ࡱ> ag nbjbjVV .r<r<Z d d 8 Lj^XXXXFVjXjXjXjXjXjXj$lSo|j9|jXX4j%%%6XXVj%Vj%%V,@^-X4`4 0, Bjj0j -Tod$o^-^-o6/ ;%|j|j(%jod :  The General Education Initiative in Hong Kong: Organized Contradictions and Emerging Tensions David Jaffee Professor of Sociology University of North Florida 1 UNF Drive Jacksonville, Florida 32224  HYPERLINK "mailto:djaffee@unf.edu" djaffee@unf.edu 904-620-2215 904-620-4415 Keywords: General Education; Organizational Change; Hong Kong; Asia-Pacific Do not quote or cite without permission of author. Abstract: In 2012 all Hong Kong universities will be extending the length of the undergraduate degree from three to four years and adding General Education as a degree requirement. This reform initiative represents a unique case of comprehensive organizational change of higher education on an unprecedented scale. This paper examines several of the most significant contradictions and tensions facing this initiative -- the current structure of higher education based on the British system and the prevailing culture of teaching and learning in Hong Kong. The nature of these pre-existing conditions, and their contradictory relationship to the substance and purpose of general and liberal education, are outlined. The contradictions and tensions generated by the general education initiative are situated within the larger organizational tension between theory and practice, and structure and action. The paper delineates some of the strategies developed to address the existing and emerging tensions. The General Education Initiative in Hong Kong: Organized Contradictions and Emerging Tensions Introduction: The Hong Kong General Education Reform Initiative In 2005 the University Grants Committee (UGC), the central body governing higher education in Hong Kong, mandated a change from a three to four year undergraduate curriculum for the eight universities under its jurisdiction. The additional year would allow for the development of a General Education (GE) curriculum. The four-year curriculum would be the required standard for all entering students beginning in Fall 2012. As part of the larger 3-3-4 educational reform, senior secondary education would be reduced to three years and students would be entering institutions of higher education a year earlier (and younger) in 2012 (see Figure 1). Based on the various official reports of Hong Kong educational bodies published beginning in 2000, the formally expressed purpose of the reform was to address perceived weaknesses in the current curricular structure and system of pedagogy in the secondary and tertiary sectors. More specifically, it was noted that learning is still examination-driven and scant attention is paid to learning to learn students are not given comprehensive learning experiences with little room to think, explore and create. The pathways for lifelong learning are not as smooth as they should be. To make up for these weaknesses, we need to uproot outdated ideology and develop a new education system that is student-focussed( Hong Kong Education Commission 2000, p.4). The report recommended that undergraduate education strike the right balance between the breadth and the depth of such programmes. This would, in addition to helping students master the necessary knowledge and skills for specific professions/disciplines, give them exposure to other learning areas and help them develop a sense of integrity, positive attitude, a broad vision and important generic skills (p.9). A later report echoed the same themes identifying the need for generic and transferable skills, to strike a new balance between breadth and depth, and to transcend specialization so that graduates can see creative and unexpected connections (University Grants Committee 2002). In the higher education sector, a consensus emerged over General Education as the curricular vehicle to address these issues. This paper is devoted to a preliminary analysis of this significant and monumental change to the Hong Kong system of education generally, and higher education sector in particular. The analysis is based on my direct participation and involvement in the initiative during the academic year 2010-2011 as a General Education Fulbright scholar hosted at one of the Hong Kong universities implementing the reform. During that period, information was gathered from official reports and documents, conversations and interviews with university administrators and faculty involved in the original decision and subsequent implementation, and participant observation at meetings in my role as a Fulbright scholar devoted to assisting Hong Kong universities with the transition. The present article will focus on two questions pertaining to the Hong Kong reform within the context of comprehensive organizational change. First, what existing and institutionalized conditions pose the greatest potential obstacles to the achievement of reform? Second, what emerging conditions, generic to all forms of organizational change and particular to the Hong Kong case, generate additional tensions? The basic assumption underlying the analysis is that organizational change in inevitably fraught with tensions, contradictions, and unintended consequences (Poole and Van de Ven 1989). These must be recognized and acknowledged in order to understand the challenges facing implementation, the pace and rhythm of organizational change, and the obstacles to the successful realization of intended purposes. Organized Contradictions: Antithetical Curricular Structures and Pedagogical Cultures The GE reform in