ࡱ> 7 bjbjUU 7|7|3lTTTT$<<<P<l2@V@YYY 2222222$3 532Y7"YYY32&T6H2<&&&YL 2&Y 2&p&],:Q1,14 %F<!}1 142<21R7m$71&TT Chapter 4 The Effects of Property Rights and Federal Land Policy to Land and Other Natural Resources on American Economic Development: Where U.S. Land Policy Worked and Where It Did Not Gary D. Libecap Karl Eller Center and Department of Economics University of Arizona, Tucson NBER May 14, 2004 . I. Introduction. The American economy is a market-oriented one with a smaller role for government than is found, for example, in western European economies. Throughout American economic history, most decisions regarding resource use and answers to questions regarding what, how, and for whom to produce have been based on private property rights and market incentives. Although the institution of private property was well established in Europe and followed European immigrants as they migrated to North America, its strong position throughout the American economy was based on the establishment of secure private property rights to land. In the an agricultural, rural economy of the colonial and early republic periods, ownership of land and other natural resources was of overriding importance. These ownership institutions set precedents for private ownership of other, less-tangible assets, such as financial instruments, and allowed for the development of private financial institutions and markets, such as banks and stock exchanges. Had American land and other natural resource property rights remained uncertain and confused, it is doubtful that financial markets would have developed as they did or more broadly, that the overall economy would have emerged and grown as successfully as occurred. The property rights assignment molded how expectations would be formed for mobility and economic advancement. Additionally, the property rights structure determined how adaptable the economy would be in responding to changes in factor and product prices. In parts of Latin America, Africa, and Asia the process of land titling has not been so smooth and the development of a market economy has been more problematical. How property rights to land were allocated in the U.S. also was important because it largely determined the distribution of income, wealth, and political power. On the northern agricultural frontier, land policy supported the formation of small farms. In the absence of important economies of scale in grain farming, these small units were economically viable, and they led to the establishment of political jurisdictions dominated by small holders with a stake in the economic and political growth of their communities. Conservative, prosperous agricultural regions of small farms developed with the population providing for public goods, such as education and transportation that were essential for longer-term economic growth. Moreover, this piecemeal allocation of land brought the promise of ownership. Any ambitious individual could claim and establish a farm of his own, if not in the immediate area, then to the West. This broad distribution of land allowed for a sense of optimism in widely-shared opportunities for owning land, prospering, and being a valuable and viable part of the community. This expectation certainly was a major factor behind the draw of America for immigrants and the creation of an American Dream. Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere in Latin American land distribution generally favored elites and often led to the establishment of very large farms or latifundia. A wage agricultural labor force developed instead of small holders, and serious tensions over the distribution of wealth and opportunity have characterized those societies in a way that has never occurred in the U.S. For all of these reasons, it is important to understand how American land policy worked, where it was successful, and where it was not. But before turning directly to land policy, it is worthwhile to briefly review the role of private property rights in an economy and why they are the fundamental institution for markets. II. A Short Overview of Property Rights. Property rights institutions underlie the performance and income distribution of an economy. By defining the parameters for the use of scarce resources and assigning the associated rewards and costs, the prevailing system of property rights established incentives and time horizons for investment, production, and exchange. They delineate decision-making authority over economic resources, determine the relevant time periods for those decisions, specify permitted asset uses, define transferability, and direct the assignment of net benefits. By outlining the costs and rewards of decision making, property rights establish the factors that are considered in making decisions regarding resource use. The delegation of legally-sanctioned use privileges for economic resources and the corresponding assignment of costs and benefits for consideration in decision making are key roles played by property rights in an economy. In the limit, if property rights are so completely defined and enforced that private and social net benefits are equalized, there will be no externalities. Economic decisions made in circumstances where all social costs and benefits are considered will maximize total wealth, given the existing income distribution and market demand composition. Production will be at the right level with no uncompensated third party effects such as we observe with air pollution or excessive harvest of open-access fisheries. In these latter two cases, property rights are not completely defined to the air and to the stock of fish. An alternative, although complete property rights assignment, will have a correspondingly different income distribution, demand structure, and production mix. Nevertheless, the output chosen will maximize aggregate wealth under the new rights distribution. In general, for efficiency, the key consideration is the completeness of the definition of property rights and not the specific allocation. But distribution matters. If the assignment of property rights to valuable resources in an economy is so skewed that most of the society is left out and if there are few obvious means for obtaining property rights and participating as owners, then the political stake in the ownership structure will be thin. Under these circumstances, property rights institutions will be unstable. We observe this situation in parts of the world where land ownership and wealth are very skewed and landless squatters invade and occupy large farms. Such invasions increase ownership uncertainty and reduce economic returns and incentives for investment, production, and trade. And if ownership uncertainty is widespread the economy will not perform to its potential and the society will be poorer overall. Communal or common ownership of assets may be attractive from an equity point of view because they can avoid the distributional conflicts associated with private property. Even so, collective property rights can have problems of their own. Although non-group members are excluded from the resource, intra-group constraints must be implemented, otherwise open-access conditions can emerge within the group leading to excessive and wasteful use and depletion of the value of the resource. Hence, there must be some form of property rights within the group to govern behavior. These critical intra-group controls are not free of distributional pressures. While formal titles are not assigned, the intra-group regulations still must determine access and individual ability to collect