ࡱ> 8|t%bjbj2eeZ% t+"+"+"Hs$;`+"LZv*"x/vdY,,Ӛ՚՚՚՚՚՚,X F Y@YYY 2YYYY.  ӚYYӚYY;`{ Y";&<LabYbL;YI" kTYYYYYYYLbYYYYYYYYY }:   A Grammar of Yanda Dom Dogon language family Mali Jeffrey Heath University of Michigan draft June 2013 cite by section (not page) number and by manuscript date authors email schweinehaxen@hotmail.com This version has consecutive numbering of examples, adds sample texts at the end, and updates prosodic notation in the form of tonosyntactic superscripts and  (for Rhythmic Tone-Raising). An index will be added later. color codes black: text written for this work brown: carryover prose from the template, sections not yet written blue: Yanda Dom transcriptions and underlying forms green: reconstructed, un, and non-Yanda Dom forms pink: material to be incorporated red: comments to myself (things to do etc.) orange: internal cross-refs to be modified later Contents  TOC \o "1-4" 1 Introduction  PAGEREF _Toc187025010 \h 1 1.1 Dogon language family  PAGEREF _Toc187025011 \h 1 1.2 Yanda Dom language  PAGEREF _Toc187025012 \h 1 1.3 Environment  PAGEREF _Toc187025013 \h 1 1.4 Contact languages  PAGEREF _Toc187025014 \h 4 1.5 Previous and contemporary study of Yanda Dom  PAGEREF _Toc187025015 \h 4 1.5.1 Previous work  PAGEREF _Toc187025016 \h 4 1.5.2 Fieldwork  PAGEREF _Toc187025017 \h 4 1.5.3 Acknowledgements  PAGEREF _Toc187025018 \h 5 2 Sketch  PAGEREF _Toc187025019 \h 6 2.1 Phonology  PAGEREF _Toc187025020 \h 6 2.1.1 Segmental phonology  PAGEREF _Toc187025021 \h 6 2.1.2 Tones  PAGEREF _Toc187025022 \h 6 2.1.3 ATR harmony  PAGEREF _Toc187025023 \h 7 2.1.4 Local phonological rules  PAGEREF _Toc187025024 \h 7 2.2 Inflectable verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025025 \h 8 2.3 Noun phrase (NP)  PAGEREF _Toc187025026 \h 8 2.4 Case-marking and PPs  PAGEREF _Toc187025027 \h 8 2.5 Main clauses and constituent order  PAGEREF _Toc187025028 \h 9 2.6 Verbal nouns  PAGEREF _Toc187025029 \h 9 2.7 Relative clauses  PAGEREF _Toc187025030 \h 9 2.8 Interclausal syntax  PAGEREF _Toc187025031 \h 9 2.9 Anaphora and quotations  PAGEREF _Toc187025032 \h 10 3 Phonology  PAGEREF _Toc187025033 \h 11 3.1 General  PAGEREF _Toc187025034 \h 11 3.2 Internal phonological structure of stems and words  PAGEREF _Toc187025035 \h 11 3.2.1 Syllables  PAGEREF _Toc187025036 \h 11 3.2.2 Metrical structure  PAGEREF _Toc187025037 \h 11 3.3 Consonants  PAGEREF _Toc187025038 \h 12 3.3.1 Alveopalatals (c, j)  PAGEREF _Toc187025039 \h 12 3.3.2 g does not systematically spirantize  PAGEREF _Toc187025040 \h 13 3.3.3 Nasals (K r)  PAGEREF _Toc187025041 \h 13 3.3.4 Voiceless labials (p f)  PAGEREF _Toc187025042 \h 13 3.3.5 Laryngeals (h )  PAGEREF _Toc187025043 \h 14 3.3.6 Sibilants (s, z)  PAGEREF _Toc187025044 \h 14 3.3.7 Nasalized sonorants (rn, yn, wn)  PAGEREF _Toc187025045 \h 15 3.3.8 Consonant clusters  PAGEREF _Toc187025046 \h 17 3.3.8.1 Word- and morpheme-initial CC clusters  PAGEREF _Toc187025047 \h 17 3.3.8.2 Medial geminated CC clusters  PAGEREF _Toc187025048 \h 18 3.3.8.3 Medial non-geminate CC clusters  PAGEREF _Toc187025049 \h 18 3.3.8.4 Medial triple CCC clusters  PAGEREF _Toc187025050 \h 19 3.3.8.5 Final CC clusters  PAGEREF _Toc187025051 \h 19 3.4 Vowels  PAGEREF _Toc187025052 \h 19 3.4.1 Short and (oral) long vowels  PAGEREF _Toc187025053 \h 20 3.4.2 Nasalized vowels  PAGEREF _Toc187025054 \h 21 3.4.3 Initial vowels  PAGEREF _Toc187025055 \h 22 3.4.4 Stem-final vowels  PAGEREF _Toc187025056 \h 23 3.4.5 Vocalic harmony (ATR)  PAGEREF _Toc187025057 \h 23 3.5 Phonology of verb-stem vocalism  PAGEREF _Toc187025058 \h 24 3.5.1 Bare stem, E-stem, A/O-stem, U-stem  PAGEREF _Toc187025059 \h 24 3.5.1.1 Stem ends in lexical {o a}  PAGEREF _Toc187025060 \h 25 3.5.1.2 Stem ends in lexical e or in variable e ~ o  PAGEREF _Toc187025061 \h 26 3.5.1.3 Stem ends in [-ATR] lexical [ or T  PAGEREF _Toc187025062 \h 28 3.5.1.4 Mixed-ATR CeN[ or CoNT stem with final a in A/O-stem  PAGEREF _Toc187025063 \h 29 3.5.1.5 Stem of shape C[: with A/O-stem C[ya-  PAGEREF _Toc187025064 \h 33 3.5.1.6 u-final stems with stem-final alternation a ~ u  PAGEREF _Toc187025065 \h 34 3.6 Segmental phonological rules  PAGEREF _Toc187025066 \h 35 3.6.1 Transsyllabic consonantal processes  PAGEREF _Toc187025067 \h 35 3.6.1.1 r and n  PAGEREF _Toc187025068 \h 36 3.6.1.2 Nasalization-Spreading  PAGEREF _Toc187025069 \h 37 3.6.2 Vocalism of suffixally derived verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025070 \h 37 3.6.2.1 Presuffixal V2-Raising  PAGEREF _Toc187025071 \h 38 3.6.3 Vocalic rules sensitive to syllabic or metrical structure  PAGEREF _Toc187025072 \h 38 3.6.3.1 Epenthesis  PAGEREF _Toc187025073 \h 38 3.6.3.2 Stem-Final u-Deletion (u-final verbs)  PAGEREF _Toc187025074 \h 38 3.6.3.3 Syncope CvC(C)v- to CvC- before verbal derivational suffix  PAGEREF _Toc187025075 \h 40 3.6.3.4 vShortening  PAGEREF _Toc187025076 \h 44 3.6.4 Local consonant cluster rules  PAGEREF _Toc187025077 \h 45 3.6.4.1 Derhoticization (/r / to n)  PAGEREF _Toc187025078 \h 45 3.6.4.2 Lateral-Doubling (/Cv:-lv-/ to Cvl-lv-)  PAGEREF _Toc187025079 \h 45 3.6.4.3 Stop-to-Lateral Assimilation (/dl/ > ll)  PAGEREF _Toc187025080 \h 46 3.6.4.4 l-to-r Shift  PAGEREF _Toc187025081 \h 47 3.6.4.5 dvd-Dissimilation (/dv-d/(rv-d)  PAGEREF _Toc187025082 \h 47 3.6.4.6 Medial C-Deletion  PAGEREF _Toc187025083 \h 48 3.6.4.7 Medial Cv-Truncation  PAGEREF _Toc187025084 \h 50 3.6.5 Vowel-vowel and vowel-semivowel sequences  PAGEREF _Toc187025085 \h 51 3.6.5.1 Hiatus between adjacent vowels in reduplications  PAGEREF _Toc187025086 \h 51 3.6.5.2 vv-Contraction (v1v2 > v1:)  PAGEREF _Toc187025087 \h 52 3.6.6 Local vowel-consonant interactions  PAGEREF _Toc187025088 \h 52 3.6.6.1 /i-m/ > u-m or /u-y/ > i-y  PAGEREF _Toc187025089 \h 52 3.6.6.2 Monophthongization (/iy/ to i:, /uw/ to u:)  PAGEREF _Toc187025090 \h 53 3.7 Cliticization  PAGEREF _Toc187025091 \h 53 3.8 Tones  PAGEREF _Toc187025092 \h 54 3.8.1 Lexical tone patterns  PAGEREF _Toc187025093 \h 54 3.8.1.1 At least one H-tone in each stemnot!  PAGEREF _Toc187025094 \h 54 3.8.1.2 Lexical tones of verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025095 \h 54 3.8.1.3 Lexical tone patterns for unsegmentable noun stems  PAGEREF _Toc187025096 \h 62 3.8.1.4 Lexical tone patterns for adjectives and numerals  PAGEREF _Toc187025097 \h 67 3.8.1.5 Default final H, or autosegmental mapping?  PAGEREF _Toc187025098 \h 67 3.8.1.6 Location of tone breaks for bitonal noun stems ({HL}, {LH})  PAGEREF _Toc187025099 \h 68 3.8.1.7 Location of tone breaks for tritonal noun stems ({LHL}, {HLH})  PAGEREF _Toc187025100 \h 68 3.8.2 Grammatical tone patterns  PAGEREF _Toc187025101 \h 69 3.8.2.1 Grammatical tones for verb stems  PAGEREF _Toc187025102 \h 69 3.8.2.2 Grammatical tones for noun stems  PAGEREF _Toc187025103 \h 71 3.8.2.3 Grammatical tones for adjectives and numerals  PAGEREF _Toc187025104 \h 73 3.8.3 Tonal morphophonology  PAGEREF _Toc187025105 \h 73 3.8.3.1 Autosegmental tone association (verbs)  PAGEREF _Toc187025106 \h 73 3.8.3.2 Phonology of contoured tone melodies and overlays  PAGEREF _Toc187025107 \h 73 3.8.3.3 Initial-Heavy-Syllable to H Flattening  PAGEREF _Toc187025108 \h 74 3.8.3.4 Cv stem to H Flattening  PAGEREF _Toc187025109 \h 76 3.8.4 Rhythms and tones  PAGEREF _Toc187025110 \h 76 3.8.4.1 Tone-raising processes after proclitic pronouns  PAGEREF _Toc187025111 \h 76 3.8.4.2 Rhythmic Tone-Raising after {L}-toned constituent  PAGEREF _Toc187025112 \h 78 3.8.4.3 Tonal behavior of perfective negative verbs.  PAGEREF _Toc187025113 \h 84 3.8.4.4 Tone-Raising of pronominal proclitic  PAGEREF _Toc187025114 \h 85 3.9 Intonation contours  PAGEREF _Toc187025115 \h 86 3.9.1 Adverbs and particles with lexically specified prolongation (!)  PAGEREF _Toc187025116 \h 86 3.9.2 Dying-quail intonation effect (  PAGEREF _Toc187025117 \h 86 4 Nominal, pronominal, and adjectival morphology  PAGEREF _Toc187025118 \h 87 4.1 Nouns  PAGEREF _Toc187025119 \h 87 4.1.1 Simple nouns  PAGEREF _Toc187025120 \h 87 4.1.2 High-frequency nouns ( man ,  woman ,  child ,  person ,  thing )  PAGEREF _Toc187025121 \h 90 4.1.3  So-and-so (ama:n)  PAGEREF _Toc187025122 \h 91 4.1.4 Reduplicated noun stems  PAGEREF _Toc187025123 \h 91 4.1.4.1 Initial Cv reduplication in nouns  PAGEREF _Toc187025124 \h 91 4.1.4.2 Final reduplications in nouns  PAGEREF _Toc187025125 \h 92 4.1.4.3 Nouns with full-stem iteration  PAGEREF _Toc187025126 \h 92 4.1.5 Frozen initial a or aN in nouns  PAGEREF _Toc187025127 \h 93 4.2 Derived nominals  PAGEREF _Toc187025128 \h 94 4.2.1 Characteristic derivative (ji ~ -ju)  PAGEREF _Toc187025129 \h 94 4.2.2 Verbal nouns (le, y ~ -u)  PAGEREF _Toc187025130 \h 94 4.2.3 Deverbal nouns with -n suffix ( dues ,  curse )  PAGEREF _Toc187025131 \h 95 4.2.4 Deverbal nouns with -K suffix ( sunrise ,  sunset ,  satiety )  PAGEREF _Toc187025132 \h 96 4.2.5 Apparent derived noun CvC-i:  PAGEREF _Toc187025133 \h 96 4.2.6 Reduplicated deadjectival nouns of measurable extent (-K)  PAGEREF _Toc187025134 \h 97 4.2.7 Instrument nominals  PAGEREF _Toc187025135 \h 97 4.2.8 Agentive nominal  PAGEREF _Toc187025136 \h 97 4.3 Pronouns  PAGEREF _Toc187025137 \h 98 4.3.1 Personal pronouns  PAGEREF _Toc187025138 \h 98 4.3.1.1 Regular personal pronouns (independent, proclitic, suffixed)  PAGEREF _Toc187025139 \h 98 4.3.1.2 All/together nonsingular pronouns (ya:, wa:, a:,)  PAGEREF _Toc187025140 \h 99 4.3.2 Personal pronouns as complements of postpositions  PAGEREF _Toc187025141 \h 100 4.3.3 Pronominal possessors  PAGEREF _Toc187025142 \h 101 4.4 Demonstratives and definites  PAGEREF _Toc187025143 \h 102 4.4.1 Definite particles (g[, wo)  PAGEREF _Toc187025144 \h 102 4.4.2 Demonstrative pronouns  PAGEREF _Toc187025145 \h 103 4.4.2.1  This/that (deictic demonstrative pronouns)  PAGEREF _Toc187025146 \h 103 4.4.2.2 Preposed discourse-definite marker that (same) absent  PAGEREF _Toc187025147 \h 104 4.4.2.3 Anaphoric/logophoric demonstrative pronouns absent  PAGEREF _Toc187025148 \h 105 4.4.3 Demonstrative adverbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025149 \h 105 4.4.3.1 Locative adverbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025150 \h 105 4.4.3.2 Emphatic and approximinative modifiers of adverbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025151 \h 106 4.4.4 Presentatives (heres(!) (a n-na ( T m-nT ( T m-na-, ma n-na-)  PAGEREF _Toc187025152 \h 106 4.5 Adjectives  PAGEREF _Toc187025153 \h 107 4.5.1 Types of adjectives  PAGEREF _Toc187025154 \h 107 4.6 Relative form of verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025155 \h 111 4.7 Numerals  PAGEREF _Toc187025156 \h 111 4.7.1 Cardinal numerals  PAGEREF _Toc187025157 \h 111 4.7.1.1  One =  same (one) (tuma!) and  other (wana)  PAGEREF _Toc187025158 \h 111 4.7.1.2  2 to  10  PAGEREF _Toc187025159 \h 112 4.7.1.3 Decimal multiples (10, 20, () and combinations (11, 59, ()  PAGEREF _Toc187025160 \h 114 4.7.1.4 Higher-order numerals (100, 1000, () and their composites  PAGEREF _Toc187025161 \h 115 4.7.1.5 Currency  PAGEREF _Toc187025162 \h 116 4.7.1.6 Distributive numerals  PAGEREF _Toc187025163 \h 117 4.7.2 Ordinal adjectives  PAGEREF _Toc187025164 \h 118 4.7.2.1 First and last  PAGEREF _Toc187025165 \h 118 4.7.2.2 Other ordinals (suffix no ~ n[)  PAGEREF _Toc187025166 \h 118 4.7.3 Fractions and portions  PAGEREF _Toc187025167 \h 119 5 Nominal and adjectival compounds  PAGEREF _Toc187025168 \h 121 5.1 Nominal compounds  PAGEREF _Toc187025169 \h 121 5.1.1 Ambiguous tone-defined compound types  PAGEREF _Toc187025170 \h 121 5.1.2 Compounds of type (n n)  PAGEREF _Toc187025171 \h 122 5.1.3 Compounds of type (nn)  PAGEREF _Toc187025172 \h 122 5.1.4 Compounds with final verbal noun, type (n VblN)  PAGEREF _Toc187025173 \h 123 5.1.5 Possessive-like compounds of type (nn)  PAGEREF _Toc187025174 \h 124 5.1.6 Possessive-type compounds of type (nn)  PAGEREF _Toc187025175 \h 125 5.1.7 Agentive compounds of type (x v)  PAGEREF _Toc187025176 \h 126 5.1.8 Compounds with -e: or -(i)ye ( child, fruit, blade, &  )  PAGEREF _Toc187025177 \h 127 5.1.9  Man (an),  woman (y[)  PAGEREF _Toc187025178 \h 130 5.1.10 Compounds with badu  owner  PAGEREF _Toc187025179 \h 130 5.1.11 Loose and tight compounds with ni:  mother (entire plant)  PAGEREF _Toc187025180 \h 130 5.1.12  False X ( hyena s X ,  slave of X )  PAGEREF _Toc187025181 \h 131 5.1.13 Nominal compounds with medial linking element ma (na)  PAGEREF _Toc187025182 \h 131 5.1.14 Instrumental relative compounds (oil for rubbing)  PAGEREF _Toc187025183 \h 132 5.2 Adjectival compounds  PAGEREF _Toc187025184 \h 134 5.2.1 Bahuvrihi (Blackbeard) compounds  PAGEREF _Toc187025185 \h 134 5.2.1.1 Bahuvrihi (n/n  a) with adjectival compound final  PAGEREF _Toc187025186 \h 134 5.2.1.2 Bahuvrihi (n num) with numeral compound final  PAGEREF _Toc187025187 \h 135 6 Noun Phrase structure  PAGEREF _Toc187025188 \h 137 6.1 Organization of NP constituents  PAGEREF _Toc187025189 \h 137 6.1.1 Linear order  PAGEREF _Toc187025190 \h 137 6.1.2 Adjective-Numeral Inversion  PAGEREF _Toc187025191 \h 138 6.1.3 Order of numeral versus postnominal possessor  PAGEREF _Toc187025192 \h 142 6.1.4 Headless NPs (absolute function of demonstratives, possessors, etc.)  PAGEREF _Toc187025193 \h 142 6.1.5 Bifurcation (in relatives)  PAGEREF _Toc187025194 \h 143 6.1.6 Internal bracketing and tone overlays  PAGEREF _Toc187025195 \h 144 6.2 Possessives  PAGEREF _Toc187025196 \h 147 6.2.1 Alienable possession with noun-headed NP possessor  PAGEREF _Toc187025197 \h 147 6.2.1.1 Construction [X Y] without intervening K  PAGEREF _Toc187025198 \h 147 6.2.1.2 Genitive construction [[X K] Y] and definite [[X nr[] g[]  PAGEREF _Toc187025199 \h 150 6.2.2 Alienable possession with pronominal possessor  PAGEREF _Toc187025200 \h 153 6.2.3 Inalienable possession  PAGEREF _Toc187025201 \h 155 6.2.3.1 Inalienable relationship terms with preposed pronominal possessor  PAGEREF _Toc187025202 \h 155 6.2.3.2 {H} and {LH} on possessed inalienables  PAGEREF _Toc187025203 \h 156 6.2.3.3 Special vocatives for kin  PAGEREF _Toc187025204 \h 158 6.2.3.4 Relationship terms with -K in unpossessed form only  PAGEREF _Toc187025205 \h 159 6.2.3.5 Compound kin terms with -ye  child  PAGEREF _Toc187025206 \h 160 6.2.3.6 Senior/junior kin compounds (-diya, -n[)  PAGEREF _Toc187025207 \h 160 6.2.3.7 Other composite kin terms  PAGEREF _Toc187025208 \h 161 6.2.3.8 Plural suffix -y[ after some kin terms  PAGEREF _Toc187025209 \h 162 6.2.3.9 Defective and grammatically alienable kin terms  PAGEREF _Toc187025210 \h 162 6.2.4 Treatment of modifiers following a possessed noun  PAGEREF _Toc187025211 \h 163 6.2.4.1 Possessor-Noun-Adjective  PAGEREF _Toc187025212 \h 163 6.2.4.2 Possessor-Noun-(Adjective-)Numeral  PAGEREF _Toc187025213 \h 166 6.2.4.3 Possessor-Noun--Demonstrative  PAGEREF _Toc187025214 \h 167 6.2.4.4 Possessor-Noun--all  PAGEREF _Toc187025215 \h 168 6.2.5 Recursive possession  PAGEREF _Toc187025216 \h 169 6.3 Noun plus adjective  PAGEREF _Toc187025217 \h 170 6.3.1 Noun plus regular adjective  PAGEREF _Toc187025218 \h 170 6.3.2 Adjective gambul[(-mu) ~ gambil[(-mu)  certain (ones)  PAGEREF _Toc187025219 \h 170 6.3.3 Expansions of adjective  PAGEREF _Toc187025220 \h 171 6.3.3.1 Adjective sequences  PAGEREF _Toc187025221 \h 171 6.3.3.2 Adjectival intensification ( very ADJ)  PAGEREF _Toc187025222 \h 172 6.3.3.3 Good to eat  PAGEREF _Toc187025223 \h 173 6.4 Noun plus cardinal numeral  PAGEREF _Toc187025224 \h 173 6.5 Noun plus determiner  PAGEREF _Toc187025225 \h 174 6.5.1 Prenominal definite absent  PAGEREF _Toc187025226 \h 174 6.5.2 Demonstrative pronoun after N(-Adj)(-Num)(-Poss)  PAGEREF _Toc187025227 \h 175 6.5.3 Definite morpheme plus noun  PAGEREF _Toc187025228 \h 176 6.6 Universal and distributive quantifiers  PAGEREF _Toc187025229 \h 178 6.6.1  All  PAGEREF _Toc187025230 \h 178 6.6.1.1  All quantifiers (c[m, pu!) in NPs  PAGEREF _Toc187025231 \h 178 6.6.1.2  All quantifiers with pronouns  PAGEREF _Toc187025232 \h 179 6.6.1.3 kunu  entire, whole, intact  PAGEREF _Toc187025233 \h 180 6.6.2  Each (kama, pu!)  