emergency Humanitarian Aid for the DRC, 27 pages. PNUD-OMS, Politique et plan directeur de dveloppement de la sant mentale, Ministre de la Sant Publique de RDC Projet PNUD/OMS/ZAI97/004, RDC, February 1999. UNITED NATIONS, D.R.C. Consolidated Inter-Agency Appeal 2001, November 2000, 90 pages. NATIONS UNIES, Bilan Commun de Pays (CCA) RDC, Version provisoire, Kinshasa, December 2000, 94 pages. SECURITY COUNCIL OF THE UNITED NATIONS, Letter dated 12 April 2001 from the Secretary-General to the President of the Security Council, New-York, 12 April 2001, 56 pages. UNICEF-Burundi, How to help a traumatised child A guide for parents and other teachers, June 1996, 58 pages. The WORLD BANK, Grant Agreement between D.R.C. and International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 29 pages. The WORLD BANK, World Bank Atlas, Washington, 1997, 48 pages. The WORLD BANK, World Development Report 1997 The State in a Changing World, Oxford University Press, New-York, 1997, 265 pages. The WORLD BANK, Assessing Aid, Washington, 1998, 119 pages. The WORLD BANK, Aid and Reform in Africa, 2001 Code of Conduct for Humanitarian Agencies in Sierra Leone, 21 November 1998, 2 pages. Protocols for Humanitarian Agencies in Sierra Leone Code of Conduct, Project LIR/94/003 Final Report, 20 pages. NGO reports ICRC, Code of Conduct, Principles of conduct for the International Movement of the Red Cross and for NGOs in implementation of emergency programmes in case of catastrophe, 11 pages. MEDECINS SANS FRONTIERES, Surviving in DRC, a humanitarian diagnosis, 1 December 1999, 30 pages. ROBERTS Les - INTERNATIONAL RESCUE COMMITTEE, Mortality in Eastern D.R.C., 2001, 24 pages. Scientific and Press articles AFP, PanAfrican Forum on Child Soldiers, Cairo, 27 May 2001, 1 page. DEFOURNY Jacques, DEVELTERE Patrick, FONTENEAU Bndicte, The social economy in the North and the South, De Boeck Universits, Bruxelles, 1999, 278 pages. HAUGHTON Jonathan, The reconstruction of a war-torn economy: the next steps in the D.R.C., Harvard Institute for International Development, Harvard, July 1998, 30 pages. INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP, Burundi: Exiting a dead-end: the urgent need for a new framework of negotiations, Rapport Afrique N 29, Nairobi-Brussels, 14 May 2001. INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP, Burundi: Neither Peace Nor War, Rapport Afrique N25, Nairobi-Brussels, 1st December 2000. INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP, From Kabila to Kabila: Prospects for Peace in the Congo, Africa Report N27, Nairobi Brussels, 16 March 2001, 25 pages. INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP, Scramble for the Congo, Anatomy of an Ugly War, Africa Report N26, Nairobi Brussels, 20 December 2000, 87 pages. INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP,Disarmement in Congo investing in conflict prevention, Nairobi - Bruxelles, 12 June 2001. KALALA NGUDI Pierre, Mission Report of Evaluation of psychological trauma endured by children of Ituri following recent events, 4 pages. LANCASTER Warren (MEDAIR), The Code of Conduct: whose code, whose conduct?, Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, 18 April 1998, 9 pages. MATUNDU Lelo, Universal Cooperation and Prevention of Conflict in the Great Lakes Region, in LAfrique des Grands Lacs Annuaire 1998-1999, LHarmattan, Paris, 1999, pp.336-436. MATUNDU Lelo, Dterritorialisation et Coopration Universitaire dans lEst de la RDC, in LAfrique des Grands Lacs Annuaire 1999-2000, LHarmattan, Paris, 2000, pp.263-275. RODGERS Gerry, GORE Charles, FIGUEIREDO Jos B., Social Exclusion: Rhetoric Reality Responses, UNDP International Institute for Labour Studies, Geneva, 1995, 311 pages. STERN Babette, The South-African President launches a Plan for an African renaissance, Le Monde, Davos, 29 January 2001, 2 pages. WORLD ECONOMIC FORUM, A Plan For Africa A Common Approach for Africas Future, 1 February 2001, 1 page. Mission Reports from Special Representatives BYNENS Eddy, MUBAKE Valentin, Mission Report Secteur des Infrastructures de Transport, Kinshasa, 5 May 2001, 30 pages. DE BIOLLEY Humbert Council of Europe, Mission report Secteur Justice et Droits de lHomme en RDC, 10-24 March 2001, 25 pages. DE BIOLLEY Humbert Council of Europe, Mission Report Secteur Justice et Droits de lHomme au Rwanda et au Burundi, 28 April 6 May 2001, 19 pages. DE FAILLY Didier s.j.