income from the resource. This means that distributional conflicts can continue to mold collective action, much as they do with more formal private property rights. Further, common ownership and decision making works best when the group is small and made up of relatively homogeneous members, so that they share similar objectives and have similar costs. Under these circumstances, it is possible for group decision making to take place effectively. But as group size increases, perhaps as the value of the asset rises and attracts more entry, such cohesion breaks down and decision making and monitoring of behavior become more costly, controversial, and ineffective. Private decision making, because it involves the objectives of just one party, works much more smoothly. Private property rights may involve a variety of rights or opportunities, including the right to exclude non-owners from access, the right to capture the stream of income and costs from the use of and investments in the resource, and the right to sell or otherwise transfer the resource to others (including heirs). Property rights institutions range from formal arrangements, including constitutional provisions, statutes, and judicial rulings, to informal conventions and customs regarding the allocation and use of property. Property rights also are found along a continuum, going from complete open-access where no ownership exists and the resource is wide open to all to increasing levels of specificity and exclusion. Property rights also can private and individually held, private but held by a group (common property), state owned (socialism), or a combination of these. The nature of the rights system depends upon a number of factors: the value of the asset and the corresponding costs and benefits of well-defined and enforced ownership; the social structure and acceptability of private ownership and individualism; legal precedent through past constitutional provisions, legislation, and court opinions; prevailing regulatory and tax policies; and the physical nature of the asset. High-valued assets are more likely to have secure property rights, all else equal, because they are potentially most subject to costly competition for ownership and hence, theft. Hence, there are the greatest returns from defining property rights. If the ownership of a valuable asset is unclear, then competing claimants will waste at least part of its value in their efforts to seize at least a portion of it. There may be violence in the struggle for control, but certainly, there will be short time horizons because no party will be confident in the security of their holdings. Long-term and otherwise valuable investment will be impractical. Trade will be inhibited because traders will have little security in the ownership of what they are exchanging and prices will be reduced. These are some of the losses associated with the tragedy of the commons described by Garrett Hardin in his famous 1968 Science article and extended for the case of open-access and often depleted fisheries by H. Scott Gordon (1954) and Stephen N.S. Cheung (1970). To avoid the wastes of open-access, property rights tend to be made more complete with more effective enforcement as resource values rise. Not only are these resources more subject to costly competition for control, but their added value compensates for the increased costs of greater property rights definition and enforcement. As noted by Harold Demsetz (1967), social, political, and religious conventions influence the nature of property rights. If individual ownership and decision making is discouraged within the society, then private property rights arrangements will be more costly to implement and protect. Because property rights ultimately are political institutions, defined and sanctioned by law and custom, they also will be subject to broader regulations that govern asset use and exchange and taxes that capture part of the assets value. The more onerous the regulatory and tax structure, the weaker the property rights regime. Although regulation and tax policies may have important motivation, they nevertheless compromise the property rights structure and its corresponding benefits. Ownership also is more difficult to assign and defend if the asset is very large, mobile, unboundable, or otherwise unobservable, which is the case for many fisheries, the atmosphere, some deep mineral deposits, and large aquifers and oil and natural gas reservoirs. With this short overview of the role of private property rights in an economy, we now turn to an examination of U.S. land policy which governed the assignment of ownership to the huge federal estate. Indeed, cultural, legal, and political institutions generally were supportive of private property rights. III. Federal Land Policy. After the Revolutionary War, the states claimed large tracts of land to the west of the Appalachian Mountains as part of their future proposed boundaries. Conflicts developed over conflicting claims, and had this pattern continued, there would have been no federal land policy, but rather 13 contentious ones. Fortunately, the states gradually ceded their land claims to the federal government. Additionally, between 1781 and 1853, the federal government acquired over 1,327,000,000 acres of new land via the Louisiana Purchase (1803), Texas (1845), Oregon (1846), and the Mexican Cession (1848). The Gadsden Purchase (1853), Alaska (1867), and Hawaii (1898) rounded out the major acquisitions. But it was the first group of land additions that formed the vast amount of the U.S. domain and upon which federal land policy was focused.\ Had the federal government maintained ownership of this huge estate, the nature of American society and its economy would have been quite different. As it was, most of this land was open for private patenting, and how title was assigned would affect the formation of the agricultural economy and the distribution of income and wealth. Large estates might have emerged from huge land grants to political and economic elites, but that did not generally happen in the U.S., at least along the northern agricultural frontier. Some lands were distributed from the federal government to veterans in the form of land warrants in payment for their military service. Other tracts were granted to the states to help finance public schools, land grant colleges, and other public goods. The railroads also received grants of land in the West as stimulus for extending transportation systems to sparsely populated regions. Lands also were auctioned to private claimants or transferred to settlers at minimum prices under the Pre-Emption Acts. In the early 19th century, revenues from land sales were a major source of income for the federal government. Finally, the largest distributions came through the Homestead Act of 1862 and similar land laws, whereby 160-acre allocations were provided to actual farmers after residency and improvement of the land. Secure property rights to land were assigned to viable farming units to lands east of the 98th meridian. An agricultural economy developed and flourished. Capital gains from land sales on the frontier became the major way by which individuals could amass wealth. The outcome of federal land policy was similar for mineral lands, even though there was no explicit federal policy to transfer private mineral rights until the Mining Law of 1872. The federal governments response to mineral claims was quite similar to that for agricultural land, at least until 1920 and enactment of the Mineral Leasing Act. Those 49ers and others who