Hong Kong represents a unique case of mandated transformation of higher education on an unprecedented scale. The process of organizational change, initiated from within or mandated from without, is a heavily theorized and studied topic (Demers 2007; Hoag, Ritschard, and Cooper 2002; Schneider, Brief and Guzzo 1996; Porras and Silvers 1991; Weick and Quinn 1999; Van de Ven and Poole 1995; Tsoukas and Chia 2002) giving rise to inevitable prescriptions on how to institute and manage change successfully (Kotter 1996; Mowat 2002; Awbrey 2005; Ratcliff 2004). For the limited purposes of the present article, the introduction and implementation of a university GE curriculum program will be regarded as a form of episodic (Weick and Quinn1999) and planned organizational change (Jian 2007). The Hong Kong GE initiative can be characterized as strategic, mandated, and formal. It was officially announced and introduced by a central university system administration, and has a predetermined implementation date of Fall 2012. Framing the organizational change in this way does not imply that continuous change dynamics are unimportant or irrelevant for this case. Rather, the choice of the episodic/planned frame is based on its ability to highlight immediate pre-existing tensions that must be overcome to move the initiative forward and the contradictions between theory-practice and structure-action. If Hong Kong was involved in nothing more than the reform of an existing GE program, there would be many lessons to learn from the experience of countless US institutions that have grappled with this notoriously thorny issue (see Awbrey 2005; Irvin 1990; Newton 2000; Gaff 1980; Schneider and Shoenberg 1999). But the Hong Kong initiative is not a matter of simply revising or modifying an existing GE program, but rather its inauguration as a new academic program requirement for all students and the extension of the length of the undergraduate degree an additional year. This represents an entirely new curricular structure and associated educational philosophy. When considered in this context, there are two pre-existing structural-cultural barriers that stand out as potential organized contradictions (Rau and Baker 1989) to the successful implementation of GE. These are the British model of education and the Hong Kong (or Chinese) culture of teaching and learning. The British Model The three year undergraduate program that will be supplanted is a direct legacy of the British colonial system that has impacted many aspects of Hong Kong institutions and culture. It is based on a philosophy of education that emphasizes disciplinary specialization from the moment the student arrives at the university (and even earlier in the secondary sector). This has impacted the perspective of both administrators and faculty who have viewed the primary purpose of university education as disciplinary specialization rather than intellectual broadening. Accompanying this perspective is an admissions and curricular structure that leaves little latitude for exploration, choice, or interdisciplinary discovery. While such discipline-centric tendencies certainly exist in the American academy, it is much more pervasive under a British higher educational system that has historically had the exclusive task of disciplinary training. This formal educational structure and the pedagogical philosophical underpinning stand in sharp contrast with the effort to develop a GE curriculum that emphasizes integrative learning, connections across disciplinary boundaries, and generic skills. For many or most of the faculty teaching in Hong Kong, there is no direct experience with a general or liberal education in their roles as faculty or their experience as students; the concept is entirely alien. I heard several faculty members describe GE as remedial education and something that should be the responsibility of the primary and secondary sector. Given the educational experience of much of the faculty in Hong Kong, GE is less legitimate, widely accepted or valued educational undertaking and, therefore, that much more difficult to develop as an integral component of undergraduate education. In conversations with several academic administrators, they reported that among many faculty there was a sentiment that a fourth year devoted to General Education might be wasted and detract from the important task of more specialized training. Some faculty argued that the current three year curriculum was already too crowded, and insufficiently expansive, to accommodate the necessary disciplinary-based content and training. A related factor, cited by one academic administrator, that might further discourage the acceptance of GE at some of the Hong Kong universities, is the institutional dominance of the science and engineering faculties and their curricular values. At several institutions where these colleges and programs exist, there was a perception that the humanities and social sciences were underappreciated and devalued as significant disciplines that could contribute positively to student intellectual development. As a consequence, much of the general education curriculum was viewed as superfluous or fluff. It was in this context that one former administrator suggested the people who need to be educated on General Education are not the students but the professors. In spite of these institutionalized tendencies, one of the major officially stated purposes of the 3-3-4 reform is to overcome the narrow specialization and concentration of the educational system. For