- Director of Bureau dEtudes Scientifiques et Techniques (BEST) in Bukavu, Mission Report: Propositions dactions de soutien aux populations et institutions dans la partie orientale de la RDC, Brussels, 15 May 2001, 15 pages. DIBA Safari, Mission Report: Secteur Aide humanitaire en RDC, Kinshasa, May 2001, 23 pages. EKWA Martin bis ISAL s.j., Mission Report - Actions en faveur de la relance du secteur de lducation en RDC Enseignement primaire secondaire et professionnel, Kinshasa, May 2001, 35 pages. KAMBIDI NSIAKINGWEM Solange, Mission Report Secteur Genre et Dveloppement, Kinshasa, May 2001, 67 pages. KAPUTO Samba, Mission Report Secteur Gouvernance et Capacit Institutionnelle, Kinshasa, 15 May 2001, 21 pages. KENNES Erik, Institut Africain/Africa Museum (Tervuren) Mission Report Rapport synthetique sur la situation au Kivu, June 2001, 51 pages. LECLERCQ Hugues, Lconomie populaire solidaire en Rpublique Dmocratique du Congo, June 2001 LIEVENS Tomas-BIT/STEP, Mission Report: Secteur Le dveloppement communautaire au Congo, May 2001, 30 pages. LIEVENS Tomas-BIT, Programme Multi-Bilatral de Coopration Technique, Promotion des systmes de micro-assurance sant en RDC, 29 pages. MATAMBA Lonard, VAN DER VEKEN Wim Dr., Mission Report : Secteur Sant, Kinshasa, 16 April 18 May 2001, 159 pages. MIA MIEZI Mampunza, A propos de la sant mentale des enfants en situation difficile en RDC, Professeur Dr. Mampunza Mia Miezi, 2 pages. MOREELS Rginald Dr., Outline for the Congo Boboto-Amani Plan, April 2001, 9 pages. PATFOORT Pat, Bouwen aan Geweldloosheid. PATFOORT Pat, Uprooting Violence. Building Non-violence. PATFOORT Pat, Ik wil, jij wilt niet. Geweldloos Opvoeden. SPIJKERS Ad - FAO, Mission Report: Secteur Scurit Alimentaire, Kinshasa, May 2001, 41 pages. TSHIBANGU T. Tharcisse Mgr., Lenseignement suprieur et universitaire du Congo: quelques pistes de rflexion pour la relance de la coopration inter-universitaire avec la Belgique, Bruxelles, Avril 2001, 71 pages. International Accords Humanitarian Protocol to the Lusaka Cease-Fire Agreement, 3 pages. Resolution of the General Assembly of the United Nations n 53/25 19 November 1998 Convention on the Rights of the Child (1983) Convention 182 of the ILO on forced labour. The African Charter on the well-being of the child 1979) Resolution 1261 of the Security Counsel (1999) and working protocol (2000) naming an Under-Secretary general for Children, Mr O. Otunu. Cairo Summit (June 2001) (OUA and Unicef)on the future of the African child so as to give recommendations to the special session of the United Nations in September 2001. Other Texts: Report of the Special Representative on DDRR; OCHA report on XXXX of Dr Moreels 8 May 2001, texts by Charles Petrie. Works of Father Didier de Failly et Note synthtique de Mr Mwaka Bwenge, researcher from Unikin. Some indications for a re-starting of the reconstruction of DRC, 12 pages. Acknowledgements I extend my heartfelt gratitude to all, both Africans and non-Africans, who I had the chance to meet. Without reservation I wish to thank: Belgian, Congolese and foreign consultants. Their reports are available for all who wish to delve deeper into our recommendations. The team, who, whilst very small, helped put together and apply themselves to the methodology and drafting of this report. The community of Trappistes dOrval (Belgium) for the final editing. They welcomed us with open arms. The following international organisations: OCHA, ECHO, FAO, PAM, BIT, CICR, Unicef, UNHCR, ONUSIDA, ICG and the Council of Europe. Special thanks go to the humanitarian coordinators at OCHA and ECHO. Their representatives, both local and international staff, became deeply involved in our mission. Non-governmental