PAGEREF _Toc187025234 \h 180 6.6.3 Universal and distributive quantifiers with negation  PAGEREF _Toc187025235 \h 181 6.7 Accusative suffix (i: ~ y)  PAGEREF _Toc187025236 \h 181 7 Coordination  PAGEREF _Toc187025237 \h 185 7.1 NP coordination  PAGEREF _Toc187025238 \h 185 7.1.1 NP conjunction ( X and Y ) (mi!  and )  PAGEREF _Toc187025239 \h 185 7.1.2 Conjunction of pronouns  PAGEREF _Toc187025240 \h 186 7.1.3 Ordering of coordinands  PAGEREF _Toc187025241 \h 187 7.1.4  Conjunction of verbs or VPs  PAGEREF _Toc187025242 \h 187 7.2 Disjunction (ma!  or )  PAGEREF _Toc187025243 \h 187 7.2.1 NP disjunction  PAGEREF _Toc187025244 \h 188 7.2.2 Pronominal disjunction  PAGEREF _Toc187025245 \h 188 7.2.3 Clause-level disjunction  PAGEREF _Toc187025246 \h 189 8 Postpositions and adverbials  PAGEREF _Toc187025247 \h 191 8.1 Dative and instrumental  PAGEREF _Toc187025248 \h 191 8.1.1 Dative (ber a)  PAGEREF _Toc187025249 \h 191 8.1.2 Instrumental-Comitative (mi ~ mi: ~ mi)  PAGEREF _Toc187025250 \h 192 8.2 Spationtemporal postpositions  PAGEREF _Toc187025251 \h 193 8.2.1 Locative, allative, and ablative functions  PAGEREF _Toc187025252 \h 193 8.2.2 Simple and complex PPs  PAGEREF _Toc187025253 \h 193 8.2.3 Simple locative na and ba  in, at, on  PAGEREF _Toc187025254 \h 194 8.2.4 Locative na and ba with place names  PAGEREF _Toc187025255 \h 198 8.2.5  Inside X, in the interior of X ([X ber a] na/ba)  PAGEREF _Toc187025256 \h 198 8.2.6  On (the head of) X, above X ([X dar a] na/ba)  PAGEREF _Toc187025257 \h 198 8.2.7  Next to, beside X ([X ara] na/ba)  PAGEREF _Toc187025258 \h 199 8.2.8  In front of X ([X jide] na/ba)  PAGEREF _Toc187025259 \h 199 8.2.9  Behind/after X ([X tunu] na/ba)  PAGEREF _Toc187025260 \h 200 8.2.10  Over X, at the top of X ([X t[mb[] na/ba)  PAGEREF _Toc187025261 \h 200 8.2.11  Under X, below X, at the bottom of X ([X du] na/ba)  PAGEREF _Toc187025262 \h 200 8.2.12  Toward ([X tiKa] na\ba, [X ara] na\ba)  PAGEREF _Toc187025263 \h 201 8.2.13  Between ([XY ber a] na/ba)  PAGEREF _Toc187025264 \h 202 8.2.14  From X to Y (ba !, hale, fo!)  PAGEREF _Toc187025265 \h 202 8.2.15 Temporal and Adverbial (ga)  PAGEREF _Toc187025266 \h 203 8.3 Purposive-causal suffixes and postpositions  PAGEREF _Toc187025267 \h 203 8.3.1 Beneficiary (K)  PAGEREF _Toc187025268 \h 203 8.3.2 Purposive or causal (dan)  PAGEREF _Toc187025269 \h 204 8.4 Other adverbs (or equivalents)  PAGEREF _Toc187025270 \h 205 8.4.1 Similarity (y[K ~ y[y  like )  PAGEREF _Toc187025271 \h 205 8.4.2 Extent ( a lot ,  a little )  PAGEREF _Toc187025272 \h 205 8.4.3 Specificity  PAGEREF _Toc187025273 \h 206 8.4.3.1  Approximately (y[K ~ y[y )  PAGEREF _Toc187025274 \h 206 8.4.3.2  Exactly (one) (leK! ~ loK!, sezele)  PAGEREF _Toc187025275 \h 207 8.4.3.3  Exactly  (dTK)  PAGEREF _Toc187025276 \h 207 8.4.3.4  Exactly (equal) ,  right at (a time) (c[wc[w)  PAGEREF _Toc187025277 \h 207 8.4.3.5  Exactly ,  specifically (te!)  PAGEREF _Toc187025278 \h 208 8.4.4 Evaluation  PAGEREF _Toc187025279 \h 208 8.4.4.1  Well and  badly (adverbial ga)  PAGEREF _Toc187025280 \h 208 8.4.4.2  Proper, right (za: )  PAGEREF _Toc187025281 \h 209 8.4.5 Manner  PAGEREF _Toc187025282 \h 209 8.4.6 Spatiotemporal adverbials  PAGEREF _Toc187025283 \h 210 8.4.6.1 Temporal adverbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025284 \h 210 8.4.6.2  First (ti!)  PAGEREF _Toc187025285 \h 211 8.4.6.3 Spatial adverbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025286 \h 211 8.4.7 Expressive adverbials and onomatopoeias  PAGEREF _Toc187025287 \h 212 8.4.7.1  Straight (dem!)  PAGEREF _Toc187025288 \h 212 8.4.7.2  Apart, separate (dey ga)  PAGEREF _Toc187025289 \h 213 8.4.7.3  Always (asu!),  never (abada)  PAGEREF _Toc187025290 \h 214 8.4.7.4 More simple EAs  PAGEREF _Toc187025291 \h 214 8.4.7.5 Iterated EAs without vowel change  PAGEREF _Toc187025292 \h 217 8.4.7.6 Iterated EAs with vowel shift to a  PAGEREF _Toc187025293 \h 220 8.4.7.7 Iterated EAs with multiple final Cv reduplication  PAGEREF _Toc187025294 \h 221 8.4.7.8 Composite EAs  PAGEREF _Toc187025295 \h 223 8.4.7.9 EAs not attested with bo- and onu-  PAGEREF _Toc187025296 \h 224 8.4.7.10 Iterative EAs  PAGEREF _Toc187025297 \h 224 8.4.7.11 Borderline or aberrant EAs  PAGEREF _Toc187025298 \h 225 8.4.8 Other iterative adverbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025299 \h 226 8.4.8.1  Scattered, here and there (TmTTmT)  PAGEREF _Toc187025300 \h 226 8.4.8.2  Occasionally (legelege)  PAGEREF _Toc187025301 \h 226 9 Verbal derivation  PAGEREF _Toc187025302 \h 227 9.1 Reversive verbs (lv)  PAGEREF _Toc187025303 \h 227 9.2 Deverbal causative verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025304 \h 230 9.2.1 Productive causative with suffix -m[ ( -mT  PAGEREF _Toc187025305 \h 230 9.2.1.1 Minor causative suffixes  PAGEREF _Toc187025306 \h 234 9.3 Passive and transitive  PAGEREF _Toc187025307 \h 234 9.3.1 Mediopassive yv (-jv) and transitive dv (-rv)  PAGEREF _Toc187025308 \h 234 9.3.1.1 Mediopassive yv (-jv) paired with transitive dv (-rv)  PAGEREF _Toc187025309 \h 234 9.3.1.2 Mediopassive paired with transitive -ndv-  PAGEREF _Toc187025310 \h 236 9.3.1.3 Transitive -dv- (-nv-) or -ndv- not paired with mediopassive  PAGEREF _Toc187025311 \h 237 9.3.1.4 Mediopassive not paired with suffixed transitive  PAGEREF _Toc187025312 \h 239 9.3.1.5 Tone-classes for CvC-jv-, CvCdv-, Cv:dv-, and Cv:ndv-  PAGEREF _Toc187025313 \h 239 9.3.2 Passive suffix -m[  PAGEREF _Toc187025314 \h 240 9.4 Ambi-valent verbs without suffixal derivation  PAGEREF _Toc187025315 \h 240 9.5 Deadjectival inchoative and factitive verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025316 \h 241 9.6 Denominal verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025317 \h 243 9.7 Obscure verb-verb relationships  PAGEREF _Toc187025318 \h 244 10 Verbal inflection  PAGEREF _Toc187025319 \h 245 10.1 Inflection of regular indicative verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025320 \h 245 10.1.1 Suffixes versus chained auxiliaries (perfective system)  PAGEREF _Toc187025321 \h 245 10.1.2 Overview of categories  PAGEREF _Toc187025322 \h 246 10.2 Verb stem shapes  PAGEREF _Toc187025323 \h 247 10.2.1 Monosyllabic verb stems  PAGEREF _Toc187025324 \h 247 10.2.1.1 y[  weep  PAGEREF _Toc187025325 \h 251 10.2.1.2 wT  see  PAGEREF _Toc187025326 \h 252 10.2.1.3 wo  come  PAGEREF _Toc187025327 \h 253 10.2.1.4 go  go out  PAGEREF _Toc187025328 \h 253 10.2.1.5 je  dance or  fart and j[  kill  PAGEREF _Toc187025329 \h 254 10.2.1.6 ce  hurt, be painful  PAGEREF _Toc187025330 \h 255 10.2.1.7 CT verbs with perfective Cw[  PAGEREF _Toc187025331 \h 256 10.2.1.8 zo (imperative zo:)  bring  PAGEREF _Toc187025332 \h 259 10.2.1.9 Regular {H} toned Ca:, Co:, and Ce: stems  PAGEREF _Toc187025333 \h 260 10.2.1.10 {LH}/{L} and {LH}/{LH} toned Ca: stems  PAGEREF _Toc187025334 \h 263 10.2.1.11 C[: and CT: stems  PAGEREF _Toc187025335 \h 265 10.2.1.12 nfinal verbs (un < /ur /  go , zi n  take away )  PAGEREF _Toc187025336 \h 267 10.2.2 Bisyllabic verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025337 \h 269 10.2.2.1 nCv verb (nd[  give )  PAGEREF _Toc187025338 \h 271 10.2.2.2 Glottal-initial verbs (Yr[  eat meal , Yl[  go up )  PAGEREF _Toc187025339 \h 272 10.2.2.3 vCv stems  PAGEREF _Toc187025340 \h 273 10.2.2.4 CvCv stems  PAGEREF _Toc187025341 \h 277 10.2.2.5 CvCCv verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025342 \h 281 10.2.2.6 Bisyllabics with long vowel (Cv:Cv, Cv:CCv)  PAGEREF _Toc187025343 \h 282 10.2.3 Trisyllabic and longer verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025344 \h 283 10.2.3.1 Trisyllabic verbs with medial {i u} and full initial syllable  PAGEREF _Toc187025345 \h 284 10.2.3.2 nCvCv and YCvCv verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025346 \h 287 10.2.4 Quadrisyllabic and longer verb stems  PAGEREF _Toc187025347 \h 287 10.2.5 [final verbs borrowed from Fulfulde and other languages  PAGEREF _Toc187025348 \h 287 10.3 Positive indicative AN categories  PAGEREF _Toc187025349 \h 289 10.3.1 Perfective positive system (including perfect)  PAGEREF _Toc187025350 \h 289 10.3.1.1 The (simple) perfective  PAGEREF _Toc187025351 \h 289 10.3.1.2 Perfective2 (-zo)  PAGEREF _Toc187025352 \h 293 10.3.1.3 Experiential perfect have ever VPed (t[r[b[/zo)  PAGEREF _Toc187025353 \h 295 10.3.1.4 Recent perfect (or Completive) (z[)  PAGEREF _Toc187025354 \h 298 10.3.1.5 Reduplicated perfective absent  PAGEREF _Toc187025355 \h 300 10.3.2 Imperfective positive system  PAGEREF _Toc187025356 \h 300 10.3.2.1 Imperfective (positive) (m)  PAGEREF _Toc187025357 \h 300 10.3.2.2 Reduplicated imperfective absent  PAGEREF _Toc187025358 \h 302 10.3.2.3 Immediate Future -za- (-ze-)  PAGEREF _Toc187025359 \h 302 10.3.3 Negation of indicative verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025360 \h 304 10.3.3.1 Perfective negative li (y, 3Pl -n)  PAGEREF _Toc187025361 \h 304 10.3.3.2 Experiential perfect negative (-t[ra-li-)  PAGEREF _Toc187025362 \h 308 10.3.3.3 Recent perfect negative (-za-li-)  PAGEREF _Toc187025363 \h 308 10.3.3.4 Imperfective negative nan, ran  PAGEREF _Toc187025364 \h 310 10.4 Pronominal paradigms for indicative verbal categories  PAGEREF _Toc187025365 \h 312 10.4.1 Subject pronominal suffixes  PAGEREF _Toc187025366 \h 312 10.4.2 Inanimate versus 3Sg subject  PAGEREF _Toc187025367 \h 313 10.4.3 Logophoric use of 1Sg suffix  PAGEREF _Toc187025368 \h 313 10.4.4 Tones of subject pronominal suffixes  PAGEREF _Toc187025369 \h 314 10.5 Stative (non-aspect-marking) derivatives of verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025370 \h 314 10.5.1 Stative derived from active verb  PAGEREF _Toc187025371 \h 314 10.5.2 Progressive constructions  PAGEREF _Toc187025372 \h 316 10.5.2.1 Progressive (m zo-)  PAGEREF _Toc187025373 \h 316 10.5.2.2 Progressive (m j[la-)  PAGEREF _Toc187025374 \h 318 10.5.2.3 Progressive (m bo-)  PAGEREF _Toc187025375 \h 319 10.5.3 Negation of stative verbs and progressive constructions  PAGEREF _Toc187025376 \h 319 10.5.3.1 Stative negative (-n)  PAGEREF _Toc187025377 \h 319 10.5.3.2 Negation of progressive constructions  PAGEREF _Toc187025378 \h 320 10.6 Post-verbal temporal particles and clitics  PAGEREF _Toc187025379 \h 321 10.6.1 Past clitic (=b[)  PAGEREF _Toc187025380 \h 321 10.6.1.1 Past perfect (positive and negative)  PAGEREF _Toc187025381 \h 322 10.6.1.2 Past imperfective (positive and negative)  PAGEREF _Toc187025382 \h 324 10.6.1.3 Past =b[ with perfective2 & not!  PAGEREF _Toc187025383 \h 327 10.6.1.4 Past =b[ is part of the Experiential perfect (positive only)  PAGEREF _Toc187025384 \h 327 10.6.1.5 Past Recent perfect z[=b[  PAGEREF _Toc187025385 \h 327 10.6.1.6 Past forms of derived and underived stative verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025386 \h 329 10.6.1.7 Past forms of Progressive constructions  PAGEREF _Toc187025387 \h 330 10.6.2  Still ,  up to now ,  (not) yet (namba)  PAGEREF _Toc187025388 \h 331 10.7 Imperatives and hortatives  PAGEREF _Toc187025389 \h 331 10.7.1 Imperatives and Prohibitives  PAGEREF _Toc187025390 \h 332 10.7.1.1 Positive imperatives (imperative stem, plural n)  PAGEREF _Toc187025391 \h 332 10.7.1.2 Prohibitives (la, plural lan)  PAGEREF _Toc187025392 \h 334 10.7.2 Positive hortatives (-ma, plural -man)  PAGEREF _Toc187025393 \h 335 10.7.3 Hortative negative (-mela, plural -melan)  PAGEREF _Toc187025394 \h 337 10.7.4 Indirect imperative with third person subject  PAGEREF _Toc187025395 \h 338 10.7.5 Indirect imperative with implied 1Sg subject  PAGEREF _Toc187025396 \h 339 10.7.6 Indirect or quoted hortative  PAGEREF _Toc187025397 \h 339 11 VP and predicate structure  PAGEREF _Toc187025398 \h 341 11.1 Regular verbs and VP structure  PAGEREF _Toc187025399 \h 341 11.1.1 Verb types (valency)  PAGEREF _Toc187025400 \h 341 11.1.2 Valency of causatives  PAGEREF _Toc187025401 \h 342 11.1.3 Verb Phrase  PAGEREF _Toc187025402 \h 342 11.1.4 Fixed subject-verb combinations (including pseudo-subjects)  PAGEREF _Toc187025403 \h 342 11.1.5 Fixed verb-object combinations  PAGEREF _Toc187025404 \h 345 11.1.5.1 Formal relationships between cognate nominal and verb  PAGEREF _Toc187025405 \h 346 11.1.5.2 Grammatical status of cognate nominal  PAGEREF _Toc187025406 \h 349 11.2 Be, become, have, and other statives  PAGEREF _Toc187025407 \h 350 11.2.1 It is clitics  PAGEREF _Toc187025408 \h 350 11.2.1.1 Positive it is (=()  PAGEREF _Toc187025409 \h 350 11.2.1.2  It is not (=la )  PAGEREF _Toc187025410 \h 354 11.2.2 Existential and locative quasi-verbs and particles  PAGEREF _Toc187025411 \h 355 11.2.2.1 Realis and Existential (ya)  PAGEREF _Toc187025412 \h 355 11.2.2.2 Locational quasi-verb (bo-, negative onu-)  PAGEREF _Toc187025413 \h 358 11.2.3  Be (put) in (kun)  PAGEREF _Toc187025414 \h 360 11.2.4  Want, like ([ba ~ [bu, nama)  PAGEREF _Toc187025415 \h 360 11.2.5 Morphologically regular verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025416 \h 361 11.2.5.1  Was (b[- ~ b[)  PAGEREF _Toc187025417 \h 361 11.2.5.2  Become (tiK[)  PAGEREF _Toc187025418 \h 362 11.3 Quotative verb  PAGEREF _Toc187025419 \h 362 11.3.1  Say, speak, talk (da m)  PAGEREF _Toc187025420 \h 362 11.3.2  Say, call (name) (gu n )  PAGEREF _Toc187025421 \h 363 11.4 Adjectival predicates  PAGEREF _Toc187025422 \h 364 11.4.1 Adjectival predicate with m bo  be  PAGEREF _Toc187025423 \h 364 11.4.2 Adjectival predicate with conjugated  it is clitic  PAGEREF _Toc187025424 \h 366 11.4.3 Negative adjectival and stative predicates (=la )  PAGEREF _Toc187025425 \h 368 11.4.4 Extension -i: in adjectival predicates  PAGEREF _Toc187025426 \h 369 11.5 Possessive predicates  PAGEREF _Toc187025427 \h 371 11.5.1  Have (zo-),  not have (zo:n)  PAGEREF _Toc187025428 \h 371 11.5.2 j[la ~ g[la  hold, have  PAGEREF _Toc187025429 \h 373 11.5.3  Belong to predicates  PAGEREF _Toc187025430 \h 373 12 Comparatives  PAGEREF _Toc187025431 \h 375 12.1 Asymmetrical comparatives  PAGEREF _Toc187025432 \h 375 12.1.1 Comparative with conjugated adjectival predicate (i: )  PAGEREF _Toc187025433 \h 375 12.1.2 Verbal predicate with siga  more  PAGEREF _Toc187025434 \h 376 12.1.3  Surpass (na K)  PAGEREF _Toc187025435 \h 377 12.1.4  Be bigger (goloy )  PAGEREF _Toc187025436 \h 377 12.1.5  Be better  PAGEREF _Toc187025437 \h 378 12.1.5.1  Be better (udo)  PAGEREF _Toc187025438 \h 378 12.1.5.2  Be better (kay)  PAGEREF _Toc187025439 \h 379 12.1.6  Best (gide=()  PAGEREF _Toc187025440 \h 379 12.2 Symmetrical comparatives  PAGEREF _Toc187025441 \h 380 12.2.1  Be as much as, be as big as (ba :)  PAGEREF _Toc187025442 \h 380 12.2.2  Attain, equal (k[w-ndi-y[, dT)  PAGEREF _Toc187025443 \h 380 12.3  A fortiori  PAGEREF _Toc187025444 \h 381 13 Focalization and interrogation  PAGEREF _Toc187025445 \h 383 13.1 Focalization  PAGEREF _Toc187025446 \h 383 13.1.1 Subject focalization  PAGEREF _Toc187025447 \h 383 13.1.2 Morphology of subject-focalization forms  PAGEREF _Toc187025448 \h 384 13.1.2.1 Positive AMN categories  PAGEREF _Toc187025449 \h 384 13.1.2.2 Negative AMN categories  PAGEREF _Toc187025450 \h 388 13.1.3 Object focalization  PAGEREF _Toc187025451 \h 389 13.1.4 Focalization of PP or other adverb  PAGEREF _Toc187025452 \h 390 13.1.5 Focalization of postpositional complementnot!  PAGEREF _Toc187025453 \h 391 13.2 Interrogatives  PAGEREF _Toc187025454 \h 391 13.2.1 Polar (yes/no) interrogatives (ma)  PAGEREF _Toc187025455 \h 391 13.2.2 Content (WH) interrogatives  PAGEREF _Toc187025456 \h 392 13.2.2.1  Who? (am)  PAGEREF _Toc187025457 \h 392 13.2.2.2  What? (Yre, ciYre),  with what? ,  why?  PAGEREF _Toc187025458 \h 393 13.2.2.3  Where? (amba:)  PAGEREF _Toc187025459 \h 394 13.2.2.4  When? (a:r a, a:r a ga)  PAGEREF _Toc187025460 \h 395 13.2.2.5  How? (anja :)  PAGEREF _Toc187025461 \h 395 13.2.2.6  How much/many? (aKa)  PAGEREF _Toc187025462 \h 396 13.2.2.7  Which? (aKgo, etc.)  PAGEREF _Toc187025463 \h 396 13.2.3 Embedded interrogatives  PAGEREF _Toc187025464 \h 397 14 Relativization  PAGEREF _Toc187025465 \h 401 14.1 Basics of relative clauses  PAGEREF _Toc187025466 \h 401 14.1.1 Coordinated relatives with a shared head  PAGEREF _Toc187025467 \h 402 14.1.2 Tone-dropping on the internal head in a relative clause  PAGEREF _Toc187025468 \h 402 14.1.3 Restrictions on the head NP in a relative clause  PAGEREF _Toc187025469 \h 405 14.1.4 Relative clause with conjoined NP as head  PAGEREF _Toc187025470 \h 406 14.1.5 Headless relative clause  PAGEREF _Toc187025471 \h 406 14.1.6 Preverbal subject pronominal in relative clause  PAGEREF _Toc187025472 \h 407 14.1.7 Relative verb  PAGEREF _Toc187025473 \h 408 14.1.7.1 Relative forms of positive perfective-system verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025474 \h 408 14.1.7.2 Relative forms of positive imperfective-system verbs (K etc.)  