this reason, all GE programs at Hong Kong universities make some reference to the objective of broadening or interdisciplinarity and GE course proposals are expected to demonstrate multiple disciplinary perspectives. The current secondary educational system in Hong Kong, a component of the larger British system, has also contributed directly to the narrowing and concentration of student academic subject study (see Leung 2002). Under this system, students proceed through a 3+2+2 structure that involved two compulsory years (thus, a nine year compulsory education system) after which students could either exit or continue and choose an arts or science track (see Figure 1). After two years in that track, students would take the first of two high stakes exams. Based on the results of that exam, students would either move out (and pursue alternative forms of post-secondary education) or move on to the final two years 6 and 7 -- known as matriculation. A final secondary exam, at the completion of the two years, would determine the prospects for university entry. Students would sit for exams at both points in the arts or in the sciences. Students must choose their intended prioritized major preferences before taking the university entrance examination. Thus, at a very early point, in comparison to the US, students are tracked into disciplinary areas (see Surez-Orozco 2007 for a critical analysis of this system). Disciplinary specialization is further reinforced through the university admissions and student scholarship system. In Hong Kong university scholarships are financed by the University Grants Committee (UGC). Each institution is allocated a certain number of financed slots allocated to academic programs. Students apply to (or bid) for these academic program slots. They can apply to up to 25 academic programs and the decision on which to apply for, and in what priority, is based on anticipated competitiveness. The success of an application and a bid depends heavily upon the results of high-stakes testing completed in the final term of the senior year of secondary school. The bottom-line desire is to avoid being shut out from receiving a financed position in the higher education system. Therefore, students will apply to programs that they may find less attractive and desirable, or even for which they have no interest, if it enhances their prospects for acceptance (some programs have more stringent admission criteria than others). Under the current system, the students enter the university as a member of an academic program cohort and follow the prescribed curriculum lockstep as fulltime students. There is essentially only one path to graduation. Because the state financed positions are scarce and cover the full tuition, students are discouraged from leaving or trying to move into another area of study. There is virtually no option for switching academic majors. The net result is that many students graduate with degrees they do not want. Institutions hope that students will want what they get since they cannot always get what they want. This system produces two important outcomes. On the positive side, few students leave and almost all graduate in three years. On the negative side, a significant proportion of students complete degrees in areas of study they have no interest in or commitment to, but to which they applied either on the basis of limited knowledge or for the prospects of being admitted to a university. When asked, many students indicate they would have chosen, and prefer, a different program of study. This existing system obviously works against the broad purposes of GE involving exposure to a wide range of perspectives, integrative and interdisciplinary thinking, and the cultivation of generic skills untethered to specialized disciplinary content knowledge. How will things change under the new GE initiative? In 2012 greater student choice will be introduced. First, students will be selecting courses that satisfy GE requirements. Second, at some institutions, students will have some restricted choices over major areas of study. These are significant changes given that the current system is based largely if not totally on an absence of student choice. But, again, the changes will be limited and introduced incrementally. There is an understandable reluctance, coupled with considerable opposition and resistance, to the most radical policy, routine in most US institutions, of allowing students the choice of academic major after they arrive at the institution or even after the first year. Instead, rather than university-wide admission and unrestricted student choice, intermediate and less draconian measures have been proposed such as, at one institution, admitting students to a college (e.g. the college of business rather than an academic program) with the opportunity to select a major at the end of the first year from those offered by the college. This concept of student choice can have enormous unintended consequences for the entire system and it will introduce a great deal of uncertainty in a system that was characterized by high levels of predictability. Under the current system, predictability is based on the allocation of funded slots to academic programs. Thus, these programs know exactly how many students will arrive each Fall -- what courses will be offered, the enrollment in each course, and faculty staffing requirements -- as students move lockstep through the prescribed curriculum as a cohort. Under this system, the number of majors is fixed per cohort. There were very