braved the perils of migrating across North America or traveling around the Horn to the Pacific Coast and the gold and silver deposits of the Sierras and the Rockies could obtain locally-devised property rights to mineral land. Later in 1872, these mining camp rules were explicitly recognized by the federal government. Through them and the security they provided, exploration and production were promoted. The American mining industry developed, and the U.S. became a world leader in the production of hard-rock minerals. As we will see, however, federal land policy was less effective for agricultural and timber lands west of the 98th meridian. There the small-farm model that dominated northern frontier agriculture was maintained, but it contributed to the allocation of property rights to farm land in plots that were too small to be economically viable. Hundreds of thousands of individuals migrated to the Great Plains, and once they had borne those costs and were established on the frontier they were reluctant to leave even as their farms struggled during drought. There were few options other than out-migration, which subsequently took place, but often after one generation had tried to make a go of it on the plains. Given the many homestead busts in the region, there were fewer of the poor-to-riches stories of frontier settlers on the Great Plains than along the earlier frontier in the Midwest and East. Similarly, land policy was not well adapted for granting rights to timberland in the West. In the East and Midwest, individuals acquired rights to timberland through farm land purchases and consolidation. Large holdings, such as those of Ezra Cornell in Wisconsin, were assembled through the purchase of military script given by the federal government to soldiers and sailors as payment for their service. Although the focus of land policy was on agriculture, it was possible for individuals to garner enough timberland through federal land purchases to support a lumber industry, as occurred in the Great Lakes. But in the West where settlement generally did not occur until after the Civil War and took placewas under the Homestead Act and similar land laws, small farm plots of 160 acres were far too limited to form effective holdings of timberland. Hence, much lumbering occurred on federal land illegally without secure property rights. Waste, timber theft and depredation was an outcome. The strict focus of U.S. land policy on small farm allocations, based on climatic and soil conditions in the eastern U.S., meant that private claimants for viable dryland farms and ranches on the Great Plains and Great Basin and for sufficient tracts of timberland in the Pacific Northwest to support lumber mills could not legally obtain title to the property they sought. They often occupied or used the lands without formal title, but after the turn of the 20th Century, the federal government began to gradually withdraw the lands from private entry. Today, large tracts of the western continental U.S. and much of Alaska remain in federal ownership largely because of the inflexibility of federal land policy in these regions. IV. Where U.S. Land Policy Worked. The Northern Agricultural Frontier. The Treaty of Paris of 1783 ceded to the United States all lands south of Canada, east of the Mississippi, and north of Florida, an area that became known as the Northwest Territories and the area around which U.S. land policy developed. Although there was never any sense that the federal government would retain ownership, there were nevertheless competing pressures for the disposal of federal estate. One pressure was to raise revenue by selling the land at full value. The second was to give the land away in a manner that achieved the democratic objectives of small farm ownership. In the early period through the Civil War, revenue generation remained an important factor and the government auctioned land or made it available for purchase at minimum prices, ranging from $1-$2/acre. In the post Civil War period, small farm objectives prevailed with passage of the Homestead Act of 1862 so that most federal land was offered in small, 160-acre plots for free, subject to occupation and improvement, or at $1.25 or $2.50 per acre, depending on the land law. The framework for distributing federal lands was created by the Land Ordinances of 1785 and 1787 that called for the orderly, systematic distribution of federal property to private claimants. Surveying was to proceed with the delineation of plots within a rectangular grid relative to east-west longitudinal and north-south latitude base lines, with further division into townships of six miles square and 36 sections of 640 acres each. Surveyed lands then could be offered for sale at public auction to raise revenue. Initial minimum prices were high and minimum acreages large. But gradually minimum prices were reduced along with the minimum size of plots. Administration of land sales was difficult, sales and revenues were below expectations, squatters moved ahead of the survey and staked claims, and the whole process of land disposal was politically controversial. Constituencies that favored rapid settlement of the frontier through the low-cost transfer of federal lands to private claimants gained political ascendancy so that liberalization of the terms of land sales took place through repeated land legislation after 1800. Additionally, squatters hated the system of land auctions because the minimum plots were often larger than they wanted and they lacked the capital to compete with more affluent land developers. By occupying lands ahead of survey and auction and organizing claims clubs to intimidate those who would compete with them for their lands, squatters could disrupt planned land auctions or at least limit participation in them to members of their clubs. As these distributional conflicts intensified, Congress responded with laws enacted in 1830 and 1841 that gave preference or pre-emption to squatters, allowing them to buy 160 acres at $1.25 per acre. The 1854 Graduation Act further reduced the price for unsold federal lands to 12 cents per acre. And there was political pressure to do even more. The combined political muscle of frontier land developers or speculators (and most frontier migrants engaged in land speculation), settlers and prospective settlers, transportation companies (canals and later, famously, the railroads), and territorial boosters seeking statehood created a formidable constituency that few politicians could ignore. There also was an important distributional objective in U.S. land policy, at least for the northern agricultural frontier, that increased the political attraction of a liberal property rights allocation. The dominant focus came to be one of small-farm distribution, as called for by Thomas Jefferson: The earth is given as a common stock for man to labor and live on...The small landholders are the most precious part of the state. A political coalition formed to reserve federal lands for small farmers and working men, and to oppose the perceived development of monopoly baronial estates and landlordism. Advocates maintained that every man had a right to a share of frontier land, and that this property rights allocation would not only serve as a remedy for poverty, unemployment, and the privation of the working class, but that it would insure the extension of democracy through a nation of prosperous small land holders who had a stake in the society. Such a nation would have the distributive balance to be politically conservative and free of the damaging social