PAGEREF _Toc187025475 \h 412 14.1.7.3 Relative forms of stative verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025476 \h 416 14.1.7.4 Relative forms of negative perfective-system verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025477 \h 416 14.1.7.5 Relative forms of negative imperfective-system verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025478 \h 418 14.1.7.6 Relative forms of negative stative verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025479 \h 419 14.1.7.7 Relative forms of Past clitic =b[  PAGEREF _Toc187025480 \h 421 14.1.7.8 Passive relative (-ya)  PAGEREF _Toc187025481 \h 426 14.1.8 Relative clause involving verb- or VP-chain  PAGEREF _Toc187025482 \h 427 14.1.9 Determiners following the relative verb  PAGEREF _Toc187025483 \h 428 14.1.10 Non-numeral quantifiers following the relative verb  PAGEREF _Toc187025484 \h 430 14.2 Subject relative clause  PAGEREF _Toc187025485 \h 431 14.3 Object relative clause  PAGEREF _Toc187025486 \h 432 14.4 Possessor relative clause  PAGEREF _Toc187025487 \h 434 14.5 Relativization on the complement of a postposition  PAGEREF _Toc187025488 \h 434 15 Verb (VP) chaining and adverbial clauses  PAGEREF _Toc187025489 \h 437 15.1 Direct chains (without chaining morpheme)  PAGEREF _Toc187025490 \h 437 15.1.1 Verbal noun of directly chained verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025491 \h 440 15.1.2 Presence of AN suffix in nonfinal verb in direct chains  PAGEREF _Toc187025492 \h 440 15.1.3 Arguments of directly chained verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025493 \h 440 15.1.4 Negation of direct verb chains  PAGEREF _Toc187025494 \h 441 15.1.5 Direct chains including a motion verb or  pick up, take  PAGEREF _Toc187025495 \h 441 15.1.6 Durative verb-iterations chained to a following verb  PAGEREF _Toc187025496 \h 441 15.1.7 Perfective auxiliary t[ after another verb  PAGEREF _Toc187025497 \h 442 15.2 Adverbial clauses with overt chaining or subordinating morpheme  PAGEREF _Toc187025498 \h 443 15.2.1 Imperfective subordinator -m  PAGEREF _Toc187025499 \h 443 15.2.1.1 Imperfective -m on activity verb plus time-of-day verb  PAGEREF _Toc187025500 \h 443 15.2.1.2 Imperfective -m in different-subject complements  PAGEREF _Toc187025501 \h 444 15.2.1.3 Imperfective -m complements of stative verbs  PAGEREF _Toc187025502 \h 444 15.2.1.4 Imperfective subordinate clauses with -m=T:, plural -m g[  PAGEREF _Toc187025503 \h 445 15.2.2 Clauses with y  and then (past, anterior)  PAGEREF _Toc187025504 \h 445 15.2.2.1 -y with disjoint subjects  PAGEREF _Toc187025505 \h 447 15.2.2.2 -y with coindexed subjects  PAGEREF _Toc187025506 \h 448 15.2.2.3 -y clause plus  be tired main clause  PAGEREF _Toc187025507 \h 450 15.2.2.4 Negation and -y clauses  PAGEREF _Toc187025508 \h 450 15.2.3 e: ( [: after {L}  and (same-subject, anterior, nonpast time)  PAGEREF _Toc187025509 \h 451 15.2.4 Verbs commonly found in suffixally marked chained form  PAGEREF _Toc187025510 \h 454 15.2.4.1  Be/do together verbs (mu:mbi-y[, mor T)  PAGEREF _Toc187025511 \h 454 15.2.4.2  (Go) with, (take) along chains including j[li-y[-  hold  PAGEREF _Toc187025512 \h 454 15.3 Other temporal adverbial clauses  PAGEREF _Toc187025513 \h 455 15.3.1  Since &  clause with na ( r a  PAGEREF _Toc187025514 \h 455 15.3.2  No sooner (, than ( (na ( r a, imperfective plus !)  PAGEREF _Toc187025515 \h 457 15.3.3 Noun-headed temporal clause ( the time when ( )  PAGEREF _Toc187025516 \h 458 15.3.4 Reverse anteriority clause  before ( (mer a, mi)  PAGEREF _Toc187025517 \h 459 15.3.5 Non-Past Durative -n clauses  PAGEREF _Toc187025518 \h 461 15.4 Spatial and manner adverbials  PAGEREF _Toc187025519 \h 463 15.4.1 Spatial adverbial clause (where ()  PAGEREF _Toc187025520 \h 463 15.4.2 Manner adverbial clause (how ()  PAGEREF _Toc187025521 \h 464 15.4.3 Headless adverbial clause as spatiotemporal or manner clause  PAGEREF _Toc187025522 \h 464 15.4.4 From X, until (or: all the way to) Y (hali)  PAGEREF _Toc187025523 \h 465 16 Conditional constructions  PAGEREF _Toc187025524 \h 467 16.1 Hypothetical conditional with de  if  PAGEREF _Toc187025525 \h 467 16.2 Alternative  if particles  PAGEREF _Toc187025526 \h 468 16.2.1  Even if ( (dan, kanda, de la)  PAGEREF _Toc187025527 \h 468 16.2.2  As soon as (  PAGEREF _Toc187025528 \h 468 16.3 Willy-nilly and disjunctive antecedents ( whether X or Y ( )  PAGEREF _Toc187025529 \h 469 16.4 Counterfactual conditional  PAGEREF _Toc187025530 \h 470 17 Complement and purposive clauses  PAGEREF _Toc187025531 \h 471 17.1 Quotative complement  PAGEREF _Toc187025532 \h 471 17.1.1 Pronominal conversions in quotative complements  PAGEREF _Toc187025533 \h 471 17.1.2 Clause-initial subjects  PAGEREF _Toc187025534 \h 472 17.1.3 Quotative particle wa  PAGEREF _Toc187025535 \h 473 17.1.4 Subjunctive ni in propositional belief complements  PAGEREF _Toc187025536 \h 473 17.1.5 Jussive complement (reported imperative or hortative)  PAGEREF _Toc187025537 \h 474 17.1.5.1 Quoted imperative  PAGEREF _Toc187025538 \h 474 17.1.5.2 Embedded hortative  PAGEREF _Toc187025539 \h 475 17.2 Factive (indicative) complements  PAGEREF _Toc187025540 \h 476 17.2.1 Know that/whether ( complement clause  PAGEREF _Toc187025541 \h 476 17.2.2 See that (  PAGEREF _Toc187025542 \h 477 17.2.3 Find (=discover) that (  PAGEREF _Toc187025543 \h 477 17.3 Verbal-noun complement  PAGEREF _Toc187025544 \h 478 17.3.1 Dare (dadu, namiy[) with verbal-noun complement  PAGEREF _Toc187025545 \h 478 17.3.2  Cease (dTgT) with verbal-noun complement  PAGEREF _Toc187025546 \h 479 17.3.3  Forget (id[) with verbal-noun complement  PAGEREF _Toc187025547 \h 479 17.3.4 Predicative tilay or wa:zibu  obligation with verbal-noun subject  PAGEREF _Toc187025548 \h 480 17.3.5  Be afraid to (ibi-y[) with verbal-noun complement  PAGEREF _Toc187025549 \h 480 17.3.6  Help (badu) with verbal-noun adjunct or chained verb  PAGEREF _Toc187025550 \h 481 17.4 Directly chained VP as complement  PAGEREF _Toc187025551 \h 481 17.4.1 tadu  try to VP with preceding chained VP  PAGEREF _Toc187025552 \h 481 17.4.2  Be able to, can (b[l[) with preceding or following chained VP  PAGEREF _Toc187025553 \h 482 17.4.3  Finish, complete (ide, kiliy[, ije) with preceding chained VP  PAGEREF _Toc187025554 \h 483 17.4.4  Nearly (do) (nema-li) with preceding chained verb  PAGEREF _Toc187025555 \h 485 17.5 Other complements  PAGEREF _Toc187025556 \h 485 17.5.1  Consent (abiy[) with relative complement  PAGEREF _Toc187025557 \h 485 17.5.2  Want ([ba=bo-) with e: ( [: or relative complement  PAGEREF _Toc187025558 \h 486 17.5.3  Prevent, obstruct (garu) with juxtaposed clause  PAGEREF _Toc187025559 \h 487 17.6 Purposive and causal clauses  PAGEREF _Toc187025560 \h 487 17.6.1 Purposive clause with na (same-subject, positive)  PAGEREF _Toc187025561 \h 487 17.6.1.1 Simple adjoined purposive clauses  PAGEREF _Toc187025562 \h 487 17.6.1.2 Purposive complement with  begin (tTlT)  PAGEREF _Toc187025563 \h 489 17.6.2 Purposive clause (different-subject, positive)  PAGEREF _Toc187025564 \h 490 17.6.3 Purposive clause with -na-m plus ni or dan (same subject, negative)  PAGEREF _Toc187025565 \h 492 17.6.4 Negative purposive clause with verbal noun plus dan (same subject)  PAGEREF _Toc187025566 \h 493 17.6.5 Other negative purposive clauses  PAGEREF _Toc187025567 \h 493 17.6.6 Causal ( because ) clause (dan)  PAGEREF _Toc187025568 \h 494 17.6.7  Because of (dan)  PAGEREF _Toc187025569 \h 495 18 Anaphora  PAGEREF _Toc187025570 \h 497 18.1 Reflexive  PAGEREF _Toc187025571 \h 497 18.1.1 Reflexive object (accusative pronominal, 3rd person a-y)  PAGEREF _Toc187025572 \h 497 18.1.2 Reflexive object (1Sg ko:mu etc.)  PAGEREF _Toc187025573 \h 498 18.1.3 Simple and marked reflexives as postpositional complements  PAGEREF _Toc187025574 \h 498 18.1.4 Reflexive possessor (third person a)  PAGEREF _Toc187025575 \h 499 18.1.4.1 Reflexive alienable possessor  PAGEREF _Toc187025576 \h 499 18.1.4.2 Reflexive inalienable possessor  PAGEREF _Toc187025577 \h 500 18.1.4.3 Antecedent for reflexive is in higher clause  PAGEREF _Toc187025578 \h 501 18.1.5 Emphatic pronouns  PAGEREF _Toc187025579 \h 501 18.1.5.1 With tuma  only  PAGEREF _Toc187025580 \h 502 18.1.5.2 Proclitic pronoun plus ko-banda or ko mi  PAGEREF _Toc187025581 \h 502 18.1.5.3 With te!  precisely  PAGEREF _Toc187025582 \h 503 18.2 Logophoric and indexing pronouns (3Logo a)  PAGEREF _Toc187025583 \h 503 18.2.1 True third person logophoric function  PAGEREF _Toc187025584 \h 503 18.2.1.1 Logophoric as clause subject  PAGEREF _Toc187025585 \h 504 18.2.1.2 Pseudo-1Sg verbal agreement with logophoric subjects  PAGEREF _Toc187025586 \h 505 18.2.2 Subject-to-subject coindexation function of 3Refl pronouns  PAGEREF _Toc187025587 \h 506 18.3 Reciprocal  PAGEREF _Toc187025588 \h 508 18.3.1 Simple reciprocals (to-mu)  PAGEREF _Toc187025589 \h 508 18.3.2  Together (tumay ga)  PAGEREF _Toc187025590 \h 509 18.4 Restrictions on reflexive antecedents  PAGEREF _Toc187025591 \h 509 18.4.1 No antecedent-reflexive relation between coordinands  PAGEREF _Toc187025592 \h 509 19 Grammatical pragmatics  PAGEREF _Toc187025593 \h 511 19.1 Topic  PAGEREF _Toc187025594 \h 511 19.1.1 Topic (kay ~ gay, optional plural y[)  PAGEREF _Toc187025595 \h 511 19.1.2 Interrogative topic (ni)  PAGEREF _Toc187025596 \h 512 19.1.3  Also (la)  PAGEREF _Toc187025597 \h 512 19.1.4  Even (kanda)  PAGEREF _Toc187025598 \h 513 19.2 Preclausal or clause-initial particles  PAGEREF _Toc187025599 \h 514 19.2.1  All the way to, until, even X (hale)  PAGEREF _Toc187025600 \h 514 19.2.2  Well, ( (haya ~ ha:)  PAGEREF _Toc187025601 \h 515 19.2.3  But ( (ga:)  PAGEREF _Toc187025602 \h 515 19.2.4 Adversative na!  rather  PAGEREF _Toc187025603 \h 515 19.3 Pragmatic adverbs or equivalents  PAGEREF _Toc187025604 \h 516 19.3.1  Again ,  not again ,  on the other hand  PAGEREF _Toc187025605 \h 516 19.4  Only particles  PAGEREF _Toc187025606 \h 516 19.4.1  Only (tuma, say)  PAGEREF _Toc187025607 \h 517 19.4.2  Just (one) (leK!)  PAGEREF _Toc187025608 \h 517 19.5 Phrase-final emphatics  PAGEREF _Toc187025609 \h 518 19.5.1 Clause-final emphatic koy (confirming)  PAGEREF _Toc187025610 \h 518 19.5.2 Clause-final emphatic de (admonition)  PAGEREF _Toc187025611 \h 518 19.6 Greetings  PAGEREF _Toc187025612 \h 518 20 Texts  PAGEREF _Toc187025613 \h 521 Text 1 Hare and Donkey (tale)  PAGEREF _Toc187025614 \h 521 Text 2 Monitor Lizard and Dog (tale)  PAGEREF _Toc187025615 \h 532 Text 3 Cat and Mouse (tale)  PAGEREF _Toc187025616 \h 538 Text 4 Hyena and Hare (tale)  PAGEREF _Toc187025617 \h 542 Text 5 Abandoned Twins (tale)  PAGEREF _Toc187025618 \h 546 References cited  PAGEREF _Toc187025619 \h 554  Introduction Dogon language family We currently think that there are somewhere around 20-25 distinct Dogon languages, some of them containing significantly divergent dialects internally. Even when the data are all in, there may be disagreements as to what is a dialect and what is a distinct language. The Dogon languages have been considered for some decades to form part of the large Niger-Congo family, but this relationship has not been conclusively demonstrated and is doubted by some Africanists. Yanda Dom language Based on the Dogon languages that we have at least begun working on, Yanda Dom appears to have specific affinities with the Najamba-Kindig (aka Bondu) language and perhaps with Tebul Ure and Dogulu. The relationship to Najamba-Kindig is seen especially in the morphology of verbs and demonstratives, as well as in some lexical and phonological features. Yanda (yanda) is the name of a small zone containing several villages. The term can also be used for a cluster of three villages in the center, excluding Ogol and Ana. The people refer to themselves as yanda-[bolomu]  Yanda people (singular yandabolo) and to their language as yanda-dom  Yanda language (cf. dom  talk, speech, language ). Chapter 2 is a brief sketch of the major typological features of the language. Environment The old Yanda villages were located in flat spots on the slopes of the mountain separating the high plateau from the sandy plains that stretch eastward. One village was originally on the summit, i.e. on the high plateau. Around 1960 many of the people in the cliffside villages relocated to the lower slopes and base of the cliffs, in some cases not far away. These are collectively known as yandadu (Lower Yanda), while the villages that remain on top (abandoned or sparsely inhabited) are called yandat[mb[ (Upper Yanda). Upper Yanda contains the villages named denelu, damza, togu, and kulmal, which are still occupied. Cliffside villages that have mostly or entirely relocated down to the foot of the cliffs, can be geographically grouped as in (1). Anana is somewhat apart from the others. The three villages of Yanda proper are nearly continuous, strung along the base of the mountain. A short distance away is the Ogol village cluster. (1) official name native name a. Ana Ana (Anana) ana b. Yanda village cluster Yanda-Songo yan zoK Yanda-Tourougo tul Yanda-Guinedia ginendiya ~ ginandiya c. Ogol Ywa:l Ogol-Komaga (T/a:l-)kTma: Ogol-Nimba (T/a:l-)nimba Ogol-Ongo (T/a:l-)T: Ogol-Pepe (T/a:l-) p[p[y I have taken GPS readings for several of the villages that are at or near the base of the mountain. Coordinates are in degrees, minutes, and decimal fractions (.000 to .999) of minutes. (2) village N latitude W longitude a. Anana 14 40.234 03 07.134 b. Yanda-Songo 14 09.058 03 08.323 Yanda-Tourougo 14 38.999 03 08.605 Yanda-Guinendia 14 38.831 03 08.890 c. Ogol-Komaga 14 38.418 03 09.995 Ogol-Nimba 14 38.067 03 10.403 Ogol-Ongo 14 38.811 03 09.855 Ogol-Pepe 14 38.982 03 10.003 There is also a cluster of villages known collectively as Yanda-Kou, on top of the mountain ridge overlooking these villages. It is currently in the administrative district (commune) of Mori, whereas the villages listed above are in the distrinct of Bamba. I am aware of no recent census reports on the population of Yanda. As reported by Hochstetler et al. (2004), the official 1987 census figure was 1400. Blenchs recent suggestion of 2000 to 3000 is reasonable, given the rate of population growth throughout the Dogon region especially since the eradication of smallpox in 1980. Most Dogon are farmers. The fields are in the flat plains below the cliffs. The few people who still live in Upper Yanda come down during the growing season (June-October) to work their fields. Millet (Pennisetum glaucum) is the primary crop. Two varieties of sorghum (Sorghum bicolor) are also grown. Rice is grown in one small area where water accumulates. Supplementary crops are cow-pea (Vigna unguiculata, local French haricot), sesame, roselle (Hibiscus sabdariffa, local French dah or oseille), peanut, and ground nut (Vigna subterranea). There is a small amount of cash-crop gardening during the dry season, and some new irrigated gardens have been established for this purpose. Ogol has well-developed gardens, being blessed with year-round rock ponds (including a few crocodiles!). Dry-season cash crops include onion, tobacco, sweet potato, chili pepper, tomato, and African eggplant (Solanum aethiopicum). Gourds are also grown here and there. The major weekly market is that of Bamba Dgr, which is held on Saturday. This village, only 3 km from the main Yanda villages, also has a school, a medical center, and a government office (mairie). Bamba is a general term for a large cluster of villages including this one. This Bamba (Jamsay bama) is not to be confused with the Songhay-speaking town Bamba on the Niger River that is known in Mali for its tobacco. As of our first visit in 2009, there were primary schools (premier cycle) in Tourougo, Ginendiya, and Ogol. Before these schools were built, some pupils walked to Bamba Dgr to attend its primary school, and current pupils who have finished primary school can attend the middle school (deuxime cycle) in Bamba. High schools (lyces) are farther away in the large towns, for example Koro and Bandiagara. The