ࡱ>  h[bjbj 4dd3S4 -----AAA8yDAo4qq"nnn3333333$_694-,nn,,4--)4///,T--3/,3//:.3,3w@.Z3 3?40o4d3.9.939-3Hn$!/8%D|(pnnn44/dnnno4,,,,9nnnnnnnnn : What was the Coleraine University controversy? An overview of the issues and events in the case study This case study relates to the circumstances surrounding, and impact of, the decision of a committee set up by the Unionist Government at Stormont in 1962 to recommend that a second university for Northern Ireland (the first being Queens University, Belfast) be located in Coleraine rather than in Derry City. The decision was seen as controversial because a university campus called Magee College had been based in Derry since the 19th century and many people saw it as the natural and logical choice of location for a second university. In addition, Derry was the second city in Northern Ireland and the largest city in the west of the province. In 1961, the issue of a second university for Northern Ireland was becoming an urgent one. At the same time, a group called the Robbins Committee was preparing to present its recommendations on higher education in relation to Great Britain, but it did not include Northern Ireland in its brief. Also, it was becoming clear that Magee College, which existed in Derry since 1865 but did not have the same status as other universities like Queens University Belfast, needed to be drastically reformed as it was not performing well and was also struggling financially. However, lobby groups in Coleraine, a prosperous market town thirty miles east of Derry with a population of around 15,000 people (the vast majority of whom were Protestant), as well as Armagh and the newly created city of Craigavon, also wanted to host the university. Eventually, a committee chaired by Sir John Lockwood, an English educationalist, was set up to advise the government on the decision it should make. This committee was initially asked to review the status of higher education in Northern Ireland and to make recommendations but it was eventually asked to recommend an actual location for the new university. It was generally expected that due to historical, geographical and social reasons, the committee - named the Lockwood Committee after its chairman - would recommend that Magee College might be reborn as a new university with full powers. However, the Lockwood Report, published on 10th February 1965, recommended that the new university should be sited in Coleraine. Thus, not only was Magee College deemed unsuitable, so was Derry itself. For many Catholics, the decision was proof that the Unionist government was engaged in a conspiracy to starve the North-West of resources and development. This view was fuelled by the demographic situation in Northern Ireland, where Protestant and Unionist power was strongest in the east of Northern Ireland, around Belfast, while the west of the province was populated by greater numbers of Catholics and Nationalists. Hence, the decision of the Lockwood Committee was seen by many observers, especially from the nationalist tradition, as a betrayal and an act of discrimination by a sectarian government against a downtrodden minority. It also came to be seen as a contributory factor to the growing political awareness of the nationalist people which became manifest in the civil rights movement, the actions of which triggered the series of events that gave rise to the Troubles. Examining the broader context: Associated elements: From Brookeborough to ONeill. Impact of Welfare State: education, health, housing. Social and economic developments prior to 1969. Religious affiliation and cultural identity. Associated key personalities: Terence ONeill, John Hume Associated key concepts: sectarianism, Civil Rights The Coleraine University Controversy Why was the Magee College site not chosen? Document: The Lockwood Committee applied the following criteria, as laid down by a United Kingdom body called the University Grants Committee, when deciding where to locate the new university. (a) Are the proposed location, site and sponsors such as to suggest that the creation of a worthwhile academic institute of university standardplaced there would proceed smoothly and effectively? (b) What, if any, particular sort of university is being aimed at in the light of the needs of the region of the UK in which it is to be established? (c) Will staff of the necessary quality and energy be attracted in appropriate numbers? (d) To what extent will the students to be catered for require lodgings (or) need to be provided with residence? (e) Is there, in fact, a suitable site on which to create a university and is it available on suitable terms? (f) What local financial and other support is likely to be available? (g) Does the locality offer any necessary associated industrial or research activities? Lockwood Committee, 5th and 6th June 1964, Minutes, Item 5, PRONI, ED 39/3. xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx Statements about Magee College considered by the Lockwood Committee A. Legislation in the 1950s set up a board of trustees to run Magee College. This board did not include representatives from the Faculty, or college professors, which created tension. These arrangements