few surprises. The implementation of a GE curriculum, coupled with a philosophy of greater student choice and the pursuit of student interests, may well generate new tensions and unwelcome turbulence. More specifically, some departments will find the number of majors dropping sharply while other departments may see rising demand beyond the capacity of existing departmental resources. The remarkable record of all students graduating in the prescribed number of years of the undergraduate program (three years for the British system) may be blemished as students change majors and find credits taken in one place dont apply to another. Graduation rates may decline. These are all familiar aspects of the US system, but uncommon in the relatively stable Hong Kong educational environment. But perhaps the results will be different in Hong Kong. All of these implications and unintended consequences are based on the assumption that a changing structure will result in changing behaviors. Will the opportunity to choose result in students shifting majors after they enter the university? Such structural determinism has to be tempered with a consideration of cultural constraints on human action. According to people intimately familiar with Hong Kong culture and higher education, the belief is that cultural factors will trump structural changes. As one administrator put it: this is something that is culturalAsian students dont make decisions for personal reasons. Another faculty member also suggested that student interest will play no role in the choice of major. More generally, it was argued that the whole concept of freedom of choice was a Western phenomenon that did not operate in this arena. Rather, students are tracked and examined in specific subject areas at an early stage in secondary school, and parents play the major role in deciding upon the subject areas students will pursue (attributed to strong tradition of filial piety in Chinese culture) (Leung et al. 2011; Fouad et al. 2008). Once the students reach the universities, according to these observers, they will follow the track that will provide the highest paying job and/or the quickest completion of the selected undergraduate degree, largely consonant with parental desires, regardless of personal interest. Culture of Learning and Teaching in Hong Kong The second major condition, potentially antithetical to the principles of liberal educational practice, is the cultural and behavioral pattern of Asian pedagogy and student learning. The common claim, some would call it a stereotype or caricature, is that Asian students excel at rote memorization, resist active forms of teaching and learning, prefer passive forms of information reception, respond best to teacher-centered pedagogy, and are unlikely to participate or ask questions in class (Chan 1999; but see Kember 2000; Kember and Gow 1991; Kennedy 2002 for alternative perspectives and evidence). It is further claimed that the learning process is structured hierarchically based on deference to authoritative sources of information and wisdom. In terms of student engagement and participation, one person put it this way: In the U.S., the squeaky wheel gets the grease; in China, the protruding nail gets pounded down. Because GE is not just a formal curriculum but also entails a particular pedagogical philosophy and practice involving discussion, debate, Socratic dialogue, and critical inquiry (Schneider and Schoenberg 1998), the prevailing philosophy of education will logically influence the implementation and success of the initiative. The general education enterprise, in its full liberal and humanistic manifestation, entails particular modes of instruction and cultivation, and the development of student capacities that challenge and critically assess the source of all received wisdom (Endres 2009; Nussbaum 1998). How does such critical thinking and intellectual autonomy fit in the Asian or Hong Kong context? Will this philosophy find a receptive student and faculty audience? As Altbach (1998: 50) puts it in his analysis of comparative higher education and the Western influence in adapting primarily Western models of organization, Asian universities may have also accepted underlying Western values that may not accurately reflect their own culture and traditions. There is a large literature on Asian students generally, and Chinese students in particular, regarding learning styles and preferences, and teaching and learning practices. What can this literature tell us about the significance of this inertial condition in potentially thwarting the intended outcomes of the GE reform in Hong Kong? Jin and Cortazzi (2006) use the concept of a culture of learning to describe taken-for-granted frameworks of expectations, attitudes, values and beliefs about how to teach or learn successfullywhat teachers and students expect to happen in classrooms and how participants interpret the format of classroom instruction, the language of teaching and learning, and how interaction should be accomplished as part of the social construction of an educational discourse system.