Yanda area can be reached by 4x4 vehicle from Douentza, Koro, or Sangha. Some vans and trucks from these towns make the weekly market in nearby Bamba, and Bamba is a stop for the vehicles that ply the Douentza-Koro route. Contact languages Three other Dogon languages occur in the area. Jamsay is the major Dogon language of the plains from Douentza to Koro and is useful as a second language throughout this area. Tebul Ure is a local Dogon language spoken nowhere but Upper Bamba. A much more populous language on the plateau, extending far to the north and west, is Tommo So. Yanda Dom speakers typically speak Jamsay and Tommo So and understand Tebul Ure. Those who live at the foot of the cliffs also know some Fulfulde from their contacts with Fulbe, who are not numerous in the zone but do occupy some hamlets in the plains and come into Dogon villages to sell milk. Some Dogon own cattle, goats, and sheep that are tended for them by Fulbe. Bambara is not (yet) much of a factor locally. However, many young people head to Bambara-speaking southern Mali for work after the growing season, so knowledge of this language is growing. Previous and contemporary study of Yanda Dom Previous work There has been no substantial previous linguistic study of ths language. Calame-Griaules early survey of Dogon varieties mentioned Yanda Dom and suggested that it seemed to have a lexical affinity to Dogulu. Some basic geographic and population data for Yanda Dom are included in the SIL survey of Dogon languages (Hochstetler et al. 2004). A 1987 census figure of 1400 was cited. Roger Blenchs website contains a Yanda Dom section, one of several such sections devoted to lesser-known Dogon languages. He summarized the geographical and population information previously given by Calame-Griaule and Hochstetler et al, added his own information (including native names and GPS coordinates for the villages), and presented a wordlist recorded in two days in March 2005. Although my Yanda Dom informants consider Ana (Anana) village to belong to the Yanda Dom speaking zone, Blench indicated that Ana had a distinct lect and made it the subject of another section of his website. Fieldwork My Jamsay-speaking assistant and factotum Minkailou Djiguiba did an initial reconnaissance of the area by bush motorcycle in 2008. He and I went to Tourougo (=Turgo) village in May 2009 and remained for three days. As is my usual practice I began with plants and animals, showing images and giving descriptions of local species to a group of elders, with many children watching. We then returned to Douentza with an informant for several weeks of basic elicitation. The work continued off and on during my fieldwork stint January to August 2010. In December 2012 I was able to work for 10 days with one of my previous informants who came for this purpose to our other base in Bobo Dioulasso in neighboring Burkina Faso. Acknowledgements The work on Yanda Dom is part of a project on Dogon languages that aims eventually to describe all twenty or so languages of the family. The chronology to date has been as follows: 2004-6 fieldwork by me on Jamsay supported by NEH grant PA-50643-04 2006-9 NSF grant BCS 0537435, Linguistics program 2009-13 NSF grant BCS 0853364, DEL program NEH = National Endowment for the Humanities; NSF = National Science Foundation; DEL = Documenting Endangered Languages program jointly administered by NEH and NSF. Most of the materials (grammars, lexicon, texts, images, videos, typological summaries) produced by myself and other Dogon project members appear on the project website: www.dogonlanguages.org. Sketch A few highlights of Yanda Dom will be given here, emphasizing points of divergence with other Dogon languages. Phonology Segmental phonology There is a fairly standard Dogon consonant and vowel inventory. There are seven vowel qualities, including the ATR feature for mid-height vowels. Vowels have long and short forms. Nasalized vowels are present but not very common. Consonants include nasalized {r w y }, and j and z. Yanda Dom intervocalic d corresponds to r in several other Dogon languages. Tones Syllabic tones are H, L, <HL>, <LH>, and rarely <LHL>. The latter occurs in some Past imperfective negative forms like ma:=bali (10.2.1.10). Stem-level tone contours are similar: {H}, {L}, {HL}, {LH}, {LHL}, plus one noun stem with {HLH}, h[y[nd[  index finger . Unlike most Dogon languages, {L}-toned noun and other non-verb stems are common, though one could argue that they are lexically {L}+H with a final floating Htone that is realized on following morphemes (such as definite morphemes). The argument that {L}-toned nouns are really {L}+H is based on their combination with the it is clitic (11.2.1.1), where this contour is audible; it could, however, also be analysed as Rhythmic Tone-Raising applied to the clitic. For animate nouns, there two subsets of {L}-toned nouns, differing only in their tonal effect on a following animate plural suffix -mu. For stems with H-toned -mu, one could again argue for a {L}+H lexical melody (3.8.1.3). Verbs have a variety of lexical tone contours, defined by the relationship between the tone of the bare stem and that of certain inflected forms, prototypically the perfective negative. The tone-contour classes defined in this fashion are {H}/{H} associated with initial voiceless consonant, plus a remarkable range of at least partially L-initial classes: {LH}/{LH} associated with initial {ln}, {LH}/{L} associated with other initial voiced consonants, and {H}/{L} associated with stems that are either very light (Cv) or very heavy (e.g. Cv:Cv) and begin with a voiced consonant. It may be possible to reduce {H}/{L} to {LH}/{L} by proposing phonological rules that flatten syllables to H-toned (3.8.5.1-2). As in other Dogon languages, lexical tones of all stem-classes are subject to modification or to erasure by superimposed tone overlays. For example, nouns preceded by a possessor have a contour, usually {L} but sometimes {H} or {LH}, depending on the type of possessor and (for kin terms) lexical features. This is tonosyntax, where a categorially defined controller imposes a tone contour on a targeted word or word string, based primarily on the syntactic category (noun, adjective, possessor, etc.) of the controller and target. Tonosyntax is most developed within NPs, including relative constructions. Yanda Dom differs somewhat from other Dogon languages, especially in that numerals (as well as postposed pronominal possessors) are somewhat resistant to being tone-dropped. There is also a considerable amount of tonosyntax, or perhaps we should say tonomorphology, in verbal morphology. Yanda Dom also has Rhythmic Tone-raising, whereby an {L}-tone stem or morpheme, or its first syllable, shifts to H-tone after a {L}-toned constituent or morpheme. Tonosyntax and rhythmic alternations interact in a complex way. ATR harmony ATR harmony is not absolute. In particular, there is a three-way opposition of CeCe, C[C[, and CeC[, and similarly of CoCo, CTCT, and CoCT stems when the medial consonant is a nasal. In each trio, the mixed-ATR third member is an innovation due to a shift from [ATR] {[ T) to [+ATR] {e o} before the nasal. ATR phonological processes focus on the interaction between the stem-final syllable and suffixal syllables. This situation is distinct from that in a close genetic neighbor, Najamba, where ATR processes involve stem-wide overlays. Local phonological rules The weak position metrically is the second syllable from the left in CvCv and CvCvCv. Vowels in the weak position may raise to {iu} and may be deleted (syncopated or apocopated). There is no systematic Nasalization-Spreading. Inflectable verbs In addition to underived verb stems, there are stems derived from other verbs by a -Cv suffix: reversive -lv, causative -mv, mediopassive -yv, transitive -dv. v here represents a variable short vowel. Many verbs occur with paired mediopassive and transitive forms, but the mediopassive suffix is also added to many other verbs. Verbal inflectional categories are indicative and modal (deontic). Indicative categories expressed by suffixes on the verb (following any derivational suffixes) are organized into perfective positive, imperfective positive, perfective negative, and imperfective negative systems. Modal categories are imperative, prohibitive, hortative, and hortative negative. There is no distinct verb form for indirect (quoted) imperatives or wishes. Noun phrase (NP) For unpossessed NPs, the basic linear order is N-Adj-Num-Det-all. The bifurcation point in relative head NPs is between N-Adj-Num (i.e. the NumP) and Det-all. Adjectives and demonstratives control {L} tone contour on preceding words. Numerals, definite morphemes, and all are not controllers. This is all typical of Dogon languages. Kin terms are a special inalienable category. Both pronominal and nonpronominal possessors precede kin terms. With other (i.e. alienable) nouns, nonpronominal possessors precede the possessed NP, but pronominal possessors occur after the possessed NumP. Many of the postposed pronominal possessors are still internally segmentable. Preposed possessors are tonosyntactic controllers. The main possessor-controlled contour is {L}, when the possessor is (semantically) definite, but {H} is used with undetermined common noun possessors. For kin terms, the possessor-controlled contour is {H} or {LH} depending on the noun. Case-marking and PPs There is no case-marking of subject NPs, but there is an accusative case marker for objects. There is a set of postpositions including dative, instrumental-comitative, locative, purposive, and various more precise locatives (mostly expressed as composite postpositions). Main clauses and constituent order Linear order is SOV, with adverbs in various preverbal positions. Verbs have suffixal marking of aspect (perfective-imperfective plus several subcategories thereof), plus negation and mood (indicative, imperative, hortative). In main clauses, verbs are also marked by final-position suffixes for subject pronominal category. (For relative clauses, see 2.7 below.) There are a few underived stative quasi-verbs (e.g. be [somewhere], have, want). Stative forms of regular verbs in some semantic domains can also be derived (e.g. be sitting from sit down). Statives of both types lack aspectual marking, and have a special stative negative suffix. Each aspect-negation category has a special verb form for subject focus (13.1.2). Nonsubject focus is much less clearly marked. Verbal nouns There are two morphological verbal nouns, one in -le and one in y ~ -u. Relative clauses The core of the head NP, consisting maximally of a N-Adj-Num, remains internal to the relative clause and is subject to tone-dropping. The head NP is bifurcated, as determiners and non-numeral quantifiers are placed after the verb of the relative clause. Instead of the usual main-clause verb, a special relative form of the verb is used. In most inflectional categories, there is no actual agreement with either the head NP or the subject. The imperfective positive relative verb form does show agreement with third person categories (animacy, number). Since pronominal subjects are not expressed on the relative verb, they are expressed by separate pronominal forms proclitic to the verb. There is no relative morpheme in the clause-internal head NP or at the end of the clause, except for the special morphological features of the relative verb. Interclausal syntax VPs are easily chained. There are some direct chains where nonfinal verbs are in their bare stem form, but in many combinations the usual chain form is the same-subject anterior subordinator e: ( [:. There are also imperfective subordinated clauses sharing some morphology with the regular conjugated imperfective form of verbs. Anaphora and quotations There is a basic third person anaphoric pronoun a. It is used as a third person reflexive coindexed with the clausemate subject (18.1), as a logophoric coindexed with the quoted speaker/thinker (18.2.1), and to mark coindexation of a relative clause subject to a main-clause subject (18.2.2). Anaphoric pronouns are not widely used to coindex with 1st/2nd person antecedents. However, logophoric subject (this time including 1st/2nd person antecedents) is also marked by a pseudo-1Sg pronominal subject suffix on verbs in quoted clauses. If the subject of the quoted clause is not coindexed to the quoted speaker/thinker, a pseudo-3Sg verb form is used, and the subject is expressed by a preverbal proclicit pronoun (18.2.1.2). Phonology General The sequence in this chapter is: 3.2 syllables and metrical structure; 3.3 consonants; 3.4 vowels; 3.5 verb-stem vocalism; 3.6 segmental phonological processes; 3.7 cliticization; 3.8 tonology; and 3.9 intonation. Internal phonological structure of stems and words Syllables In native Dogon vocabulary, most syllables are Cv with a short vowel; word-initially the C position may be empty. I use v to mean short vowel and v: to mean long vowel; there is no v consonant (voiced labial fricative) in the language so hopefully there will be no confusion. CvC syllables typically end in a sonorant {mnl}. Word-final Cvm, Cvn, CvK, and Cvl can in some cases be shown to derive synchronically from /Cvmu/ etc. with a final /u/ that apocopates. A good example of this is the bare-stem form of ufinal verbs, where e.g. sal (</salu/)  grind coarsely is parallel to e.g. abu  accept, receive, showing that apocope of a final /u/ is sensitive to the preceding consonant (10.2.2.4). Long Cv: syllables are rare in native vocabulary except in monosyllabic stems and postpositions. Unsuffixed bisyllabic Cv:Cv stems are typically loanwords, especially from Fulfulde (directly or via Jamsay). There are also some suffixally derived Cv:-Cv and Cv:-CCv verb stems that reflect contraction of *CvCv- to Cv:-. Metrical structure In the sequence CvCvCv, the medial syllable from the left may be metrically weak. This is seen especially in some types of trisyllabic verbs, whose second vowel is a short high vowel, and in syncope and truncation in suffixed /CvCv-Cv/ derivatives of verb stems. Consonants The consonants of Yanda Dom are in (3). A voiced sibilant z is present, unlike the case in most northern Dogon languages. There is no v consonant; the symbol v is used throughout this work to denote a variable vowel. (3) Consonants 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 labial p b m (f) w ((wn)) alveolar t d n s z l r rn alveopalatal c j r ((s )) ((z )) y yn velar k g K laryngeal (h)  c is IPA [t], j is [d], s  is [], y is [j]. key to columns: 1. aspirated voiceless stops (c is affricated); 2. voiced stops; 3.nasals, 4. voiceless fricatives (including sibilants); 6. laterals; 7-8. respectively unnasalized and nasalized sonorants; 9-10. laryngeals All full-fledged consonants except glottal stop  occur intervocalically within stems. The taps {rr } only occur intervocalically. Full-fledged consonants other than taps and nasalized sonorants occur word-initially. Sonorants except taps occur word- and syllable-finally. Alveopalatals (c, j) I found no consistent distinction between c and k, or between j and g, before front vowels {ie[}. I generally heard an affricated release in words like jide  eye and cin  stone , and therefore favor the  affricate symbols {cj} in transcription. However, the affrication is often slight. Before other vowel qualities the difference between {cj} and {kg} is clear. c is rare before non-front vowels; it appears mainly in loanwords (e.g. from Fulfulde). j is common at stem-suffix boundaries in verbal derivation, where it represents fortition of /y/ in mediopassive -yv- after a nasal or stop (a pre-surface cluster resulting from syncope), as in taj-j[  put on shoes , cf. reversive tagi-l[  take off shoes . Intervocalic j and c are not common, especially in CvCv stems. Many intervocalic cases of j are geminates. However, the difference between Cvjv and Cvjjv is slight because of the fortis pronunciation of even ungeminated j, and the same is true of Cvcv versus Cvccv. hac[  sin (< Fulfulde hakke) and w[ju  change (n., i.e. money back) (< Fulfulde wecc-) appear to have degeminated the medial affricate. The only geminated/ungeminated minimal