and political conflicts that characterized Europe. Federal land, allocated freely in small plots could help to mitigate any of the social pressures that might build up in eastern cities. Immigrants could be channeled to the frontier and thereby reduce the supply of urban workers, maintaining acceptable manufacturing wages. Although the practical effect of this process has been questioned, it appears to have contributed to the political foundation for more liberal federal land policies adopted in the mid nineteenth century. Federal lands also were used in other ways to promote rapid frontier settlement. Land was granted to developers in exchange for private internal investments in roads and turnpikes, canals, and railroads. Land grants were made to the states to help underwrite primary and secondary education and to establish land grant colleges (Morrill Act of 1862), and federal lands were used to compensate veterans of the Revolutionary War, the War of 1812, the Mexican War, and after the Civil War. In 1844 a National Land Reform Association was organized, led by Horace Greeley and others, to secure enactment of a Homestead Act. They petitioned Congress for free lands, free homes for a homeless people. After 1854, the new Republican Party put free land into its platforms. A Homestead Act that authorized the free transfer of up to 160 acres of federal land to pioneers once they paid a registration and filing fee and occupied and improved the land for a set period of time would have been the most liberal land legislation. But it ran into sectional opposition, especially from southern Democrats who could not reconcile its objectives with those of expanding slave-based agriculture on the frontier. Southern Democrats also were concerned about maintaining the balance in the Senate between free and slave states. The free-land movement was thwarted by southern Democrats until the secession of the South and the election of Lincoln as President. In 1862, the first Homestead Act was passed, and it became the most important policy vehicle for allocating federal land through the end of federal land transfer in 1935. Under the 1862 law, any family head who was at least 21 years old could claim between 40 and 160 acres and upon paying fees and commissions and satisfying the 5-years continuous residence and improvement (cultivation) requirement, receive title. The Homestead Act was modified slightly in 1909 to allow 320 claims and in 1912 to reduce the residency requirement to 3 years. Although the Homestead Act was by far the most commonly used law to secure government land after 1862, there were other mechanisms by which federal land was transferred, including the Desert Land Act of 1877 that authorized the purchase of 640 acres for $1.25 per acre if irrigated, the 1878 Timber and Stone Act which granted 40-160 acres for accessing timber or stone for agricultural purposes, the 1904 Kinkaid Act that authorized 640-acre claims in western Nebraska, and the 1916 Stock Raising Homestead Act that also allowed for 640 acres of grazing lands in other selected states. Figure 1 illustrates the pattern of property rights transfer from the federal government to private individuals between 1800 and 1935. Figure 1  SHAPE \* MERGEFORMAT  Source: Robbins (1942, 344) as provided in Atack and Passell (1994, 257) Homestead allocations worked well in northern agriculture, east of the 100th meridian that ran through the Dakotas south through Texas. There were no important economies of scale in grain production, and there was sufficient rainfall (usually above 30 inches a year), high soil quality, and familiar conditions, allowing farmers to use knowledge gained in the East or Europe. As migrants moved across the frontier, they transplanted farming practices, crops, and farm sizes appropriate in their places of origin. Under these circumstances, property rights were assigned quickly and agriculture developed rapidly. The objectives of politicians for the Homestead Act were met. The Midwest was settled successfully with prosperous, small farms. By Default in the Western Mineral Lands. The discovery of valuable gold and silver ore deposits in the far West, beginning in 1848 and continuing through the rest of the nineteenth century, brought dramatic increases in land values in an area where property rights were not yet defined and where no legal procedures existed for assigning mineral rights. Generally, the ore was found in remote, mountainous areas where there were no existing land claims, at least that were recognized in Washington. The miners who rushed to the Far West were part of the general transfer of federal lands to private claimants. Just as with agricultural lands, the mining frontier was seen as a source of great opportunity for individual advancement and the overall development of the American society and economy. The practices used in allocating agricultural land helped form individual expectations for the claiming federal mineral land: there was no question, at least in the minds of prospectors, that the government would retain ownership; the land was open for private entry and eventually, patenting; and the distribution would be in small plots. Ostensibly, the policy of the federal government regarding mineral lands was to retain title in order to extract rents for the federal treasury. But because there had been few important ore discoveries prior to 1848, the retention policy was not put to serious test. Congress required that new states created in the West accept its ownership of mineral lands, and these lands were not included in the Pre-emption Act or other land laws designed to transfer agricultural lands to private claimants. Congress experimented with leasing of lead and copper deposits in Michigan, but this effort proved difficult to enforce. When gold was discovered in the Sierra foothills in 1848, enforcement of federal ownership was even more costly. Troops who would have been used by the U.S. military governor in Monterrey deserted for the new mines, and given the remoteness of the ore strikes relative to the rest of the country, there was little the federal government could do to assert its claims. Under these conditions miners were left to assign private rights locally as part of mining camp rules. Mining camps emerged throughout the central Sierras with rules drafted by miners to outline procedures for staking, marking, recording, and maintaining private claims. Allowable claim sizes and numbers of claims that individuals could hold were detailed along with arbitration procedures and the establishment of local miners courts. The California camp rules were repeated in Nevada with discovery of the Comstock Lode in 1858 and in Montana, Colorado, and elsewhere in the West. Given the remote possibilities that any single claim would prove to be a bonanza, prospectors did just as their name suggests, they migrated from gulch to gulch and region to region prospecting for ore. In doing so, they could carry with them knowledge of the miners property rules that worked and those that did not. Studies of western mineral rights by Hallagan (1978), Libecap (1978, 1979), McCurdy (1976), Umbeck (1977a, 1977b), and Zerbe and Anderson (2001) indicate that rights arrangements were adopted quickly and without important violence. Such arrangements were necessary if miners were to be able to focus on mining and not on defense or predation. There is no evidence of widespread conflict or uncertainty over ownership of mining claims. Although initial California ore was largely in placer or surface deposits where significant