organisations in the following sectors: health, food security, sanitation, infrastructure, justice and human rights. Missions from all religious and confessional organisations. Institutions: The United Nations, the Secretary-General and Under-Secretaries and assistants, the Special Representative for the D.R.Congo, the Special Representative for the Great Lakes. The European Union and European Commission and its Special Envoy to the Great Lakes Region. The Council of Europe. The World Bank and the IMF. The Belgian Government and its Ministry of Foreign Affairs, for whom I carried out this mission. Governments of countries of the European Union and the United States. Belgian Ambassadors in Kinshasa, Nairobi, Kigali and Bujumbura, who provided logistical and technical assistance. Belgian Ambassadors in European capitals and Washington, Belgiums permanent representatives to the United Nations in New York and Geneva, ambassadors from countries of the European Union as well as Japan and Canada, who kindly met me to exchange opinions. The Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights situation in the DRC. In all these organisations and institutions, there are individuals who have particularly inspired me and with whom I had the opportunity to exchange human and professional experiences. These people know who they are. I hope to meet them many more times in D.R.Congo and in the region. I wish them and their Congolese brothers, courage and conviction. Dr. Rginald Moreels, Special Representative of the Belgian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.  See Part II: Non-violence.  International decade of promotion of a culture of non-violence and peace for children of the world (2001-2010): A/RES/53/25-19 November 1998. All holders of the Nobel Peace Prize have signed an Appeal: For the Children of the World for this resolution. See website:  HYPERLINK "http://www.nobelweb.org" www.nobelweb.org. The Plan of Action of the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr K. Annan, was approved in November 2000 by the General Assembly.  Number of pupils who fail to finish the school year.  The FAO has fixed the malnutrition threshold at 2300 calories per adult per day.  See humanitarian coordination in South Kivu  INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP, Disarmament in Congo: investing in conflict prevention, Nairobi-Brussels, 12 June 2001  Gacaca: traditional highly decentralised system of administering justice in Rwanda.  World Bank, Aid and Reform in Africa, 2001  We thank the Honarary Governor of the Belgian National Bank, Mr Fons Verplaetse and the World bank for their figures coming from internal notes???  Leclercq, Hugues, The Interdependent Local Economy of teh Democratic Republic of Congo, June 2001  Conventions on the Rights of the Child (1983) Convention 182 of teh ILO regarding forced labour The last Security Council resolution, 1261, and optional protocol (2000) nominating an Under-Secretary General of the United Nations for children, Mr. O. Otunu. Decree D66 (2000) of the DRC government, infavour of demobilisation and reintegration of vulnerable groups. OAU-UNICEF Cario Summit (June 2001) on the future of children in Africa, aimed at putting together recommendations for the special session of teh General Assembly of the United Nations in September 2001.  Seventy-nine states have signed the first protocol and seventy-two the second. One year after their adoption by the United Nations General Assembly, just seven countries have ratified the two protocols! Ten ratifications are necessary for the protocols to come into effect.  Citizen Network  Office for the Human Rights Commissioner  International Human Rights Law Group  International Fund for Electoral Systems  Avocats Sans Frontires  The following is based on the ideas of Pat Patfoort. The ideas are developed further in his books: "Bouwen aan Geweldloosheid", "Uprooting Violence. Building Nonviolence", "Ik wil, jij wilt niet. Geweldloos Opvoeden". 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