pair that I know is poju  cross-poles and pojju  act of brushing against (verb pojjo). Other bisyllabic stems with ungeminated medial j are ije  be used up and zoji  sprain (n) . Medial geminate jj occurs in pojjo  brush against , kTjjT  cling to , and [jj[  reappear . One suspects that these cases of jj reflect original suffixal derivatives, cf. Tj-j[  get hot , gTj-jT  carry on/over shoulder . g does not systematically spirantize I did not observe consistent spirantization of g to [] between back/low vowels. Nasals (K r) Velar K and palatoalveolar r are distinct before {ie[} as well as before back and low vowels. Examples of this opposition before i: aKili-y[  became small versus Yriy[ ~ i:riy[  stop (halt) . Before e: deKe  chop versus ci-Yre  what? . Before [: tiK[-  become or  pass versus Yr[  ate . r occurs initially in several words, e.g. r[ m  reins . I know of no words with initial K. Intervocalic n at the beginning of a second syllable from the left, as in panu  skin and butcher (animal) , is often articulated with a little extra duration. I initially transcribed such cases with nn but revised the transcription to n after finding no oppositions and after an assistant denied lengthening. Intervocalic n, especially in Cvnv, is usually from *nd via *nn, while original intervocalic *n is usually realized as r . For  skin and butcher , compare Nanga and Bankan Tey pandi and Ben Tey pali. Voiceless labials (p f) p occurs in numerous basic words, generally stem-initially, e.g. p[:  sheep , pula  Fulbe (Pullo) person , pTndT  earth , pile  fall(v) , pil[  white , and piyel  ten . f occurs in a few loanwords like furno:  burner (French fourneau). The regionally widespread particle  all is usually pronounced pu! rather than fu! (6.6.1). Laryngeals (h ) h is limited to a few loanwords, chiefly from Fulfulde. It occurs only word-initially. Glottal stop  occurs word-initially in a number of bisyllabic stems and in one pronominal possessor morpheme (4). (4) form gloss a. H-toned syllable Ylo  house Yr[  eat (meal) Yr[  right (hand) Yn[  goat Yriy[  stop (~ i:riy[) Yl[  go up Ywa:l  Ogol (village name) Ynar a  iron, metal b. L-toned syllable Yl[  ripe, cooked (verb Yl[  ripen, be cooked ) Yy ay  hard c. pronominal Ymo  1Sg possessor These forms can be pronounced with a brief schwa-like vowel between the glottal stop and the following consonant, which is always a sonorant. Alternatively the glottal stop may be essentially clustered with the following consonant, as in lo  house . In the common 1Sg possessor form Ymo, which follows the possessed noun, the glottal is often elided in allegro speech. I use a bisyllabic transcription since the glottal syllable can carry a tone distinct from that of the following syllable. This is the case in some paradigmatic forms of the verbs in (4a) such as eat (meal). Sibilants (s, z) s and z are distinct phonemes. I did not observe [] as a regular allophone of s, or [] as a regular allophone of z, before front vowels. Nasalized sonorants (rn, yn, wn) Nasalized sonorants do not occur word-initially. r (nasalized tap) can be autonomous of other nasals, or it can occur in a word following a nasal consonant and a vowel where it has arguably been secondarily nasalized. r is always intervocalic (5). (5) Examples of r form gloss a. autonomous ber a  middle, interior (cf. 8.2.5) zer a  rainy season dar a  head der [  spend day a:r a  when? tews[:r [  falcon b. after another nasal na:r a  easy, cheap ner a  paternal aunt mir [  swallow(v) toKor o  tree sp. (Bombax) izuc[K[r [  catfish sp. (Synodontis) Alternations between n and r reflect the fact that /r / is forced to shift to n in syllable-final (i.e. preconsonantal or word-final) position, after syncope. An example of this is the common verb  go . Many of its forms are based on a segmental sequence un-, either word-final or preceding a Cinitial suffix: bare stem un, perfective negative unli  did not go . However, whenever the stem consonant is intervocalic, as in perfective ur [  went (10.2.1.8), we get r instead of n. In another nfinal verb, zi n  take away , the n remains stable in intervocalic position: perfective zine. Therefore I take the lexical representations to be /ur / and /zi n/, respectively. The adjective for  red is ba n (animate plural ba nmu). It belongs to a word family that includes the inchoative verb ba n  become red , a stem of the ufinal verb class. The lexical form of this verb is /bar u/, though the /u/ apocopates to produce ba n. Other paradigmatic forms bring out the underlying CvCv shape, e.g. perfective negative bar ali  did not become red . Even the adjective ba n occurs in 1Sg and 2Sg subject predicative forms like bar u=m  I am red that show r between vowels. The historically compound noun izubar a  hot season contains a final that is related to the  red word family. In the imperfective negative form of verbs, an informant fluctuates between nan and ran in all cases where the verb ends in a vowel. Only for the two nfinal verbs did he insist on the nan variant (unnan  will not go , zin-nan  will not take away ); this is predictable since r (like r ) cannot occur as second member of a cluster. The n/r alternation here may have originated as an alternation between *nan and *r an. If so, the *r an variant lost its initial nasalization feature, which may have been difficult to hear in view of the following n. y may occur syllable-finally (hence word-finally) as well as intervocalically within a word, whether or not there is a preceding nasal consonant. Indeed, y is mostly word-final (6ab), though it also occurs in a number of pronominal and demonstrative forms as a partially segmentable final animate singular or inanimate plural morpheme -y [ (6c). (6) Examples of y form gloss a. autonomous toy  deep Yy ay  hard dey ga  apart (8.4.7.2) goy e  elephant way  spacious bandey  sparrow, finch ay  Nile monitor lizard [nd[kuy o  striped ground squirrel baramatonzo y  tiny mouse sp. c[ y -cay  tree sp. (Cassia) way a  tree sp. (Pterocarpus) b. after another nasal may  dry c. grammatical T-y [  your-Sg (animate singular, 6.2.2) In perfective maye from verb ma :  make (brick) , the y is essentially epenthetic and phonetically faint. It is not nasalized, but I am reluctant to consider it a true counterexample to the tendency for y to nasalize to y after a nasal. I have no clear cases of w independent of other nasals. It occurs after another nasal in the onomatopoeic bird name kaKgar aw  black-bellied bustard Suffixal y and w do not noticeably nasalize after a nasal-plus-vowel syllable. Thus perfective deKey (1Pl) and deKew (2Sg)  chopped do not significantly nasalize the suffixal semivowels. Consonant clusters Word- and morpheme-initial CC clusters Three complex onset types are discussed here: a) nasal plus consonant initials (nC), b) glottal initials, and c) Cw initials. Some cases of nasal plus homorganic stop (hereafter nCinitial stems) are attested as variants, perhaps reflecting historical loss of initial *i. nd[  give has no other variant, and its cognates likewise begin with nd (Tebul Ure ndi, Najamba nd[, Nanga ndi, cf, Ben Tey and Bankan Tey ni). The nasal is capable of carrying a tone distinct from that of the following full syllable, as in  water and in the imperative of  give . (7) a. verbs nd[  give (imperative ndi) Kgil[ ~ iKgil[  get up b. nouns nju ~ inju  water nj[ ~ inj[  dog The glottal-initial stems like Ylo  house listed in 3.3.5, above, might also be analysed as beginning with a cluster (/lo/), since the schwa is probably epenthetic and is not always heard. The glottal syllable may carry a tone distinct from that of the following full syllable in certain paradigmatic forms of glottal-initial verbs. Some bisyllabic nCv and YCv verb stems, along with some vowel-initial vCv verb stems, have paradigms that appear to mix {H} and {LH} lexical tones. This pattern may be associated with marginal bisyllabicity, i.e. with (a subset of) verbs with a noncanonical initial syllable. See discussion of nd[  give (10.2.2.1), Yl[  go up (10.2.2.2), and ubT  pour (10.2.2.3). Cwinitial stems, actually CT/-initial, include gT/a:  granary and arguably T/a:  grass, herbs . The T/ is more open than w in e.g. waju  distant . Several monosyllabic verbs have the shape CT/[(:) or Co/e(:) in the perfective. Medial geminated CC clusters Geminated clusters are uncommon except for a few like ll, jj, and less often yy that occur at morpheme boundaries (especiallly between verb stem and derivational suffix). Within uncompounded stems I can cite the cases in (8). # indicates number of examples in my working lexicon. The examples of gg and kk are loanwords. There are a few native Dogon stems with {llmm}. Since n tends to be slightly lengthened phonetically in the position Cv_v (which facilitates recognition vis--vis r ), it would be difficult to hear an opposition of n to nn. The only clear case of nn is in variation with mn and is opaquely composite. For mm versus m, note sTmT  impoliteness (eating before others) versus sTmmT  praise, congratulate . (8) Geminated CC cluster # example gg 1 baggam  slightly soured milk kk 1 hokko  livestock night quarters ll 10+ till[  exchange mm 4 sTmmT  praise, congratulate nn 1 T nna ~ T mna  here it is! jj 5 see 3.3.1 Medial non-geminate CC clusters (9) Medial CC clusters example gloss a. homorganic nasal-stop mb so :mbo  Abdim s stork nd kondo  rock dassie (mammal) nj cenju  agama lizard nc binc[nd[  tree sp. (Sarcocephalus) (compound?) Kg aKguKguru  giant tortoise (Geochelone) other nasal-obstruent md zamde  termite nz oyesenzu  shrew (Crocidura) ms yamsa  giraffe mz ar agumzo  tree sp. (Hexalobus) nongeminate nasal-nasal mn TmnT  monkey mr amra  aardvark nK banKo  barbet (bird) (variant) l plus consonant lb ta:c[lba  bush sp. (Solanum incanum) ly ulyem  tree sp. (Acacia sieberiana) consonant plus semivowel kw (kT/) ar akT/a:  bateleur hawk ly pTlyam  bush sp. (Pergularia) (compound?) nw sinwa:r ~ sinwa:  eucalyptus (loanword) other bz cibzu  tick pt sapt[r[  chili pepper Medial triple CCC clusters I can cite lmb in gu lmba  pigeon , kTlmba  tree sp. (Piliostigma) , and kolmbo  burrgrass (Cenchrus) . The other CCC clusters are wnd in c[wnd[  shape (sth) into a faceted form and ynd in zaynd[  (surface) be shiny , both of which are likely Fulfulde loanwords. Final CC clusters No final clusters are attested. Vowels The vowel inventory is the usual one for Dogon languages: seven short vowels, their long counterparts (much less common), and long nasalized vowels (rare). (10) short oral long oral nasalized (long) u u:  o o: o: T T: T: a a: a: [ [: [: e e: e: i i: i: There is a tendency to merge short [ into e, and T into o, in the presence of a nasal(ized) consonant. This tendency may be spreading from Jamsay (where it is rampant) into the speech of younger Yanda people. As an example, I was told that older people carefully pronounce  tree as tim[, while many younger people pronounce it time (compare Jamsay tiw e, Pergu tiw [). Nasal consonants are also responsible for some unusual mixed-ATR stems, especially verbs (3.5.1.4). Short and (oral) long vowels There is a distinction between Cv and Cv: monosyllabic stems, though stem-class and vowel quality partially skew the vowel-length possibilities. In (11) the possibilities for verbs are shown; only one example per attested vowel is given. (11) Cv and Cv: verb stems a. Cv wT  see (A/O stem wa) go  go out y[  weep (A/O stem ya) b. Cv: ka:  shave to:  spit t[:  sprout (behaves like /t[y[/) For other stem-classes the attested data are in (12). Short-voweled Cv nouns are uncommon and seem to be limited to high-frequency, semantically light stems. (12) Cv and Cv: stems (noun, verb, numeral) a. Cv ci  thing za  meal y[  woman no  person b. Cv: na:  foot na:  cow ka:  roan antelope ka:  grasshopper (generic) ta:  hyena or leopard ko:  head p[:  sheep s[:  jackal Hde:  father (possessed) Hni:  mother (possessed) ku :  yam (Dioscorea) (< Bambara) In uncompounded stems of two or more syllables, long vowels are generally in nonfinal syllables. Bisyllabic: ke:zu  cold , ka:Ka  pied crow , u:r u  grey monitor lizard , ba :la  tree sp. (Acacia nilotica) , s[:nd[  balanzan tree , pi:zu  mistletoe , bo:ro  beetle sp. (Trachyderma) . Third of four syllables (compound or compound-like segmentation): [masa:r a  earwig , anasa:r a  white person (loanword). Trisyllabic: a sa:r a  striped tree snake (Psammophis elegans) , na-na:r a  algae; spider . A few nonmonosyllabic stems do end in a long vowel: jabi:  henna (loanword), tuma!  one (19.4.1), r[m-[si-si:]  jacana (bird) (frozen compound?), ol-sT:  viper sp. (compound < Tommo So), [na:  frog , sa:yu:  wild fonio grass . Nasalized vowels Nasalized vowels are relatively uncommon. The examples in (13) are basic lexical items (including a local toponym) including a long nasalized vowel. Those in (13b) are loanwords. bw[:  their in (13c) is one of several similar pronominal possessor forms that end in [: , likely as a result of contraction from e.g. /bo-y [/. (13) Long nasalized vowels a. za:  normal, proper (8.4.4.2) pa:  bamboo (Oxytenanthera) ga:  cat sa: ziya  piapiac (magpie) T:  crocodile T/a:l o: (village name) si :  sharp (blade) bi:  tree sp. (Sclerocarya) b. milyT:  million c. bw[:  their (< /bo-y [/ Following a cross-linguistic trend, nasalization is most common with open vowel qualities like {aT[}. Stems with nasalized long i: like si :  sharp (13a) are glaring exceptions, but this vowel could perhaps be analysed as /iy / in these stems. Possible cases of short nasalized vowels involve position before a homorganic sibilant, where there is no phonological distinction between e.g. vnzv and v zv. I transcribe these phonemically with n plus sibilant, but the nasalization is realized on the preceding vowel. Because these sequences occur medially within stems, their phonological structure may not be transparent to native speakers. Examples are in (14), where for example TnzTTnzT is heard as [T zTT zT]. (14) Short nasalized vowels TnzTTnzT  tree sp. (Grewia flavescens) minzu  shea tree (Vitellaria) s[nza  tree sp. (Cola laurifolia) p[nza  vetiveria grass oyesenzu  shrew (Crocidura) Initial vowels Stems may begin with vowels. Examples are in (15). (15) a. short vowels aran  bird un  go izu  fish (generic) ene  child [m[  milk obiye  sit Tba  spitting cobra b. long vowels u:r u  grey monitor lizard T:  crocodile [:r [  tree sp. (Spondias) [:r[  wild-pea bush (Boscia senegalensis) Initial i is sometimes dropped before a nasal-stop cluster in inju  water and iKgil[  get up . An initial *i or *u may have been originally present in the noun Ylo  house and in glottal-initial verbs like Yl[  go up , to judge by cognates in other Dogon languages. Stem-final vowels There is no ban on any stem-final vowel at the lexical level. See 3.6.3.2 on Apocope of word-final short /u/ certain phonological conditions. Vocalic harmony (ATR) In general, a stem may have [+ATR] vowels {e o}, [-ATR] vowels {[ T}, or neither, but not a mixture of both. Except as noted below, this constraint applies to non-borrowed verb stems (including some suffixal derivatives), and is generally true of uncompounded non-verb stem-classes. However, many nouns (especially those with three or more syllables) likely originated as compounds, so the constraint does not hold in any strong way for nouns. An important development in Yanda Dom is that stems of the original shape *C[N[ and *CTNT, with [ATR] vowels and a medial nasal, have become CeN[ and CoNT. That is, the first vowel has shifted to [+ATR] under the influence of the nasal, but the final vowel remains [ATR]. This cannot now be captured by a synchronic phonological rule, since some new C[N[ and CTNT stems have arisen (generally from reconstructed forms with medial clusters). So there is now a three-way lexical contrast between CeNe, C[N[, and CeN[, and a three-way lexical contrast between CoNo, CTNT, and CoNT. That is, at the lexical level, there are fully [+ATR], fully [ATR], and mixed-ATR stems. For the verbs, these lexical contrasts then feed into, and are partially neutralized by, ATR stem modifications required by derivational or inflectional morphology. In the rules for vowel sequencing possibilities in verb stems, it can be