investment in tunneling was not required, elsewhere in the West such investments were required and they would not have taken place had there been important concerns regarding the stability of ownership. A stock exchange was organized in San Francisco to facilitate the trade of mining properties and the raising of capital for deep-vein mining, railroad spurs to mining camps, mills and smelters, and elaborate water aqueducts. The San Francisco exchange was especially important for mining investment on the Comstock Lode, which became the countrys premiere silver producing region. Although the mining industry developed around locally-devised property rights, these rules were not recognized by the federal government until 1866, when the first federal mineral rights law was enacted authorizing the transfer of title to private claimants. The 1866 law ratified the distribution of ownership outlined by local mining camp rules. And these same provisions were kept intact in the Mining Law of 1872 that remains in effect today for patenting private hard-rock mineral claims on federal lands. Under this institutional arrangement, the mining industry flourished becoming often the first industrial sector in most western states. To support the mining industry territorial and state legislation was enacted to provide a court system for arbitrating disputes and enforcing mining claims. Other supportive legislation was enacted. Additionally, schools of mining were opened, such as the Montana School of Mines, the Colorado School of Mines, and the Arizona College of Minerals and Mines to provide the local technology necessary for extracting ore. IV. Where U.S. Land Policy Failed. The Semi-Arid Great Plains. U.S. land policy was not everywhere a success in establishing clear property rights, however. Between 1863 and 1880, the northern U.S. agricultural frontier moved across the Midwest from Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois through Iowa, Wisconsin and Minnesota to the eastern parts of Kansas, Nebraska, and the Dakotas. Between 1863, the year after the Homestead Act was passed, and 1880, 469,882 original homestead entries were filed covering 55,667,035 acres of federal government land. The average claim size was 118 acres. 59 percent of the claimed acreage was in these states (excluding the Dakotas). The one-size-fits-all homestead model seemed to work well. But by 1880, however, the frontier reached the Great Plains (Figure 2), and conditions were quite different. Either the 98th or 100th meridian usually defines the start of the semi-arid Great Plains. Figure 2 The Great Plains  Source: Hansen and Libecap (2004). The distinguishing characteristic of the Great Plains was there relative aridity and fluctuating rainfall, compared to agricultural regions to the east. The region received one-third to one-half the annual precipitation of the Midwest, and was subject to periodic droughts. In his Report on the Arid Lands of North America made to Congress in 1878, John Wesley Powell warned that past methods of agricultural settlement could no longer be relied on and called for a minimum of 2,560-acre homesteads for pastoral regions. Two bills to change federal land policy were included in his report, but they were not considered. These allocations were 16 times the size of existing homestead allocations and were considered extreme and unnecessary. They would have drastically reduced the number of farmers that could settle in the region, importantly reducing the options for economic development and the likelihood that the region would emerge culturally and politically in a manner comparable to the Midwest. They were rejected, and no significant modifications in the land laws were made. Despite Powells report, most members of Congress did not believe that the remaining federal lands were sufficiently arid to require major revision of the land laws. There was insufficient scientific evidence to support Powells claim about the regions weather and the implications for farm size and appropriate agricultural products and practices, and there was strong political sentiment for maintaining the Homestead Act and its emphasis on the formation of small farms as illustrated by the statement of Representative George W. Julian of Indiana: If our institutions are to be preserved, we must insist upon the policy of small farms, thrifty villages, compact settlements, free schools, and equality of political rights, instead of large estates, slovenly agriculture, wide-scattered settlements, popular ignorance and a pampered aristocracy lording it over the people. This is the overshadowing question of American politics. In congressional debates of 1879, representative Martin Maginnis of Montana asserted that under current settlement policies the West would be one of the richest and greatest parts of the vast domain of the United States. Representative Thomas Patterson of Colorado emphasized the desire of western representatives to have as much land made available to as many claimants as possible: our agricultural landsare limited, and the number of our population following agricultural pursuits must also be limited. But to have that number as great as possible, to swell it to its maximum, the 160-acre homestead must not be exceeded. Prior to the arrival of homesteaders, many parts of the Great Plains had been occupied by individuals who assembled large ranches of a thousand acres or more. Under the federal land laws, however, ranchers could not obtain title to units of that size. They were restricted to plots of 160 acres, which given the semi-arid nature of the region was too little for livestock raising when 25 acres or more were needed to sustain one cow or five sheep for a year. Ranchers who settled the area ahead of homesteaders claimed as much as they could legally through the land laws, and then informally claimed larger tracts to support viable herd sizes. Their informal prior appropriation claims were recognized by local livestock associations which also organized joint herd management and recorded livestock brands. The livestock associations were similar to the local mining camps and their rules played a similar role in defining and enforcing property rights. But unlike miners and their mining camps, ranchers and livestock associations soon were to face competition from homesteaders. Because they appeared to lock up large amounts of land at a time when a clear understanding of the agricultural potential of the Great Plains was limited, livestock associations lacked consistent and broad-based political support in the territories and states in which they were located. Increasingly Aafter 1880 conflicts between ranchers and homesteaders increased, and homesteaders had the law on their side. One homesteader complained: I took up 160 acres of government landIt happened to be in a Big Cattle outfits meadow, and when I went to do my Improvements as required by the laws of the United States of America, this same Cattle outfit shut and locked the gates and forbid me to come on my Homestead. In response to complaints by homesteaders, the federal government removed many of the fences placed by ranchers to control access to pastures. With an open range, overgrazing may have increased as the fences were removed. In any event many of the large ranches were broken up as homesteaders arrived. Had the land laws been different, larger farming units closer to the sizes already in existence and closer to those advocated by Powell with mixed ranching and grain growing might have instead characterized the region. But as it was, homesteading brought a decline in average farm size when new settlers claimed and subdivided occupied federal land. For example, in Fergus County, Montana in 1904 prior to major homestead migration to the northern plains, there were 472 farms or ranches with an average size of 1,300 acres. By 1916, however, the number of farms had grown by over eight fold to 3,843 and average farm size had fallen to 322 acres, a decline of 75 percent. Indeed, homestead settlement led to the proliferation of small farms throughout the Great Plains. 