were seen as old-fashioned compared to newer models of university.B. Magee College was not included in the National University of Ireland in 1908, whereas Queens University Belfast was. It did not have the power to award degrees and struggled financially, with teaching salaries frozen at 1865 levels into the 1920s. The college depended heavily on government grants. C. The Lockwood Committee noted the cramped physical situation at Magee. Many students had to stay in hostels with no scope for private lodging. This contrasted with newly-created universities in the UK, such as the University of Sussex and Essex, located near the seaside with ample accommodation facilities.D. The Provost of Trinity College Dublin indicated in a confidential letter to Lockwood (dated 8th February 1964) that the relationship between Trinity and Magee College which had existed since 1909 and whereby Trinity students traditionally undertook part of their studies in Magee, was to end. Magee College depended heavily on this relationship.E. A visit to Magee by the Lockwood Committee detected a lack of dynamism among the college community, with no evidence of a clear idea about how the College should develop. The committee noted that the general atmosphere was complacent and that there were poor communication structures between the board of governors and staff. Question to consider: From your reading of the criteria laid down in the document above, and the statements about Magee in the grid above, do you think that there was a genuine case to be made for not granting the university to Magee College? On what basis did the Lockwood Committee choose Coleraine? Document: The following table details the advantages and disadvantages of each location, as recorded in the minutes of the eleventh meeting of the Lockwood Committee on 5th and 6th June 1964. LondonderryAdvantages: 1. a suitable site could probably be found outside the city 2. it would suit the development of agriculture and biology, being near good farming land and on the coast 3. it had a concentration of farming 4. it supported a little cultural activity 5. it might take the sting out of a change of function at Magee Disadvantages: 1. further industrial development appeared doubtful and it was difficult to see that part of Northern Ireland becoming a stronger and more active part of the community 2. the Promotion Committee was not inspiring 3. the housing situation was particularly bad and few lodgings would be available which meant that expensive halls of residence would have to be provided 4. the existence of Magee College was a mixed blessing 5. it gave the impression of a frontier town and had never lost the siege mentality Coleraine, Portrush, PortstewartAdvantages: 1. it was suitable for agriculture, Marine Biology and Biology so that the academic bias pointed to it 2. there was some industrial growth in the area 3. it offered immediate living amenities to the staff 4. an adequate site could probably be found 5. lodgings were immediately available and the number of hotels etc. would also allow for the holding of conferences 6. its proximity to Londonderry would soothe hurt feelings and attract support, while easing the demise of Magee 7. the local population was adequate in numbers 8. it was acceptable for social and economic reasons as a balance against the New City and BelfastDisadvantages: 1. the Promotion Committee had not inspired confidence 2. it had no cultural amenities Lockwood Committee, 5th and 6th June 1964, Minutes, Item 5, PRONI, ED 39/3. Question to consider: From your study of the document above, what evidence is there that the Lockwood Committee was leaning towards selecting Coleraine over Derry? Assessing the significance/impact/importance of the Coleraine university controversy 1. The university question Welfare state-free education-impact of third level education on Catholics-emergence of articulate, politically aware Catholic class-John Hume, Austin Currie, Eamonn McCann- irony is that the British state enabled poor Catholics to benefit from health, welfare and education reform-Robbins Committee in England was investigating university issue-University College Dublin also came into being around this time- but the seemingly innocuous issue of where a university might be located became the flashpoint for Catholic resentment at perceived injustices to boil over. 2. The geo-politics of Northern Ireland and the paradox of Londonderry/ Derry Perception held by many Unionists of Derry as nationalist city-yet practice of gerrymandering ensured Protestant control-focal point of nationalist grievances over housing, jobs, gerrymandering- Catholic resentment about neglect west of the Bann- yet also important in Unionist history-Apprentice Boys and the Siege of Derry- ambivalent attitudes of many Unionists to developing Derry- nameless, faceless men-submission of Coleraine delegation to Lockwood highlighted Protestant nature of community-minutes of Lockwood Committee meetings perceive Derry to be different to other parts of NI-note also the significance of Derry at the start of the Troubles: October 1968 Civil Rights march; January 1969 Peoples Democracy march Belfast to Derry (Burntollet Ambush); July 1969 Battle of the Bogside (and later in January 1972, Bloody Sunday). 