(p.9). In addition to the traits of Chinese learners described above, this culture, as informed by Confucian philosophy, involves close careful reading and memorization of authoritative works and material (teach the book) and the passing on of authoritative knowledge through didactic training. Almost all researchers studying the Chinese learner, even those who take issue with the stereotypical caricature, accept the idea that students growing up in different national educational systems can develop differential cultures of learning. The research questions, therefore, usually center on the significance of the cultural differences, what impact they might have on student learning, and whether they are subject to change. The literature provides evidence that aspects of the Chinese culture of learning pose challenges for students in Anglo institutional settings. More specifically, researchers report Chinese student difficulty: critically assessing texts; expressing personal ideas; using multiple sources; engaging in spontaneous oral participation; departing from the one-way flow of communication; engaging in more dialogical and discussion-based learning activities; replacing a close reading and presentation of the text with occasional detours and extended examples; working with a diverse set of reading that require analysis, comparisons, contrasts and synthesis; mounting critiques of established texts or developing alternative ways to understand the material; outlining the strengths and weaknesses of authoritative arguments and positions; and grading or evaluating ones peers (Jin and Cortazzi 2006; Holmes 2004). Holmes (2004) placed these findings within the context of a conceptual framework distinguishing learning styles that reflect a conserving attitude with those that reflect an extending attitude. In the former, received knowledge is conserved, memorized, and held sacred; in the latter, existing knowledge is used as a basis for building and constructing new knowledge. Zhang and Watkins (2001) examined differences between US and Chinese students in cognitive development and report that Chinese students cognitive development moved in a more dualistic and less relativistic direction in the domain of interpersonal relations from the first to the fourth year in college. The authors attribute this counterintuitive developmental pattern to a lack of choice in the Chinese higher education system, absence of cognitive dissonance that gives rise to change, and entering college with predetermined majors that are overspecialized. These explanations, in the comparative context, have a direct connection to the introduction of a US-style general education curriculum. As they note (2001; p. 253): Chinese students enter college with predetermined majors that are overspecialized. In contrast, in the U.S. higher educational system, students are allowed to choose their major areas of study after they will have gained sufficient understanding of different academic subjects. Zhang and Watkins (2001) also suggest that the way students are assessed will impact their orientation to learning (see also Sternberg 1997; Biggs 1995; Zhang and Sternberg 2000). This has direct bearing on their finding that, in contrast to US students, for Chinese students there was no relationship between the level of cognitive development and academic achievement. Since the relationship depends upon the types of assessment teachers use, it may be the case that a reliance on memorization and purely fact-based modes of assessment eliminate the need for relativistic forms of analysis, thus nullifying the potential positive impact of higher levels of cognitive development on academic achievement. Overall, in linking the students orientation to systemic and structural institutional factors prevailing in the educational system, they suggest that, rather than deep-seated cultural traits, the dispositions are subject to change under conditions of institutional reform. A similar conclusion is reached by Kennedy (2002 p. 442) the evidence suggests that when the context of learning changes and the modes of teaching and assessment require adult Hong Kong Chinese learners to adopt new learning styles they do so provided they are given enough time to adjust. One of the explicit intended objectives of the GE reform involves altering the methods of pedagogy and, in turn, expanding the range of intellectual capacities of Hong Kong students. Evidence for the malleability of learning dispositions provides a source of hope for the long-term prospects of the larger reform initiative, but it also places a significant burden on those who design the context of learning. The GE initiative recognizes the need for alternative modes of pedagogy alternately described as engaged, active, or student-centered. One of the most common teaching and learning activities included in GE course proposals reviewed by this writer was the group project and group presentation. This typically involved students working together on a selected topic and presenting the collective product of their efforts to the larger class. While this introduces more active and collaborative forms of learning, the widespread use of the strategy suggests it is regarded as a pedagogical panacea that will singularly address the need for more engaged forms of learning. In the end, the larger question is whether the apparent contradictions coupling the British model of academic specialization with an interdisciplinary GE curriculum, and prevailing patterns of teaching and learning with and GE pedagogy, will be resolved in favor of new pedagogical and assessment practices. Or, conversely, will the new GE curriculum simply be absorbed and accommodated within the existing system to which faculty and students have become accustomed. Theory and Practice/Structure and Action Above we have identified two of the most significant, but hardly the only unique, aspects of Hong Kong higher education that pose challenges to the implementation of a GE