1,078,123 original homestead entries were filed to 202,298,425 acres in western Kansas, Nebraska, and the Dakotas and eastern Colorado and Montana between 1880 and 1925. This settlement occurred when there was little understanding of the regions weather or requirements for agriculture. Libecap and Hansen (2002) analyze the weather information problem for the Great Plains in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. They show that the absence of knowledge about the regions climate led to the rise of folk theories to explain the weather, rain follows the plow, and to pseudo-scientific prescriptions for farming practices, dryfarming doctrine. The former held that precipitation would increase with settlement and cultivation. The latter held that even if drought occurred, its effects could be overcome through use of specified tillage. Hence, in either case, there was no cause for alarm. The notions that rainfall would increase with settlement or that drought could be defeated with diligent and proper cultivation of the soil fit nicely with the optimism and sense of manifest destiny that were associated with the western frontier. The civilizing taming of the wild prairies would lead not only to the establishment of small farms for the (home seeker,( but either to the benevolent transformation of the climate or to its mastery and ultimately, the creation of a breadbasket from in a desert that had been the natural habitat of cactus. These beliefs in the evolutionary march of progress across a resisting nature were part of the Progressive Era. They also were politically popular because they supported the formation of homesteads at the expense of large ranches. By the time severe drought made the vulnerability of small homesteads painfully clear (1893-94 in Kansas and the central plains and 1917-21 in eastern Montana and the northern plains), the Great Plains were populated by hundreds of thousands of small farmers, who were persuaded to migrate by a generous federal land policy and unusually wet conditions. When rainfall was at or above the mean, yields were plentiful and the predictions of the regions most optimistic proponents seemed to be verified, while those of naysayers like Powell shown to be unduly pessimistic. Unfortunately, the farming units prescribed by land policy were revealed subsequently to be unsustainable when drought returned. Limited and variable rainfall was to be the critical factor in agricultural success, and drought was to take a toll. For example the droughts in Kansas and in Montana caused farm yields and incomes to collapse. Small, wheat-growing homesteads were deserted and the population moved away. Between 1890 and 1900, the number of farms and population in the 24 counties of western Kansas fell by 37 percent and 27 percent, respectively and average farm size doubled from 221 acres to 468 acres and rose to 504 acres by 1920. In eastern Montana, perhaps 60,000 of the 191,965 original homestead claims filed between 1900 and 1920 were abandoned. Failures of this scale, homestead busts were unusual in the American frontier experience, and they dominated the historiography of the Great Plains. Had there been greater understanding of the regions climate, the land laws might have been more cautious in the kinds of farmers and farms that were encouraged. Initial farm sizes might have been closer to those advocated by Powell. Because of federal land policy that encouraged the formation of homesteads that subsequently were to fail, the population of two-thirds of the counties in the Great Plains peaked in 1930 or earlier. And in the Dakotas, Nebraska, and Oklahoma the figures are more dramatic with approximately 80 percent of the counties peaking in population in1930 or before. But these populations could not be sustained. This fall in population that occurred throughout the region, with its legacy of deserted homesteads and empty town sites, is testimony to land policies that brought far too many farmers and small farms to the Great Plains. Western Timberlands. As made clear with large land claims for ranching in the Great Plains, efforts to secure property rights to federal lands in plots larger than 160 acres were not successful. Further, although non-agricultural claims for mineral lands ultimately were ratified by the federal government, this was not the case for western timberlands. By the time settlement reached the Pacific Northwest and the northern Rockies in the late 1870s the federal government was in a better position to enforce its holdings than had been the case in California in 1848 and by that time the dispute between ranchers and homesteaders over larger land claims had solidified political positions against further liberalization of the land laws. Accordingly, other than railroad land grants, there were no provisions in the land laws for commercial timber claims. Ownership of 160-acre plots of timberland could be obtained only by bona fide settlers for domestic use under the Pre-emption Act, the Homestead Act and the Timber and Stone Act. This restriction, however, posed an important problem for the development of commercial lumbering in the rich virgin forests of the West. The lands generally were not suited for agriculture, but the timber stands could provide lumber for the booming cities of San Francisco and Denver, as well as for the Great Plains where trees of any kind were scarce. By this time, many logging operations were highly fixed-capital intensive, requiring spur railroad lines and other equipment for the transport of logs. There were economies of scale in cruising timber for the best stands and in harvesting. Efficient lumber operations, therefore, required both secure property rights to support investment and large amounts of timberland for production. But neither was possible under the land laws. One response was to illegally and rapidly harvest federal timberlands. Given the remoteness of the region, federal timber lands were vulnerable to clandestine, rapid cutting. The overall magnitude likely was small because of the inability of lumber companies to sufficiently invest in accessing federal timberland. Nevertheless, the Commissioner of the General Land Office annually charged that trespassers were denuding the federal timberlands of the West. The Commissioner labeled the areas as a common property which is preyed upon. Although the Public Lands Commission of 1879 Report called for the classification and sale of western lands according to their best use, nothing was done. A second response was the resort to fraud to circumvent the restrictions of the land laws. But the use of fraud raised costs and likely delayed and limited the establishment of secure property rights. The principal way that lumber companies could obtain title to federal timberland was through the hiring of entrymen to stake fake claims for farmland under the Pre-emption, Homestead, and Timber and Stone Acts. Each entryman could obtain provisional title from the federal government to 160 acres of land after agricultural use and improvement (not required for Timber and Stone claims) for six months, using the commute provision of the Homestead Act, or one month under the Pre-emption law. Claimants had to pay $1.25 per acre for lands claimed under the commute provision of the Homestead Act and the Pre-emption Law and $2.50 per acre for Timber and Stone claims. Although the three laws required each entryman to swear that he did not apply to purchase the same on speculation, but in good faith to appropriate it to his own exclusive use and benefit; and that he has not directly or indirectly, made any agreement or contract, with any person or persons whomsoever, by which title he might acquire from the Government.should inure to others, once provisional title was received from the local federal land office, it was handed over to the timber company and the entryman went on his way.  