3. The inadequacy of British models of decision-making in Northern Ireland Committee established to make recommendations on different aspects of higher education- but no Catholic on Lockwood Committee-Sir John Lockwoods reputation as experienced educationalist-application of criteria drawn up by University Grants Committee worked perfectly in GB-but does this take into account religious divide in NI?-raises question of British governments non-interference in Unionist rule of NI between 1921 and late 1960s-many British secretaries of state for NI in later decades seemed perplexed by attitudes and intransigence that they came across on both sides of the community-pressure on British to find solution as images of violence on TV were embarrassing for western democracy. 4. The last cross community movement before the Troubles: The University for Derry Campaign Important to remember that many Protestants in Derry unhappy at Lockwood recommendation-participated in protests-but when Stormont approved recommendation, Protestants were not keen to be associated with broader nationalist grievances that Coleraine seemed to bring into focus-Civil Rights movement that sprang up afterwards was seen by many Protestants as a front for republicans-sufficient numbers of Protestants in Derry supported ONeill to allow him to press ahead against opposition from other Protestants 5. The final straw-the politicisation of Catholics Catholic resentment at nature of Northern state-seen as a Protestant state for a Protestant people-new generation of Northern Catholics not prepared to accept this status-Hume articulated sense of outrage many Catholics felt-culture of street protest that was evident in Civil Rights and anti-internment campaigns later had their origins in Coleraine controversy. 6. Catholic perception of Ulster Unionists Many Protestants unhappy at Lockwood decision-took part in protest march-led by Albert Anderson, Unionist mayor- yet other unionists seemed to think that it was important for the greater good of unionism that power and investment be focused in the eastern part of the province-while some unionists like Nixon were vocal against this, the Unionist whip held firm in Stormont-the nameless faceless men episode showed how local, unelected Unionists wielded influence on those in power, even to the extent of meeting ONeill and his Education Minister for talks- critics like Nixon were disciplined and calls for enquiry rejected-Catholic perception of Unionists as a Protestant party was copperfastened. 7. The nature of the Stormont regime Coleraine decision exposed polarized nature of system of government-Unionist Party held power as Protestants voted for it-because there were more Protestants than Catholics, Unionists perpetually in power-despite protest over Lockwood decision, Stormont voted to accept recommendation-only two Unionists went against the party whip-many Catholics disillusioned at ineffectiveness of government system for them- Civil service also overwhelmingly Protestant, which further alienated Catholics-civil service also allegedly encouraged Lockwood to decide in favour of Coleraine over Derry. 8. The radicalisation of nationalist discontent Hume pointed to Coleraine controversy as a watershed moment, when many Catholics felt that new ways of standing up for themselves would have to be found- Post-war socio-economic changes, increasing urbanisation, benefits of welfare state and changing political and religious climate led to emergence of larger and more aware Catholic middle class- Nationalist Party led by Eddie McAteer perceived as conservative and tired-direct action and squatting in council houses advocated by Homeless Citizens League, founded by Conn and Patricia McCluskey in Dungannon-they went on to set up Campaign for Social Justice in January 1964: pressure group designed to highlight injustices inherent in NI political system, especially in local government, housing and employment some working class Catholics looked to Northern Ireland Labour Party (Paddy Devlin)- others looked to more radical Republican Labour Party- developed under Gerry Fitt in Belfast-Fitt was successful in drawing attention of Labour MPs in Westminster to problems in NI and encouraged them to set up Campaign for Democracy group-new, more radical and socialist group also became dominant in Sinn Fein to the displeasure of traditional physical force separatists (later leading to split between provisionals and officials) -influenced by these developments and by Civil Rights movement in US and by television, Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association emerged in February 1967-Bernadette Devlin wins Westminster seat in April 1969,attacks Unionist rule in NI in House of Commons-emergence of Social Democratic and Labour Party as Nationalist Party is eclipsed. 