curriculum. We can now place the reform initiative in the larger context of organizational change generally, and of the higher education variety in particular. It is important to acknowledge the inherent and inevitable tensions that are generated by such an institutional transformational regardless of the national and cultural conditions. The forms of resolution, however, may be shaped by local conditions. The General Education reform in Hong Kong, like many similar educational interventions, can be regarded as a form of social engineering. It is based on a theory of human social, academic, and intellectual development that places a great deal of faith in the ability of a formal educational curriculum in this case General Education or Liberal Studies -- to produce qualitatively different students. The distinction between theory and practice is important to consider for the GE reform. Theoretically, liberal education should have a transformational impact on students. But liberal education is manifested and formalized in a general education curriculum that includes discrete courses that students complete over the course of their undergraduate education. These courses are often designed to achieve an explicit set of learning outcomes. More specifically, the intended student learning outcomes of all Hong Kong universities emphasize, almost exclusively, skills, competencies, and dispositions over content knowledge. Presented as a rational model of organizational action, the curricula are the structural means to these developmental ends. But how exactly will the experience in different GE courses accomplish these outcomes? The belief that spending time in a series of courses can produce a qualitative transformation is one of the academys universal and central articles of faith. But to what extent can we expect a GE curriculum to fulfill this lofty expectation? As Schoenberg (2000) observes for United States institutions, the great majority of undergraduates experience the general education programand sometimes the major as wellas a set of discrete course requirements to be met rather than as a structure of academic experiences that together constitute a competent collegiate education as defined by the institution. For the majority of undergraduate students, the "public curriculum" is a set of requirements rather than an integrated structure with clear intentions. Will the Hong Kong experience be any different? In this context we are forced to consider the actual pedagogical practices that are employed in these courses. This is a part of the organizational life of higher education that is the most difficult to either control or monitor and efforts to micromanage these activities would likely be met with resistance from faculty and create problems for administrators. The potential disconnect between theory and practice strikes at a larger tension present in all organizations. It has been conceptualized by Schein (1992) as the divergence between the espoused and the enacted values of the organization. In this particular case, universities may espouse fidelity to particular principles of liberal education and associated pedagogical practices, but these are not necessarily enacted by the teaching faculty who are charged with the responsibility for to implement and practice the principles. This organizational problem is regarded as especially pronounced in higher education. The divergence between espoused and enacted is closely associated with the notion of a loosely coupled system (Weick 1976) such that the mandated implementation of a curriculum and associated directives from above do not necessarily alter the operational day-to-day behavior of organizational members. Universities are cited as the prototypical case of the loosely-coupled system. For this reason, there should be concern regarding how the structures of general education are translated into, or decoupled from, action (Meyer and Rowan 1978). Others have noted similar patterns where ideas, often embodied in mission statements, change faster than actions, and thus organizations are routinely guilty of hypocrisy (Brunsson 1993). In the context of Hong Kong educational reforms, Morris and Scott (2003: 71) refer to this as an implementation problem based on the gap between the intentions of policy makers and their implementation in the schools. These forms of slippage are likely to be of particular significance for the kind of institutional changes proposed here requiring the human enactment of a relatively alien educational and pedagogical paradigm. Under such conditions, unintended and undesirable consequences are to be expected. Jians (2007) analysis of unintended consequences rests on the disjunction between structure and action that he more precisely conceptualizes as the relationship between the different social roles within the organization. Higher-level management is responsible for change initiation (creating structures) while the staff or faculty are charged with the implementation of change (action). Senior management is responsible for change initiationto initiate new rules, procedures, and processes; inscribe them into texts; and announce and sell them by various means; employees are then charged with implementation of changeto translate these texts into social practices (p. 13). Given the human vagaries of communication, interpretation, sense-making, tradition, adaptation, and resistance, the ultimate consequences of planned organizational change are extremely difficult to predict, anticipate, or control (Balogun and