seen that high vowels {iu} may co-occur with vowels of either ATR class. Therefore high vowels are taken here as extraharmonic. Readers are free to attribute covert ATR values to them in particular stems, based on which other vowels occur. However, this seems rather circular and I avoid it. The relationship of a to the ATR system is complex. In some respects, a tilts toward [+ATR]. For example, verbs have an A/O-stem such that stem-final [ATR] {[T} converge as a, while [+ATR] {eo} remain unaffected or converge as o. One interpretation of this is that stem-final vowels shift to [+ATR] and toward the back/low region. This suggests an association between a and [+ATR]. More concrete evidence for the [+ATR] association of a is the fact that the E-stem of verbs, which ends in [ or e depending on the lexical [ATR] class of the stem, appears as [+ATR] e rather than [ in stems with a-vocalism. This applies to Ca: stems and to u-final stems with shapes like CaCu, from /CaCa/ with the final /a/ shifted to u. Thus perfective kaye  shaved from ka:, and name  stepped on from u-final namu. (There are no stems with all high vowels, so the E-stem test cannot be applied to high vowels.) However, the same u-final stems have suffixal derivatives with [ATR] vowels {[T} in the suffix. This applies even to those derivational suffixes whose vocalism elsewhere harmonizes with the ATR value of the input stem. Thus mediopassive bambi-y[  carry on back (stem /bamba-/) rather than #bambi-ye (compare se:-ye  flip [intr] ), transitive ta:-d[  put shoes on (sb) (stem /taga/) rather than #ta:-de (compare se:-de  flip [tr] ), and reversive tal-l[  (sth affixed) be removed (stem /taga/) rather than #tal-le (compare mil-le  unbraid ). Therefore while high vowels {u i} are truly neutral (extraharmonic), a seems to play both sides in different morphological contexts. Phonology of verb-stem vocalism Bare stem, E-stem, A/O-stem, U-stem Verbs take different forms in the various AMN categories, the differences being expressed in the stem-final vowel, which I will focus on in this section. First, there is the bare stem, used in verb chains and also in several AMN categories. There is an Estem used in the perfective (positive) that always ends in e or [, the choice depending on the ATR-harmonic class of the verb. One could argue that this final vowel is a suffix that (fully or partially) replaces the final stem-vowel. There is an A/O-stem found in several AMN categories. It shifts stem-final [-ATR] {[ T} to a, and (to varying extents) stem-final e to o. The latter shift is obligatory in the imperative, is avoided in the perfective negative (except in the 3Pl subject form), and is inconsistently applied in other A/O-stem contexts. One could divide the A/O-stem (in the broad sense) into subcategories to recognize these nuances. I choose not to distinguish them formally, but will sometimes refer to the perfective negative version as the A/Ostem (o-less variant). In earlier versions of this grammar I recognized a [+ATR]-stem found before -Ca suffixes (imperfective negative nan and variants, prohibitive la, and hortative ma). The only difference between the bare stem and the +ATRstem was that lexical ATR vowels merged with +ATR, i.e. [ ! e and T ! o, leaving other vowels unaffected. I now regard the supposed [+ATR]stem as just a special case of the bare stem. My first informant seemed to me to convert ATR stem vowels to +ATR in the presence of the suffixal avowel, but my second informant (whose articulation is generally clearer) maintains lexical ATR values in this context. I am revising this grammar accordingly. For a possible Ustem limited to one class, see the discussion of the u-final verbs in (3.5.1.6), below. Most of the AMN categories are expressed by a suffix, so one can say that suffix X takes a particular stem-vocalization type. There are, however, also some unsuffixed forms (perfective, imperative) that are expressed only by stem vocalism (Estem for the perfective, A/Ostem for the imperative). For purposes of this introductory section, a set of five forms (the bare stem used in chains, the imperative, and three stems that can be followed by pronominal-subject suffixes) will illustrate the stem-vocalism types. Tone contours are not considered in this section. Stem ends in lexical {o a} The verbs in (16) end {oo: a:} in the bare stem. Since these vowel qualities are already [+ATR], or (in the case of a:) are compatible with [+ATR], these stems show no audible change in the A/O-stem or in the [+ATR] stem. However, since they do not already end in a mid-height front vowel, the Estem does require an audible change. Monosyllabic Co: and Co break into what I usually transcribe as Cwe-, which is really Co/e- including a desyllabifed and shortened o(:). Ca: stems become Caye- (with epenthetic y). The fact that Caye- ends in a [+ATR] vowel is noteworthy; it suggests that a(:) favors [+ATR] rather than [ATR] surroundings. The nonmonosyllabic stems with final o shift this vowel to e in the Estem. (16) bare Perf Imprt PerfNeg ImpfNeg gloss stem Estem A/Ostem A/Ostem bare stem a. Ca: ka: kaye ka: ka:li ka:nan  shave b. Co go go/e go goli gonan  go out c. Co: to: to/e to: to:li to:nan  spit d. nonmonosyllabic with final o obiyo obiye obiyo obiyoli obiyonan  sit gulo gule gulo guloli gulonan  dig tolo tole tolo tololi tolonan  pound dono done dono donoli dononan  become blunt The last verb here, dono  become blunt , should be contrasted to verbs of the shape CoNT from etymological *CTNT that have stem-final a in the A/O-stem, see 3.5.1.4, below. Verbs with variable stem-final e ~ o are covered in the following section. In some cases there is doubt as to whether e or o is lexical. Stem ends in lexical e or in variable e ~ o A number of verbs have lexical vocalism ee or ie. The final e alternates with o in a complex way. The basic patterns, as I understand them based primarily on data from my first informant, are summarized in (17). (17) Stem-final e ~ o alternation in nonmonosyllabic verbs a. E-stem always has final e b. bare stem unsuffixed bare stem has variable e ~ o (perhaps lexicalized) suffixed forms based on bare stem normally have e imperfective negative always has e prohibitive and hortative have variable e ~ o c. A/O-stem imperative always has o stem before suffix-initial m (imperfective) favors o stem in past imperfective negative has long o: (< *o-m) perfective negative has variable e ~ o but favors e There is a suggestion that the unsuffixed bare stem might be gravitating toward the imperative with respect to vocalism. There is also a suggestion that subgroupings can be (faintly) perceived in both the A/O- and bare stems. However, it is difficult to disentangle categorial from phonological factors. For example, the labial m of imperfective suffixes might have tilted the stem toward o, while the high front vowel of perfective negative -li- may have favored e. Some examples of this type of verb are in (18). Here again it is possible that the medial labial consonants in  roast, grill and  catch are at work. (18) stem gloss simbe (simbo)  roast, grill ibe (ibo)  catch cezo (ceze)  cut (by slicing) pide  shut deKe  fell (tree) My impression is that some verbs have gone farther than others in shifting from stem-final e to o, especially in the unsuffixed bare stem. For example,. I heard final o frequently in cezo  cut (by slicing) but less often with pide  shut . The situation is further complicated by the existence of another set of stems of the shape CeNe but from original *C[N[ that still have stem-final a in the A/O-stem, see 3.5.1.4, below. Sample partial paradigms for verbs with e ~ o alternation are in (19). Some further variants are likely to occur but are not attested at present. (19) Paradigms of cezo  cut (slice) , pide  shut , and simbe  roast  cut  shut  roast category E-stem ceze pide simbe Perf unsuffixed bare stem cezo pide simbe bare stem (ceze) simbo suffixed form based on bare stem cezez[ pidez[ simbez[ recent perfect cezenan pidenan simbenan imperfective Neg cezola pidola simbela prohibitive A/O-stem: imperative cezo pido simbo imperative A/O-stem: form with suffix-initial imperfective -m cezom pidom simbem imperfective 3Sg simbom A/O-stem: perfective negative cezeli pide-li- simbeli perfective negative cezo-li- pidoli Stem ends in [-ATR] lexical [ or T The stems in (20) belong to the {[T} [-ATR] vowel-harmonic class. Those already ending in [ show no audible change in the Estem, while those with final T shift it to [. In the A/O-stem, the final {[T} shifts to a. Vowels in nonfinal syllables are unaffected by these stem-final shifts (but see comments below). (20) bare Perf Imprt PerfNeg ImpfNeg gloss stem Estem A/Ostem A/Ostem bare stem a. final [ y[ y[ ya yali y[nan  weep c[d[ c[d[ c[da c[dali c[d[nan  gather (wood) diy[ diy[ diya diyali diy[nan  carry on head b. final T wT w[ wa wali wTnan  see dTgT dTg[ dTga dTgali dTgTnan  leave, abandon ubT ub[ uba ubali ubTnan  pour dTdT dTd[ dTda dTdali dTdTnan  roast on fire The presence of an a-vowel in a following syllable tends to shift [ATR] vowels toward their [+ATR] counterparts. This applies to the nonmonosyllabic A/O-stems, and to all of the imperfective negatives forms in (20). I now believe that this is a gradient phonetic effect, and that the ATR opposition is not fully neutralized. My older informant showed the effect, but my second informant (whose articulation is more precise) maintains the opposition much more clearly. I have therefore corrected earlier transcriptions, e.g. cedali and cedenan for  gather (wood) , to the forms given in (20). In addition to the native Dogon stems illustrated in (20), there are some syllabically heavy stems ending in [ or T that are not subject to the vowel-sequence constraints typical of CvCv stems, but that do obey the stem-final vowel changes. These include Fulbe loanwords like pa:b[  protect , causatives in -m[ (or -mT), and other suffixal derivatives like na:-nd[  cause to go past (cf. na K  go past ) and homonyn na:-nd[  put up on (cf. nan-j[  go up on ). Mixed-ATR CeN[ or CoNT stem with final a in A/O-stem This discussion is based on the speech of my older informant who belongs to the chiefly clan. See the end of this section for variations. The verbs in (21) are of the bimoraic type CeN[ or CoNT, where N is a nasal (or nasalized) consonant (the initial C may be vacant). In their vocalism, these verbs are intermediate between the [+ATR] type dono  become blunt and deKe  fell (tree) in 3.5.1.12 on the one hand, and the [ATR] type c[d[  gather (wood) and dTgT  leave, abandon in 3.5.1.3 on the other. The A/Ostem of the mixed-ATR stems ends in a, showing that the choice between a and o in this stem is determined by the final lexical vowel. (21) Mixed-ATR bisyllabic stems bare Perf Imprt PerfNeg ImpfNeg gloss stem Estem A/Ostem A/Ostem bare stem a. CeNe from *C[N[ dem[ dem[ dema demali dem[nan  hit ner [ ner [ ner a ner ali ner [nan  hone (blade) per [ per [ per a per ali per [nan  trim (beard) b. CoNo from *CTNT goKT goK[- goKa goKa-li- goKT-nan-  go around dor T dor [- dor a dor a-li- dor T-nan-  sell gor T gor [- gor a gor a-li- gor T-nan-  be stronger In the phrase dT n dor T  sell (=make) a sale , the noun has T. The agentive compound is dTn-dTn  seller . One relevant pair of nearly homophonous verbs is gomT  rot with A/O-stem goma- (perfective negative goma-li), versus gomo  pull in (stomach) with A/O-stem gomo- (perfective negative gomo-li). Cognates of  rot include Najamba gTm[ and Bankan Tey gTmT with [ATR] vowels. Cognates of  pull in (stomach) include Nanga gombo, Pergue gommo, and Bey Tey gomo with [+ATR] vowels. The noun gomu  courtyard is homonphonous to  pull in (stomach) . Another pair, instructive from a different perspective, is the verb em[  milk, draw milk from (e.g. a cow) with perfective negative ema-li- (*[m[, cf. Nanga [m[), versus [m[  squeeze with perfective negative [ma-li- (*[mb[, cf. Nanga [mbi). This pair suggests that synchronic C[N[ and CTNT stems that still have full [-ATR] lexical vocalism may have formerly had a medial cluster. In this event, the shift of the first vowel to [+ATR] was limited to stems with precisely *C[N[ and *CTNT shapes at the time, and did not affect stems that later acquired these shapes due to simplification of a medial cluster. The historically most puzzling near-minimal pair is koKT  collect (last bit of food in bowl, with hand) with A/Ostem koKa-, versus (gide-koK) koKo  frown with A/O-stem koKo-. koKT  collect should reconstruct as *kTKT, but most cognates point to an original medial cluster (Pergue kTKgT, Nanga kTnji, Bey Tey ceKge, and Tommo So kTKTlT). This should correspond to Yanda Dom #kTKT not koKT. Could Yanda Dom have borrowed this from Jamsay or Toro So (Yorno So) kTKT ? koKo  frown should reconstruct as *koKo with [+ATR] vocalism. This is incompatible with one apparent cognate set: Pergue and Bey Tey kTw T, Nanga kTKu, and Bankan Tey kT: . These cognates should correspond to Yanda Dom #koKT, not koKo. Blessedly, there is also a second set for  frown , including Bey Tey komo and Jamsay komro, so there is some hope of making historical sense of the Yanda Dom form. It may also be that the verb  frown is secondarily derived from the nominal gide-koK. The inventory of [ATR] C[N[ and CTNT stems from my working lexicon is given in (22), with selected cognates. Except as noted, there is evidence for an original *CvCCv shape. (22) [-ATR] C[N[ and CTNT verbs stem gloss cognates a. C[N[ good evidence for original *C[CC[ [m[  squeeze Nanga [mbi z[n[  pick up Tommo So jerre, Najamba j[nj[ m[n[  roll up, fold Nanga mundo, Bankan Tey minde p[r[  rebalance Tommo So p[rr[, Nanga pinji n[K[  spur Ben Tey n[Kgi, Mombo nTKg[ z[n[  pick up Najamba j[nj[, Tommo So jerre, Mombo g[Kgy[ original *CaCa s[r [  dredge out Bey Tey sani, Pergue sana, Najamba say, Nanga and Tommo So sa: b. CTNT good evidence for original *CTCCT tTnT  lengthen (thread) Nanga tTndi zTKT  treat (medically) Pergue jTKgT possible mediopassive *CTC-CT TrT  be tired Yorno So TrT, Tommo So Tri-y[ historically problematic cases Tr T  (well) be eroded Tommo So TdT, Yorno So Tr T, Nanga wTrT, Jamsay and Bankan Tey wT:r T Tr T  give enema to Nanga, Bey Tey, and Pergue Tr T, Najamba Tn[ Some further comments on the more difficult cases. First, s[r [  dredge out (22a) does not derive from *CvCCv, but this verb probably shifted from *CaCa to C[C[, arriving at the latter vocalism via a quite different route than in the other examples. Second, TrT  be tired (22b), which has few known cognates, may be the result of Syncope of *Tri-yT (with mediopassive suffix as in Tommo So), via *Tr-rT or *Tn-jT depending on how the post-syncope consonant cluster was handled. If the verb had this *CTN-NT shape at the time when *CTNT verbs shifted to *CoCT, it would have escaped the shift. To complement this historical analysis it is necessary to show that the mixed-ATR CeN[ and CoNT verbs with final a in the A/O-stem derive from *CvCv rather than *CvCCv. In practice this means finding cognates in Dogon languages and dialects that, in other stems, do preserve medial clusters (Pergue, Nanga, Tommo So, Ben Tey, Bankan Tey, Najamba, but not Jamsay and Togo Kan). As can be seen by comparing the Yanda Dom forms with cognates (23), the verbs in question generally reconstruct as *CvCv. Where the evidence is mixed, we give priority to Najamba on grounds of genetic subgrouping with Yanda Dom. (23) Mixed-ATR CeN[ and CoNT verbs with final a in A/O-stem stem gloss cognates a. CeN[ with A/O-stem CeNa- good evidence for original *C[C[ cem[  pinch Tommo So k[m[ sem[  cut throat of; saw Najamba and Nanga s[m[ nem[  hit (target) Nanga n[m[, Pergue n[w [ ner [  hone (blade) Nanga n[r i, Najamba na r der [  spend day Ben Tey d[r [, Najamba d[n[ ber [  become giddy Ben Tey and Nanga b[r [ yeK[  sift Najamba r[K[, Ben Tey and Pergue yige, but Tommo So y[Kg[ reconstruction uncertain cer [  (moon) appear no known cognates per [  trim (beard) no known cognates dem[  hit possible cognates are Bankan Tey d[m[ and Nanga dumo  butt with head a. CoNT with A/O-stem CoNa- good evidence for original *CTCT gomT  rot Najamba gTm[, Bankan Tey gTmT tomT  wrap up Tommo So tTmT, Pergue tT: toKT  hobble (animal) mixed: Najamba t[K[, Tommo So t[[ , Nanga teKi, Bey Tey t[y i, but Pergue tTKgT, Bankan Tey tTKgi goKT  carry on side Tommo So gTKT tor T  turn on (flashlight) Pergue, Nanga, and Bey Tey tTr T kor T  pick (fruit) Nanga kTr T, Toro Tegu kTrT, Tommo So kT[ dor T  sell Pergue dTr T, Tommo So dTnT gor T  be stronger Nanga, Bey Tey, and Pergue gTr T evidence mixed but closely related Najamba supports *CTCT toKT  write Najamba tTK[, Tommo So tTKT, Nanga tTKi, Bankan Tey tTw , but Bey Tey tTKgu, Pergue tTKgT toKT  (fire) be lit Najamba tTg[, Tommo So t[K[, Nanga taKi, but Bey Tey taKgi, Pergue taKga goKT  go around Najamba gTK[, Tommo So gTKT, Nanga goKi, but Pergue gTKgT, Bankan Tey goKgiri, Bey Tey gTKu ~ gTKgu reconstruction uncertain bomT  peek at no cognates konT  turn around no cognates denominal toKT  do (business) probably denominal from noun toK, cf. Nanga tTKgi problematic (with medial cluster in some cognates) koKo  collect last food (Pergue kTKgT, Nanga kTnji, Bey Tey ceKge, Tommo So kTKTlT) nomT  sag Najamba nTnj[, Nanga nTmbi, Bankan Tey lTmbi, Ben Tey nTmji, Pergue lomdo , Tommo So nTmmT (set may include suffixal derivatives) gonT  turn (head) Tommo So gTnnT, Mombo gTnd[, but Ben Tey gTli, Yorno So gTnT, Pergue gTlT I have focused on verb stems, where the vocalic patterns are clearest and most significant. A fuller study would also look at nouns and other substantives. There are two important nouns with e-[ sequences: zem[  blacksmith and jem[  black . Cognates point to reconstructions like *z[mb[  blacksmith and *j[m[  black . My guess is that  black shows the regular vocalic treatment, and that  black influenced  blacksmith . Another problematic noun is [m[  milk . Some cognates point to ungeminated medial *m (Nanga [m[, Ben Tey [m[y ), while others point to a geminate or even nongeminate cluster (Tebul Ure [mn[, Bankan Tey [mm[y ). The vocalic distinctions described in this section are phonetically subtle, but since they make sense historically I currently consider them to be valid. My second informant, however, does not distinguish CeN[ and CoNT stems from C[N[ and CTNT stems, respectively, so for him there is no ATR disharmony. I suspect that this is typical at least for younger speakers. Stem of shape C[: with A/O-stem C[ya- The set of verbs of the form C[: is in (24). The Estem is regular. Their peculiarity is an A/O-stem C[ya-, with what functions synchronically as an epenthetic y separating [ from a. Compare the y in Estem Caye- from Ca: stems (16a). Historically, the verbs in (24) reflect the merger of old *C[y[ and *C[: stems into a single paradigm with features of both original paradigms; see 10.2.1.11 for details. (24) bare Perf Imprt PerfNeg ImpfNeg gloss stem Estem A/Ostem A/Ostem bare stem C[: from *C[y[ and *C[: t[: t[: t[ya t[yali t[:nan  sprout s[: s[: s[ya s[yali s[:nan  trim (hair) u-final stems with stem-final alternation a ~ u Finally, there is a set of verbs (25) with a in the first syllable and a stem-final alternation between u, a, and (in the E-stem) e or [ (lexical choice). This is the only stem-vocalism class for non-borrowed CvCv and CvCCv verbs with nonfinal a, and the only type of stem that ever ends in u. I will refer to it loosely as the u-final class. It does not extend to stem shapes involving a long vowel or more than two syllables. Instead, we get final [ (or T) in suffixal derivatives like na:-nd[  cause to go past , from the u-final stem na K  go past , and in stems like pa:b[  protect . The u is deleted by Stem-Final u-Deletion (3.6.3.2) after most unclustered sonorants. This deletion may result in alternations between syllable-final n and intervocalic r , as in  do, make . In the bare stem, no other productive class has Cfinal stems. All stems with final C in the bare stem, except for un  go and zi n  take, convey , have a nonfinal-syllable with a and belong to the u-final class. (25) u-final verbs bare Perf Imprt PerfNeg ImpfNeg gloss stem Estem A/Ostem A/Ostem bare stem tambu tambe tamba tambali tambunan  kick manu mane mana manali manunan  cook (meal) kan kar e- kar a kar a-li kan-nan-  do, make Of course the final e is limited to the Estem. The fact that we get e rather than [ is another indication that a-vocalism tilts to the [+ATR] side of the vowel-harmonic divide. On the other hand, harmonically sensitive derivatives like reversive pagu-l[  untie consistently have suffixal [ATR] vowels with u-final verbs, so it seems that these stems (i.e. those with lexical a-vocalism) can shift between plus and minus values of ATR depending on context. An informant at one point claimed a phonetic distinction between the perfectives name  stepped on (bare stem namu, {LH}/{LH} tone class) and name  ground up (millet) (bare stem na m, {LH}/{L} tone class). However, no distinction could be heard in spite of many repetitions. The fact that the bare stems and some inflected forms of these two verbs are clearly distinct may have influenced the informants judgement. The most striking detail in (25) is the stem-final u in the bare stem, contrasting with stem-final a in the A/O-stem. The apparent shift from a to u is phonologically more drastic than the simple feature shifts seen across the stem-vocalism classes in the A/O-stem; it has more the flavor of the E-stem, which imposes a specific stem-final vowel (subject, however, to ATR-harmony). One could posit lexical representations of the type /tamba/ with nothing but a vowels, combined with a morphophonological rule replacing stem-final a by u in the bare stem. The latter could be called the Ustem, though functionally it corresponds to the bare stem (or chaining stem). Historically, the Ustem is likely a vestige of an older system where a final high vowel was typical of the bare stem (i.e. the form of the verb used in chains). Segmental phonological rules Transsyllabic consonantal processes There is not much in the way of productive processes modifying consonants. Some Dogon languages have complex interactions of suffix-initial consonants with the consonant of the stem-final syllable, especially when the final vowel syncopates. Nasalization-Spreading, e.g. from stem to suffixal consonants, is also common in Dogon languages. What little Yanda Dom has is confined to verbal derivational suffixation. The reversive derivative is fairly regular, so it provides few alternations, but see be affixed (26a). Most of the alternations involve the transitive suffix dv (26be). Usually the stem consonant changes (or disappears), but in (26b) the suffixal consonant is what changes. For most of the alternations listed I can cite only one or a handful of examples. If there is a general theme, it is that some coronal sequences are favored (ll, rd), others are problematic. (26f) is a fortition process. (26) a. d(v) to l before l (assimilation) tadu  be affixed tal-l[  (sth affixed) be removed (9.1) b. suffixal d (in transitive -dv) to r after d (dissimilation) kTndi-y[  be bent kTndi-rT  bend (e.g. stick) (9.3.1.1) c. dv or lv or y(v) to r before d (dissimilation?) kTdi-yT  be hung up kTr-dT  hang (sth) up (9.3.1.1) bulu-yo  put on pants buru-d[  put pants on (sb) (9.3.1.1) gay-y[  lie on back gar-d[  lay (sb) on his/her back d. dv or lv to zero before d (truncation, Cv-dv output) t[di-y[  (mat) be laid t[-d[  lay out (mat) (9.3.1.1) d[li-y[  be set d[-d[  set, put down (9.3.1.1) e. j(v) or (gv) to zero before d (lenition, Cv:-dv output) goj-jo  be inserted go:-do  insert (9.3.1.3) taj-j[  put on shoes ta:-d[  put shoes on (sb) (9.3.1.1) (cf. tagi-l[  take off [shoes]) f. y to j after nasal or stop (fortition) nuKu-lT  get undressed nun-jT  put on (clothes) (9.1) tagi-l[  take off shoes taj-j[  put on shoes (9.3.1.1) Some even more opaque alternations are seen with transitive allomorph ndv, e.g. nun-jT  get dressed versus nu:-ndT  dress (sb) . It is hard to tell whether the n of the suffix is consubstantial with the medial nasal; many but not all examples involve stems with a medial nasal. For the data see 9.3.1.23. r and n There are alternations of syllable-final n with intervocalic r . In these cases I take r as lexically basic, and posit that r becomes n syllable-finally (a position that does not allow r ). The best examples are from Car v verbs that have a bare stem with no final vowel (after apocope), versus presuffixal forms with a final vowel, as before the perfective negative suffix (27a). The verb  burn shows that true Canv verbs keep n presuffixally (27b). Historically,  burn reflects *dandv with medial cluster (Nanga dandi, Tommo So danna) (27) bare stem perfective negative gloss a. wa n war a-li  (vine) spread kan kar a-li  do ba n bar a-li  become red ;  be hot season ba n bar a-li  beat (tomtom) da n dar a-li  (syrup) thicken pan par a-li  boil up b. da n dana-li  burn Two consecutive rhotic syllables with r appear to be avoided. Thus war in[  stretch (animal hide) . Nasalization-Spreading I did not observe systematic Nasalization-Spreading. If it were present we should expect mediopassive yv and (deadjectival) inchoative -yv to appear regularly as y v after nasal syllables. I hear plain y. Mediopassive examples: pami-y[  come up beside , muni-yo  coil self up , nini-y[  trip (be tripped) . Mediopassive data are sparse since Cvn-jv with syncope then fortition of y to j is more usual (9.3.1.2). Inchoative example: na:ni-y[  become easy . As a consequence, nasalized {r y w } are treated here as independent phonemes. One might consider recognizing Nasalization-Spreading, or an effectively equivalent constraint, inside Nvy (v) and Nvr (v) stems like niy [  drink , miy [  grind into powder , muy T  be patient , may  dry , nar a  truth , However, I also recorded a few counterexamples like tamoro  date (fruit) (<*tamboro:). Note the minimal pair may [  become dry versus may[  those (distant) . Vocalism of suffixally derived verbs Some derivational verbal suffixes do show phonological integration with the input stem. Reversive suffix -lv- (9.1) has surface forms {-l[ -le -lT -lo} depending on the front/back and ATR vocalism of the stem. The variant -l[ is also used after ufinal stems (whose lexical vocalism is based on a), as in namu-l[  take foot off from namu  step on . The same suffixal vocalism is observed with mediopassive -yv- and transitive -dv- (9.3.11). We can think of the stem-suffix combination as subject to the constraints applicable to unsegmentable CvCvCv and similar stem shapes. Transitive allomorph -nd[ is more stable, since the stem shape is Cv:-nd[ with long vowel (9.3.1.2). The main causative suffix (9.2) appears as -m[ ( -mT, with -m[ as unmarked allomorph and -mT used inconsistently after back rounded stem vowels. Unlike other suffixes, the causative follows the bare stem of the verb, suggesting a verb chain rather than the derivation of a typical verb stem. Presuffixal V2-Raising Bisyllabic stems raise their final vowel to high {i u} before reversive -lv-, and (subject to some disfiguring consonantal changes) before mediopassive -yv- and transitive -dv-. In some cases the high vowel is then syncopated, and the raising can be thought of as the first stage of lenition of short vowels in the weak metrical position. Reversive examples are m[n[  fold , m[ni-l[  unfold , and sTgT  loop , sTgu-l[  unloop . More examples are in 9.1. We get i from {e [} and u from {o T}. There are no examples with stem-final a, since in bisyllabic verb stems the final a is shifted to u even word-finally (namu  step on ). Vocalic rules sensitive to syllabic or metrical structure Epenthesis I know of no epenthesis processes Stem-Final u-Deletion (u-final verbs) As a productive process producing synchronic alternations, deletion of vowels is confined to loss of short high vowels in verb stems. There is no difference between the way this applies word-internally (syncope) and word-finally (apocope). Stem-Final u-Deletion applies in stem-final position in verbs. There is a large class of ufinal verbs, which have final u in the bare stem (and related forms). The allowable stem shapes are CvCv and CvCCv. Whether this final u is lexical, or reflects a morphophonological shift of stem-final /a/ to u in these particular stems, is discussed briefly in 3.5.1.6 and 3.6.3.2. The deletion applies to /u/ in a noninitial syllable following an unclustered sonorant (e.g. Calu-). The attested cases involve {lm K r r }, with the further provision that /r / shifts to n in syllable-final position after the /u/ is deleted. All examples known to me are in (28a). However, some verbs with unclustered medial m, and all known cases with unclustered medial n, retain the u (28d). Deletion does not occur after an unclustered obstruent (28c) or a cluster (28d). I know of no u-final stem with a medial semivowel {yw} or back nasal. (28) Inventory of u-final Verb Stems bare stem gloss a. final u deleted after unclustered {lm K r r }, then /r /( n with m na m (/namu/)  grind kam (/kamu/)  squeeze with /r / becoming syllable-final n ba n (/bar u/)  beat (tomtoms) kan (/kar u/)  do wa n (/war u/)  ramify with other sonorants sal (/salu/)  grind coarsely la l (/lalu/)  bear (child) za l (/zalu/)  irrigate za l (/zalu/)  rake up gu l (/gulu/)  harvest (peanuts) wa l (/walu/)  scoop (water, in hand) za K (/zaKu/)  pound (fruit pits) da K (/daKu/)  do spot sowing na K (/naKu/)  pass by par (/paru/)  cook (soft millet cakes) b. exceptions to (a), u not deleted after unclustered {nm} with n manu  cook (meal) danu  hunt anu  fry lightly with m amu  (millet spike) grow flowers (red fuzz) amu  tie on (second wrap, to carry child) namu  step on b. no deletion of u after obstruents with sibilant pasu  press out (oil) wazu  be left over with stop abu  accept, receive adu  (healer) suck (blood) gabu  build (courtyard wall) gabu  become tall tabu  touch zabu  slap on (wet earth, on wall) badu  help tadu  replaster (wall, roof) madu  become lost kagu  be charred gagu  rub (sb) into the ground c. no deletion of /u/ after clusters dambu  push manbu  laugh tambu  kick ganzu  scratch Note the minimal pair na m  grind (28a) versus namu  step on (28b). namu  step on had a cluster *mb at an earlier point, cf. cognates Nanga nambi and Pergue namba with the same sense. Whether the other cases in (28b) also originally had clusters is not clear at this time. Syncope CvC(C)v- to CvC- before verbal derivational suffix Syncope from CvC(C)v-Cv to CvC-Cv occurs under limited conditions in connection with the suffixation of mediopassive -yv, transitive -dv, reversive lv, or causative -m[. In each case the flanking consonants must be favorable to consonant-cluster formation. Therefore the phonologically defined set of stems that undergoes Syncope is different from one derivational suffix to another. Mediopassive suffix -yv, which is productive with verb stems (9.3.1), combines with most CvC(C)v stems unproblematically as CvC(C)v-yv. In this case the only phonological issues are those due to vowel-sequence and tone-contour constraints. However, expected #CvKv-yv appears as Cvn-jv, and expected #Cvgv-yv or #Cvjv-yv as Cvj-jv. Only underlying trisyllabic sequences (including the suffix) are affected. The derivation is somewhat tricky; I suggest (29). (29) Derivation of syncopated CvC-jv- a. vocalic and tonal constraints for trisyllabic stems apply so that the derived CvCv-yv has a medial high vowel {iu} b. short high vowel is syncopated in second syllable of CvCv-yv, with flanking consonants C2 and y playing a conditioning role c. /y/ hardens to j after a nasal or stop d. C2 (if velar) assimilates in position to the following j The known examples involving CvKv are in (30a). There is one example with a CvKgv stem (30b). (30) CvK(g)v- to mediopassive Cvn-jv- Mediop gloss related form(s) a. Cvn-jv < CvKv- zin-j[  ride double ziK[  have (sb) ride double ban-j[  hide (self) adjective ba K  secret , ba:-nd[  hide (sth) din-j[  become firm adjective diKu  firm (ground) j[n-j[  be tilted, bent adverb j[K  tilted , j[:-nd[  tilt, bend (sth) nun-jT  get dressed reversive nuKu-lT  get undressed b. Cvn-jv < CvKgv- pan-j[  choke on food paKgi-li-y[  dislodge food that one is choking on (reversive) I know of no CvKv or CvKgv stems that fail to syncopate before the mediopassive suffix. On the other hand, syncope does not apply when the medial vowel is a non-velar nasal: gini-ye  slip out of position , pami-y[  be up against , kar i-y[  be done, be possible . The known examples of Cvjv- or Cvgv- combining with the mediopassive suffix are in (31). (31) Cvjv- or Cvgv- to mediopassive Cvj-jv- Mediop gloss related form(s) Tj-j[  become hot Tju  hot; fast , T:-di-y[  be fast taj-j[  put on shoes tagi-l[  take off shoes , noun taju  shoes gTj-j[  carry over shoulder gTr-dT  sling (sth) over the shoulder of (sb else)  Become hot is synchronically best derived from /Tju-y[/, though Dogon cognates have g rather than j in the adjective  hot and its related inchoative verb.  