9. John Hume NB: be aware of Humes role in NI right up to Downing St Declaration in 1993 Emergence of Hume as leader of University for Derry Committee-seen as articulate spokesman for disillusioned Catholics- became involved in Derry Citizens Action Committee, set up after 5th of October march through Derry which had caused so much attention to be drawn towards the situation in Northern Ireland-led Derry Housing Association-Contested Foyle seat as independent in 1969 Westminster election and defeated Nationalist Party leader Eddie McAteer-went on to become founder member of Social Democratic and Labour Party in 1971-arrested for involvement in anti-internment protests-member of Sunningdale executive-succeeded Fitt as leader-became main spokesman for moderate nationalism-also involved Europe and Irish-Americans in attempts to resolve violence-involved in New Ireland Forum and heavily influenced Anglo-Irish Agreement 1985, which unionists bitterly opposed-initiated talks with Gerry Adams of Sinn Fein (Hume-Adams talks) which paved the way to the Downing Street declaration in 1993 and the IRA ceasefire of 1994-led SDLP through to and beyond the Good Friday Agreement of 1997- jointly awarded Nobel Peace Prize with David Trimble in 1998. 10. Terence ONeill NB: be aware of ONeills role right up to his resignation in April 1969 ONeills image as a genuine reformer who wanted to build bridges between both communities was harmed during this episode-Hume especially critical of him-accused of engaging in gestures but not substantial acts of bridge-building-important to remember that Lockwood recommendation could have been rejected by cabinet and parliament-initially dismissed Catholic attempts to compare themselves with black people of US in the 1960s but subsequent pace of Catholic political action in civil rights movement put ONeill under pressure-his attempts to calm Catholic resistance, under pressure form London, left him open to attack from right-wing of his own party (Faulkner, Craig), and from more extreme unionists outside party, like Paisley-losing confidence of many Catholics over Coleraine controversy may have sown seeds for his ultimate demise-subsequent radicalisation of unionist politics-emergence of Paisleys Democratic Unionists, Craigs Vanguard, militant loyalism and split in Official Unionists. What is the significance of the Coleraine University controversy? Consider the views of a number of historians: A. (The Lockwood Report) revealed on 10 February 1965 that the provinces second university was to be sited, not in depressed Derry where Magee University College had established an appropriate ethos and where local pride, crossing all religious barriers, had anticipated such an honour, but at the prosperous small market town of Coleraine. The solid Protestant character of Coleraine was held by critics of the decision to have outweighed other considerations and the fact that no Catholic had been appointed to the Lockwood Committee - or indeed to many other significant public bodies - seemed to belie in action the bland community admonition of the new premier (ONeill) . David Harkness, Northern Ireland since 1920 (Dublin, 1983), pp 42, 143. B. Derry, which had hoped to be the beneficiary of any extension of university facilities, was outragedThe resultant protest movement was unprecedented. The same sort of liberal unionist sentiment which had prompted the suggestion that Catholics be admitted to the party surfaced and made common cause with the Catholics of Derry and the opposition parties at Stormont However, although defeated on the university issue, for John Hume and many other educated young Catholics, the seeds of a civil rights street protest movement had been planted by the Magee controversy. They would shortly sprout. Tim Pat Coogan, The Troubles: Irelands Ordeal 1966-1996 and the Search for Peace (London, 1996), pp 50, 51. C. It had obviously been decided to treat the inevitably hostile reaction of local unionists in the west of Ulster (to the Lockwood recommendation) as a necessary price for the political benefits to be gained from concentrating resources in the Protestant heartland of the east. The existence within the Derry Unionist leadership of a significant group that saw modernisation as disruptive of the local power structure may have encouraged the ONeill entourage to hope that resistance to Lockwood would be seriously weakened. Paul Bew, Peter Gibbon and Henry Patterson, Northern Ireland 1921/2001: Political Forces and Social Classes (London, 2002), p. 129. D. The betrayal of Magee can in no way be construed as a cause of the troubles, but there can be little doubt that the circumstances which surrounded the siting of the University at Coleraine conspired to make the occurrence into one of the triggers of the initial unrest. Gerard OBrien, Our Magee problem: Stormont and the second university in G. OBrien (ed), Derry and Londonderry: History and Society (Dublin, 1999), p. 647. John Hume comments on the significance of the Coleraine University controversy The university decision electrified the people on the nationalist side, and I think was really the spark that ignited the civil rights movement, though I suppose nobody could have articulated it in those terms then. And when the university went to Coleraine, the chance of orderly change in Northern Ireland probably disappeared. It became clear to me certainly that change could only be affected by positive political action. 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