Johnson 2005; Spillane, Reiser, and Reimer 2002; Moore, 2006; Harris and Ogbonna 2002). In order to increase the likelihood that there is some relationship between the structure of GE and the development of student capacities, or a tighter relationship between means and ends, many Hong Kong institutions have subscribed to a rationalizing system of course design known as Outcomes-Based Teaching and Learning (OBTL). In its pure form, OBTL requires implicit and written articulation of three components of course design: course intended learning outcomes, assessment tasks, and teaching and learning activities (Biggs and Tang 2007). All Hong Kong GE programs have developed some set of program intended learning outcomes and each course in the GE program has course-level intended learning outcomes; the latter are supposed to align with the former. Further, methods of assessing student achievement, and the teaching and learning activities, should also align with the outcomes. When faculty propose GE courses they are required to articulate each of these OBTL components for the proposed course. OBTL may be one example of Translating new rules and structures into everyday practice and providing a new discourse that can help construct coherent meaning in their continuous flow of work experience. (Jian 2007, p. 25). The extent to which compliance with the bureaucratic requirements of course proposals, and the inclusion of information and language of OBTL design, actually translates into a qualitative improvement in the learning experience of students, again, remains highly uncertain. All of the universities in Hong Kong have developed GE learning outcomes, GE curricula and associated course offerings, and a system for reviewing and approving GE course proposals. These are vital and necessary, but insufficient, conditions for the realization of the reforms aspirations. Of all the facets of the OBTL framework, assessment tasks, which determine student grades, may as critical for the success of the new GE reform as the teaching and learning activities. There are two aspects of assessment that have posed some challenges in the course development and design process. The first entails the relationship or alignment between the learning outcomes and the form of assessment. High levels of incongruity were noted in course proposals where, for example, an outcome might be that students will be able to analyze some phenomenon but the only assessment strategies might be multiple-choice examinations and a group project. Thus, there was a pronounced mismatch between the learning outcomes to be cultivated and the methods for assessing their realization. The second closely related assessment issue is the heavy reliance and dependence on the objective multiple choice final examination which is often assigned greater weight in determining the final grade than other assessments. Hong Kong has a high-stakes examination culture and it has impacted greatly, as noted above, the student orientation to learning. But in introducing alternative forms of assessment, administrators and faculty expressed concern that examinations were being eliminated or undervalued in the new system, replaced by less rigorous grade determinants, and that this would threaten the academic legitimacy of the enterprise. However, in spite of these concerns, and as a result of the GE initiative, there is a greater openness to and incorporation of alternative and more authentic forms of assessment. This seems to be one of the positive outcomes of the GE reform and one that could contribute to a major transformation of both faculty and student orientations toward the learning process consistent with the stated objectives of the reform. Another positive development along these lines has been the significant expansion in the faculty development enterprise. Faculty development offices at all Hong Kong universities have ramped up their programming and staffing to support faculty proposal development, course design, and pedagogical innovation. One of the primary activities of this writer, in his capacity as a GE Fulbright in Hong Kong, was to conduct faculty workshops on how to design and deliver GE courses. Many of the GE Fulbright faculty were housed and worked in faculty development offices at their respective institutions. The workshop is the standard method for the delivery of faculty development services. One study, done in the Hong Kong context, suggests that such faculty development programs can prove efficacious under certain conditions. Ho, Watkins, and Kelly (2001) employ the dichotomy of the teacher-centered/content-oriented vs. student-centered/learning-oriented to distinguish faculty and student approaches toward teaching and learning. They then examine the efficacy of a faculty development program designed to change these orientations. Using a conceptual change approach, rather than a generic teaching skills strategy, they study the impact of the program on the changing conceptions of teaching of the participants, on teaching practices, and on subsequent student learning. Strategies for conceptual change include self-awareness, confrontation, exposure to alternative conceptions, and commitment building (Ho, 2000). They report positive results from this intervention strategy in terms of changed conceptions and, more importantly, impact on pedagogical practice. Given the presumed deep-seated philosophical orientation toward didactic forms of instruction in Hong Kong, faculty development programs that challenge foundational conceptions and