Later, full title would be sent from Washington D.C. and transferred to the company. Entrymen were recruited by agents for the timber companies to travel to the Pacific Northwest and some were sailors enticed off ships. The historical literature has made much of the use of fraud to acquire federal lands, arguing that speculators, timber companies, and mining companies illegally claimed land that should have gone to actual settlers. The negative conclusion emphasizes the distributional implications, asserting that farmers were denied their rightful chance to secure a piece of the federal domain. This outcome may have been the case in some areas, but much of the timberlands of concern in the Far West were not suitable for farming and would have been unlikely locations for founding new, successful farms. The impact of federal land law, instead, was to raise the costs of obtaining secure property rights to land, thereby dissipating some of the value of the land in the use of costly fraud, delaying the process of assigning ownership, and limiting the overall extent of private ownership. Fraud was costly because not only did entrymen have to be hired, but they had to act as if they were farmers, constructing makeshift cabins and in some cases, actually occupying the land. Further, since the General Land Office, the federal agency charged with administering land policy, investigated fraud, there was added risk that title would not be obtained. All of this raised the transactions costs of titling. Libecap and Johnson (1979) calculate the added costs involved between 1875 and 1903 in California, Oregon, and Washington. They estimate that for simpler Timber and Stone claims the costs were $670 per 160-acre claim and $870 per Homestead or Pre-emption claim. These costs represented about 78 percent of the value of the land, not a trivial amount. Overall in the Pacific Northwest, the rent dissipation due to the forced use of federal land laws designed for the ownership of farm land rather than timberland may have been as high as $17,000,000 or 60 percent of the value of the land involved. These wastes suggest that there were potential social gains from a revision of the land laws to allow for larger, non-agricultural claims, just as there would have been for larger agricultural claims in the semi-arid Great Plains. But the political economy of land distribution was such that there were few proponents of major change, and the land laws remained in tact. V Conclusionding RemarksProperty Rights and Land Policy. In the beginning of this chapter we discussed the critical role that Pproperty rights play a critical role in the formation and operation of a market economy. And we stressed that Tthe successful development of private property rights to land in America provided the basis for the subsequent establishment of private ownership to other assets. Had land rights been retained by the federal government, the nature of American society and economy would have been fundamentally different. Federal land law was the mechanism by which federal land was transferred to private owners, and as we have seen, it worked well for agricultural land in the eastern US, but less well for agricultural land in the semi-arid West and less well for non-agricultural timberlands. Private mineral rights developed effectively, but this process was primarily by default since initial private mineral claims were made when the federal government had little ability to enforce its claims. And the mineral rights system that emerged followed the general patterns of small farm settlementfederal mineral lands were open for private claiming in relatively small plots. The rigid adherence to a property rights allocation process that was designed to grant ownership to farm land in small plots raised the costs of obtaining private property rights to federal land that did not fit well with the one-size-fits-all policy. Accordingly, much federal land was never claimed under the land laws. In 1891 the General Revision Act began a gradual retention of ownership of land by the federal government. It repealed the two most liberal land laws for obtaining private title to federal land, the Timber Culture Act and the Pre-emption Act, and authorized the establishment of the forest reserves that became the national forests. In 1934, the Taylor Grazing Act withdrew arid rangeland from private patenting, and in 1935 the Homestead Act was repealed. In the end, one-third of the continental US remained owned by the federal government, and 60 percent of the thirteen far Western states where federal land laws worked least well. This remaining huge federal estate exists despite the objectives of early U.S. land policy and would certainly shock Thomas Jefferson and other supporters of a liberal land policy. The mixed record of federal land policy regarding property rights reflects the political process of institutional change. Property rights are political institutions ultimately and their nature depends up the political influence of competing constituencies, information, past legal and social precedents, the value of the assets involved, marking and enforcement costs, and correspondingly, the physical nature of the asset. As a result, property rights institutions vary in their effectiveness in promoting investment, production, and exchange, even in the American economy, which otherwise is noted for its support of private ownership. BibliographyReferences Atack, Jeremy and Peter Passell, A New Economic View of American History, 2nd Ed, New York: WW. Norton. Cheung, Stephen N.S., 1970, The Structure of a Contract and the Theory of a Non-Exclusive Resource, Journal of Law and Economics, 13: 49-70. Copp, H.N., 1883, Public Land Laws, Washington D.C.: Government Printing Office. Demsetz, Harold, 1967, Towards a Theory of Property Rights, American Economic Review, 57: 347-59. Danhof, Clarence, 1969, Change in Agriculture: The Northern United States, 1820-1870, Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Dennon, R. Taylor, 1976, Cattlemens Associations and Property Rights in Land in the American West, Explorations in Economic History, 13: 423-36. Ferrie, Joseph P., 1994, The Wealth Accumulation of Antebellum European Immigrants to the U.S., 1840-60, Journal of Economic History, 54(1): 1-33. Gates, Paul W., 1979, History of Public Land Law Development, New York: Arno Press, reprint of his 1968 volume prepared for the Public Land Law Review Commission, Washington D.C. Gordon, H. Scott, 1954, The Economic Theory of a Common Property Resource: The Fishery, Journal of Political Economy, 62: 196-210. Hallagan, William S., 1978, Share Contracting for California Gold, Explorations in Economic History, 15: 196-210. Hansen, Zeynep K. and Gary D. Libecap, 2004a, The Allocation of Property Rights to Land: U.S. Land Policy and Farm Failure in the Northern Great Plains, forthcoming, Explorations in Economic History. _______________, 2004b, Small Farms, Externalities, and The Dust Bowl of the 1930s, forthcoming, Journal of Political Economy. Hardin, Garrett, 1968, The Tragedy of the Commons Science. 