established paradigms of teaching and learning may prove to be the most efficacious for the purpose of pedagogical change and renewal. Thus we return to the thorny tension between theory/structure and practice/action. The difficulty to modify and influence that latter is associated with the prevailing organizational culture. For those who have attempted to implement change in institutions of higher education, in GE or elsewhere, the importance of this factor cannot be overstated (see Awbrey 2005; Ratcliff 1997; Tierney 1988; Smircich 1983; Kezar and Eckel 2002). Durable, deep-seated, and impervious to the fleeting whims of academic administrators, the prevailing academic culture shapes the value placed on various organizational activities, perceptions of acceptable forms of knowledge, and professional behaviors. If the established culture is antithetical to the intended change, and it is not more directly addressed, it is unlikely the GE reform will have its desired consequences (see Tierney 1999; Wong and Tierney 2001). The challenge for Hong Kongs GE reform on this front is no different than in the United States or elsewhere motivating faculty participation in pedagogical reflection, development, and change. When faculty workshop participation is purely voluntary, as is the most standard practice, it is most likely to attract those already aware, committed, and sensitive to pedagogical design. This leaves large numbers untouched by faculty development activities or any critically reflective exercise. Several aspects of the Hong Kong approach to GE and teaching further complicates this issue. For example, teams of faculty are involved in teaching a single course but only one of the members of the team may draft the course proposal or participate in faculty development. Further, where courses are divided into the lecture and the tutorial, which is quite common in Hong Kong, and there is a division of labor between professors handling lectures and instructors the tutorials, curricular coherence may suffer and the intended pedagogical practices required for successful realization of program outcomes may never be performed. However, there may be an even more fundamental challenge. Even if the faculty members embrace and practice alternative pedagogies associated with liberal education, will the students suddenly be prepared to engage, interact, debate, participate, discuss, and criticize? The fear, reluctance, and apprehension students currently exhibit as a product of their accumulated educational experiences will be difficult to overcome even under a reform regime that logically extends backward into the secondary curriculum. As Morris and Scott (2003: 71) have observed for educational reform in Hong Kong, the gap between intentions and implementation has been especially pronounced in those reforms attempting to change the prevailing styles of teaching and learning. This will obviously be a slow, incremental, and evolving process. Conclusion Hong Kong is currently implementing one of the most comprehensive educational reforms ever undertaken by a single country. While many national governments have lamented the quality of their educational system, or the skills of their graduates, few have been willing to take such a high-risk approach at reorganizing and reconfiguring the entire secondary and post secondary system. In this sense, Hong Kong is conducting a grand experiment. This paper has focused on the post-secondary aspect of the educational reform involving the additional year of undergraduate education in a General Education curriculum. The introduction of a General Education curricular structure and a liberal education pedagogical philosophy challenges two institutionalized features of Hong Kong education the British model of education and the Chinese culture of teaching and learning. Such organized contradictions (Rau and Baker 1989) stand as sources of tension and potential obstacles to the achievement of the intended outcomes of the reform. The analysis has outlined the substance of these pre-existing conditions of higher education in Hong Kong and the manner in which they can thwart the larger policy initiative. The final section of the paper has situated these contradictions within the broader meta-tension plaguing all organizational change where theory and structure are unable to sufficiently shape practice and action. There are many additional challenges and tensions that have not been included in this analysis (see Finkelstein & Walker 2008; Hanstedt 2010). It is far too early to know how the contradictions identified here will be resolved. While all eight universities in Hong Kong have developed a GE curriculum, there are significant variations across institutions in the specific courses and configuration of distribution requirements, as well as how the courses will be organized and staffed. Further, success of the initiative may depend upon the extent to which institutions are able to put in place the requisite collateral infrastructure. This includes first-year programming, learning communities, and academic advising to support the needs of the students that will be entering the system in 2012. In a dialectical model of change, where new initiatives interface with existing antithetical institutional practices and structures, the emerging synthesis is often unpredictable and unintended. In this case of comprehensive organizational change, it is likely that the synthesis will be a form of GE with Hong Kong characteristics. 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