162: 1243-8. Herscovici, Steven, 1998, Migration and Economic Mobility: Wealth Accumulation and Occupational Change Among Antebellum Migrants and Persisters, Journal of Economic History, 58: 927-56. Hibbard, Benjamin H. 1924, reissue, 1965, History of Public Land Policies, New York: Macmillan. Johnson, Ronald N. and Gary D. Libecap, 1980, Efficient Markets and Great Lakes Timber: A Conservation Issue Reexamined, Explorations in Economic History, 17: 372-85. Libecap, Gary D., 1978, Economic Variables and the Development of the Law: The Case of Western Mineral Rights, Journal of Economic History, 38: 338-62. _______________, 1979, Government Support of Private Claims to Public Minerals: Western Mineral Rights, Business History Review, 53: 364-85. _______________, 1981a, Bureaucratic Opposition to the Assignment of Property Rights: Overgrazing on the Western Range, Journal of Economic History, 41 (1): 151-58. _______________, 1981b, Locking Up the Range: Federal Land Use Controls and Grazing, Cambridge: Ballinger. _______________, 1986, Property Rights in Economic History: Implications for Research, Explorations in Economic History, 23: 227-52. _______________, 1989, Contracting for Property Rights, New York: Cambridge University Press. _______________, 1994, The Political Economy of Institutional Change: Property Rights and the General Revision Act of 1891, in John James and Mark Thomas, eds, Capitalism in Context, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 265-78. Libecap, Gary D. and Ronald N. Johnson, 1979, Property Rights, Nineteenth-Century Federal Timber Policy, and the Conservation Movement, Journal of Economic History, 39 (1): 129-42. Libecap, Gary D. and Zeynep K. Hansen, 2002,Rain Follows the Plow and Dryfarming Doctrine: The Climate Information Problem and Homestead Failure in the Upper Great Plains, 1890-1925, Journal of Economic History, 62 (1): 86-120. McCurdy, C.W., 1976, Stephen J. Field and Pulbic Land Law Development in California, 1850-1866: A Case Study of Judicial Resource Allocation in Nineteenth Century America, Law and Society Review, 10: 235-66. Peffer, E. Louise, 1951, The Closing of the Public Domain: Disposal and Reservation Policies, Stanford: Stanford University Press. Powell, John Wesley, 1878, Report on the Lands of the Arid Region of the United States, 45 Congress, 2nd Session, Executive Document, No. 73., Washington D.C.: Government Printing Office. Rabin, Jonathan, 1997, Bad Land: An American Romance, New York: Vintage Books. Robbins, Roy M., 1942, Our Landed Heritage; the Public Domain, 1776-1936, Princeton: Princeton University Press. Shannon, Fred A, 1945, A Post Mortem on the Labor-Safety-Valve Theory, Agricultural History, 19: 31-8. Stegner, Wallace, 1953, Beyond the 100th Meridian: John Wesley Powell and the Second Opening of the West, Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Umbeck, John, 1977a, The California Gold Rush: A Study of Emerging Property Rights, Explorations in Economic History, 14: 197-226. _______________, 1977b, A Theory of Contract Choice and the California Gold Rush, Journal of Law and Economics, 20: 421-37. Webb, Walter Prescott, 1931, The Great Plains, Boston: Ginn and Company. Worster, Donald, 2001, A River Running West: The Life of John Wesley Powell, New York: Oxford University Press. Zerbe, Richard O. and C. Leigh Anderson, Culture and Fairness in the Development of Institutions in the California Gold Fields, Journal of Economic History, 61: 114-43. ENDNOTES PAGE  PAGE 23 PAGE  PAGE 28  Libecap (1986).  Libecap (1989, 1-19).  Libecap (1978) and Demsetz (1967).  For discussion of successful frontier experiences see Danhof (1969), Ferrie (1994), and Herscovici (1998).  Johnson and Libecap (1980).  Atack and Passell (1994, 249). The subsequent discussion draws from Atack and Passell (1994, 249-70) and Gates (1979).  For discussion of U.S. land policies and the origins and administration of the Homestead Acts, see Gates (1979, 387-461), Hibbard (1965), and Robbins (1942).  Quoted in Hibbard, (1924, reissued 1965, 143).  For discussion of the safety valve thesis, see Danhof (1941) and Shannon (1945).  Congressional Globe, 37 Congress, 2nd Session, Wednesday, May 7, 1862 (p. 1915).  Hibbard (1965, 358), Gates (1979, 390-9).  12 Stat 392.  35 Stat. 693. The law was passed February 19, 1909 in the 60th Congress, 2nd Session. The residency requirement for the 1909 law was reduced to three years in 1912 and cultivation was reduced to 160 acres. Analysis of the recorded vote suggests that representatives of Northeastern states tended to vote against the change, perhaps fearing greater labor migration, whereas western representatives supported the small adjustment. For discussion, see Gates (1979, 504-7).  Another law, the Timber Culture Act which granted 160 acres if settlers planted 40 acres of trees was repealed in 1891. For discussion of the land laws, see Gates (1979, 399, 512-7)  Libecap (1989, 36).  Libecap (1978).  Libecap (1979).  These figures were compiled from the Annual Reports of the Commissioner of the General Land Office for the Fiscal Years1863-1880. During this period homestead entries include those made under the Timber and Stone Act.  Webb (1931), Stegner (1953), Rabin (1997).  Powells report, Report on the Lands of the Arid Region, 45th Congress, 2nd Session, House Executive Document 73, was transmitted to the Commissioner of the General Land Office on April 1, 1878.  For discussion of the reaction to Powells report, see Stegner (1953, 219-42). See Peffer (1951, 8-62, 135-68) regarding the political controversy over homestead farm size, the claims of ranchers, and efforts to adjust the federal land laws.  Quoted in Worster (2001, 375). See also statements by Julian in: Our Land PolicyIts Evils and their Remedy, House of Representatives, March 6, 1868, Washington D.C.: Office of the Great Republic.  Congressional Record, 45th Congress, 3rd Session, 1879, pp. 1202-3.  Representative Patterson, Appendix to the Congressional Record, 1879, 45th Congress, 3rd Session, p. 221. See Maginnis warning of monopoly and large estates like those of the Spanish land grants, Congressional Record, 45th Congress, 3rd Session, 1879, p. 1201.  Dennen (1976).  Libecap (1981b, 32).  For discussion, see Libecap (1981a, 1981b) and Dennon (1976).  Hansen and Libecap (2004b). See Peffer (1951, 8-62, 135-68) regarding the political controversy over homestead farm size, the claims of ranchers, and efforts to adjust the federal land laws.  Annual Reports of the Commissioner of the General Land Office for the Fiscal Years, 1880-1925. The calculations are for state totals.  Worster (2001, 358-63) claims that congressional inaction came from a lack of desire of politicians to consider the scientific evidence on the region. Our view is that the science was too inconclusive to support politically-controversial changes in federal land distribution.  Libecap and Hansen (2002).  Libecap and Hansen (2002).  Hansen and Libecap (2004b). Some of the environmental costs are described in Hansen and Libecap (2004a).  Quoted in Libecap (1989, 54). This discussion is drawn from Libecap and Johnson (1979).  Copp (1883) quoted in Libecap (1989, 55).  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