Put on shoes is more closely related morphophonologically to the reversive verb than to the related noun, so I favor /tagu-y[/ as underlying form. This suggests that both Cvjv and Cvgv are subject to syncope before the mediopassive suffix. I know of no counterexamples. As noted above, syncope only applies to the second syllable (from the left) in a CvCv-Cv& sequence. Therefore it does not apply in such examples as wezu-gi-ye  become crazy where the relevant segmental lineup is in the third syllable from the left. Transitive suffix -dv, which is often paired with mediopassive -yv to form doublets (9.3.1.1), also frequently syncopates a preceding CvC(C)v stem. However, this time the favored preceding C(C) is labial. Specifically, Cvbv becomes Cvb-dv, and Cvmv become Cvm-dv. The known examples are in (32). The conversion of Cvmbv to Cvm-dv could be analysed as a special case of syncope, with intermediate /Cvmb-dv/ then simplifying /mbd/ to md. Alternatively, Cvm-dv could be produced directly by truncating the /bv/. I know of no cases where an input verb of these three shapes fails to syncopate before dv. (32) Cvbv and Cvmbv to transitive Cvb-dv and Cvm-dv transitive gloss related form(s) a. Cvb-dv < Cvbv- ob-do  have (sb) sit obi-yo  sit zib-do  gird (sb) zibi-yo  gird self (with wrap) tTb-dT  wrap turban on (sb) tTbi-yo  wrap turban on oneself ib-d[  frighten (sb) ibi-y[  be afraid b. Cvm-dv < Cvmv- pam-d[  put beside pami-y[  come up beside c. Cvm-dv < Cvmbv- bam-d[  have (sb) carry bambi-y[  carry on back yam-d[  cover (sb) yambi-y[  cover (self) Clearly the conditions for syncope before transitive -dv differ from those before mediopassive -yv. In particular, the forms in the rightmost column in (32) above show resoundingly that medial labials do not allow syncope before mediopassive -yv. A medial r allows Syncope, apparently optionally, before -dv (33). Because r is a tap, it is difficult to determine whether the burst of air on its release counts as a vowel. (33) Cvrv to transitive Cvr-dv transitive gloss related form(s) gar-d[  lay (sb) on back gay-y[  lie on back w[r-d[  teach; accustom (sb) w[:-di-y[  be taught; become accustomed gor-do  put hat on (sb) Note also transitive gor-do  put hat on (sb) , though this is best interpreted synchronically as a dissimilation from /godu-do/, see 3.6.4.5, below. It is more difficult to determine whether medial velars, which favor syncope before -yv, do or do not also allow syncope before -dv. Pairs like gogo  (calabash) be hung , transitive go:-do  hang (calabash) , and dagu  turn out well , transitive da:-nd[  do (sth) well , suggest that the regular treatment of Cvgv before transitive -dv or allomorph -ndv is to delete the /g/ and contract the resulting vowel sequence to a long vowel. The same applies to CvKv, as shown by several pairs like na K (for /naKu/)  go past and transitive na:-nd[  cause to go past . One (classic generative-phonological) interpretation of these phenomena is that Velar-Deletion precedes and bleeds Syncope, in which case the latter rule does not need to exclude the velar cases. In any event, the morphophonology of transitive -dv and especially of the variant -ndv is not fully transparent. Reversive suffix -lv (9.1) does not syncopate stems with either a medial velar or a medial labial: kumu-lT  untie , tTbulT  unroll turban , pagu-l[  untie , diKi-l[  untie (knot) . Instead, it syncopates stems with a medial {dl} to produce an ll cluster (34). For /dl/ to ll, see Stop-to-Lateral Assimilation (3.6.4.2). (34) Cvdv and Cvlv to reversive Cvl-lv reversive gloss related form(s) a. Cvl-lv < Cvdv gollo  take off (hat) godiyo  put on (hat) , noun godu  hat , but transitive gor-do  put hat on (sb) pille  open (door) pide  shut (door) talla  be unglued tadu  become affixed (e.g. glued) gil-l[  un-immobilize gid[  immobilize (e.g. car) b. Cvl-lv < Cvlv mille  unbraid (rope) mile  braid (rope) Cvnv- stems do not syncopate: konu-lo  unroll (mat) , munu-lo  untangle . I know of no Cvrv or Cvr v stems with reversives. However, cognates in several other Dogon languages for the  put on hat stem (34a) have r. Syncope is not normal before causative -m[. There are some CvC-m[ causatives that derive from *CvCv-mv, but since the underived stems are now CvC even without a suffix there is no synchronic evidence for Syncope. However, I can cite sin-m[  cause to be sated from sir e  be sated (full after eating) . vShortening A sequence of the type Cv:CCv may be created in a suffixally derived verb stem, either by Medial C-Deletion from /CvCv-CCv/, by Syncope from /Cv:Cv-Cv/, or by Lateral Doubling from /Cv:-lv/ If the medial CC cluster is a homorganic stop-nasal cluster, i.e. a cluster that allows a preceding long vowel, nothing more happens. This is the case when Medial C-Deletion is involved, since the suffix in question is transitive allomorph ndv. Thus na:-nd[  cause to go past from na K  go past . However, ll does not allow a preceding long vowel. Consider the data in (35). (35) a. d[:d[  extend, hold out (e.g. arm) d[l-l[  retract, pull back (extended arm) b. ko:  cover (calabash) with (animal) hide kol-lo  remove animal hide from (calabash) The phonological derivations are not completely transparent. However, a reasonable derivation of the reversive form in (35a) is from /d[:d[-l[/ (or /d[:dul[/ with the medial vowel raised) via Syncope of the medial vowel (3.6.3.3, above) followed by Stop-to-Lateral Assimilation (3.6.4.3, below). This would get us to /d[:l-l[/, whose long vowel must still be shortened to produce d[l-l[. In (35b), the conversion from /Cv:-lv/ to Cvl-lv might be done in a single step, if we focus on output constraints (i.e. on allowable shapes for reversive verb stems). Alternatively, we can do it in two steps, with Lateral Doubling getting us to /ko:l-lo/ (one might also segment this as /ko:-llo/), requiring us to then shorten the long vowel before ll. (36) vShortening A long vowel is shortened before a CC cluster (within the word) other than a homorganic nasal-stop cluster Local consonant cluster rules The following sections describe adjustments to consonants depending on their position (intervocalic, syllable-final, in clusters). There are some interactions with the vocalic rules discussed above, and some interactions among the consonantal rules themselves. Derhoticization (/r / to n) In (37a), we see an alternation between syllable-final (including word-final) n produced by Stem-Final u-Deletion (3.6.3.3, above) and intervocalic r , which I take to be lexically basic. The shift from /r / to n is easily motivated since rhotics do not occur in syllable-final position. The intervocalic n in (37b) and many other examples shows that no general rule of the type /n/ to r could be justified synchronically, whatever the historical situation may have been. (37) a. ba n  beat (tomtoms) bar amu  he/she will beat (tomtoms) b. manu  cook (meal) manamu  he/she will cook (meal) (38) Derhoticization /r / > n in syllable-final position Lateral-Doubling (/Cv:-lv-/ to Cvl-lv-) Consider what happens when a Cv: verb is combined with reversive -lv. The two examples in (39) are the only ones known to me. (39) a. ko:  cover (calabash) with hide (to make a tomtom) (cf. Nanga kowro) kol-lo  remove animal hide from (calabash) b. da :  cover the opening of (jar) with a cloth (cf. Nanga d[wi) dal-l[  remove cover from (jar) Historically, these reversives were *Cvw-lv- or some transformation thereof. Current speakers of course have no evidence for the *w. The most reasonable synchronic analysis is that *Cv:-lv- reversives are disallowed and must be converted into an acceptable shape, with Cvl-lv- being the phonologically closest acceptable shape. (40) Lateral-Doubling A Cv: stem combines with reversive -lv as Cvl-lv. There are no known counterexamples. The formulation in (40) is a one-step process aimed at an output target. Another approach would be to separate Lateral Doubling (3.6.4.2) from v-Shortening (3.6.3.4, above). The derivation would then be of the form /Cv:-lv/ becoming /Cv:l-lv/ or (with a different segmentation) /Cv:-llv/ by Lateral Doubling, then Cvl-lv by v-Shortening. The v-Shortening rule is also needed (though rarely) in derivations involving Syncope. Stop-to-Lateral Assimilation (/dl/ > ll) There is evidence from suffixal verb derivation, especially reversives (regular suffix -lv), for an assimilation /dl/ to ll. In (41), the reversive is shown under the corresponding non-reversive form. (41) a. godiyo  put on (hat) (mediopassive) gollo  take off (hat) b. pide  shut (door) pille  open (door) c. tadu  become affixed (e.g. glued on) tal-la  be unglued, (something affixed) be taken off d. gid[  immobilize (e.g. car, with a stone under a wheel) gil-l[  un-immobilize, remove object immobilizing (sth) This is the Yanda Dom counterpart to what I have called  Rhotic Assimilation in some other Dogon languages, where /rl/ appears as ll. For the prior Syncope reducing /Cvdv-lv/ to /Cvd-lv/, creating the conditions for the assimilation, see 3.6.3.3, above. (42) Stop-to-Lateral Assimilation /dl/ > ll l-to-r Shift This shift is attested in one alternation (43). (43) transitive gloss related forms buru-d[  put pants on (sb) bul  pants , mediopassive bulu-yo  put pants on (self) , I know of no other Cvlv stem with a transitive suffixal derivative. The shift to r therefore might be considered regular, though only one example is known. (44) l-to-r Shift Stem Cvlv combines with transitive -dv as Cvrv-dv This alternation suggests that Cvru-dv is a favored shape for transitive derivatives, while #Cvlu-dv is not. Cvru-dv also arises by dvd-Dissimilation (3.6.4.5). These two processes are closely related and might be combined into one, in which case the role of dissimilation as such would be demoted. There is an alternative treatment of /Cvlu-dv/, namely Medial Cv-Truncation to just Cv-dv (3.6.4.7). It is possible that the initial consonant of the stem plays a role in choosing between l-to-r Shift and Medial Cv-Truncation, with an initial alveolar favoring the latter. dvd-Dissimilation (/dv-d/(rv-d) There are two alternations where it appears that a Cvdv- stem has shifted to Cvrv- by dissimilation to a following d in the transitive suffix -dv. (45) transitive gloss related forms gor-do  put hat on (sb) mediopassive godi-yo  put hat on (self) kTr-dT  hang (sth) up mediopassive kTdi-yT  be hung up There is no reason for r to shift to d before the mediopassive suffix -yv, and so no reason to posit underlying r. By contrast, there is a reason (dissimilation) for d to shift to r in this morphological context. The noun godu  hat has d, further supporting lexical (underlying) d. Therefore the (synchronic) directionality seems clear. Cvru-dv is a favored shape for transitive derivatives; this is also the output of l-to-r Shift (3.6.4.4). There is also one case where the suffixal d shifts to r. This is transitive kTndi-rT  bend (e.g. stick) , cf. mediopassive kTndi-y[. Here the d in the stem could not shift to r, since it is clustered with a preceding nasal (r occurs only between vowels). So the next best thing is to dissimilate the suffixal d to r. (46) dvd-Dissimilation a) Cvdv stem combines with transitive -dv as Cvru-dv b) Cvndv stem combines with transitive -dv as Cvndv-rv In one case neither of these dissimilations is applied; instead, the stem-final dv is deleted, leaving just one d. For t[-d[  lay out (mat) versus t[di-y[  (mat) be laid out , see Medial Cv-Truncation (3.6.4.7), below. Medial C-Deletion In some verbal derivatives with transitive suffix -dv (-ndv), an expected #CvCu-dv (with raised medial vowel) appears instead as Cv:-dv or Cv:-ndv. The most straightforward account is that the medial C is deleted and the flanking vowels contract into a long vowel. It is convenient (but not crucial) to have the C-Deletion and vv-Contraction precede (and block) the raising of the medial vowel to u (or i). The relevant examples are in (47). (47) transitive gloss related forms a. -dv suffix with deletion of medial {g j} ta:-d[  put shoes on (sb) mediopassive taj-j[  put shoes on (self) , reversive tagi-l[  take off (shoes) , noun taju  shoe po:-do  lay (cross-poles) mediopassive poj-jo  (cross-poles) be laid ; noun poju  cross-poles (in roof) l[:-d[  insert (as mark) l[g[  insert , mediopassive l[j-j[  slip oneself in b. -ndv suffix with deletion of medial nasal ba:-nd[  hide (sth) reversive baKi-l[  uncover, reveal i:-nd[  stop (sth) mediopassive Yriy[ ~ i:riy[  (sth) stop nu:-ndT  dress (sb) mediopassive nun-jT  get dressed , reversive nuKu-lT  get undressed j[:-nd[  tilt (sth) mediopassive j[n-j[  be tilted tu:-nd[  cause to kneel mediopassive tun-j[  kneel na:-nd[  cause to go past na K  go past c. -ndv suffix with deletion of medial non-nasal {g w} da:-nd[  do (sth) well dagu  turn out well su:ndo  take down suwo  go down A similar process is observed in one deadjectival inchoative: T:-di-y[  be fast , cf. adjective Tju  fast; hot (contrast inchoative Tj-j[  become hot , in mediopassive form). ba:-nd[  hide (sth) (47b) has a homonym, not directly relevant here, meaning  fill (sth) , from ba :  become full . The most straightforward interpretation of the data in (47) is that the medial C is deleted and the resulting vv cluster contracts to a long vowel. (48) Medial C-Deletion Stem CvCv with medial nasal or {g j w} loses its medial consonant before transitive dv (-ndv) This is always followed by vv-Contraction. y can be added to the list of deletable consonants if we analyse du:-d[  have (sb) carry (sth) on head as derived from mediopassive di-y[  carry (sth) on head . However, this derivation is not transparent because of the vowel-quality alternation. Conceivably di-y[ could be derived from /du-y[/, but there is no other evidence for /u/ > i before y, and one might have expected /du-y[/ to surface as #du-yT. There is a possible alternative analysis of the phenomena in (47). Notice that the majority of cases involving suffix allomorph ndv as opposed to dv) are those where the deleted medial C is a nasal (47b). We should therefore consider the possibility that the suffix-allomorphic n is a trace of the deleted nasal. However, aside from the difficulty in formulating such a rule, the counterexamples in (47c), reinforced by ba:-nd[ in the sense  fill from ba :  become full , show that no simple phonological rule can account for all cases of ndv allomorph. This is the synchronic situation, but comparative evidence suggests that the counterexamples in (47c) once actually did have stem-medial nasals in the transitive form. Compare the Yanda Dom transitive forms there with Jamsay sunu-Ko  take down (irregularly from sugo  go down ), and with Jamsay danaKa, Pergue danga, and Ben Tey dangi  get ready (especially:  arrange one s baggage for traveling ). The semantic gap between  turn out well and  get ready is only apparent. Yanda Dom dagu has a broad set of contextual senses  turn out well ,  be well-made ,  (garment) fit well ,  be acceptable , and  come to an agreement . Nanga daga  be acceptable and its derivative dagi-ri  get ready show the suggested semantic connection. Jamsay daca  turn out well (not very common) is etymologically, but no longer synchronically, connected with danaKa  get ready. Medial Cv-Truncation In the preceding section we saw cases where CvCv-(n)dv becomes Cv:-(n)dv, by deletion of the medial C followed by vv-Contraction, resulting in a long vowel. There are also some cases where the medial Cv syllable appears to disappear completely. To avoid confusion of the two processes, I will call this Medial Cv-Truncation. The known examples are in (49). (49) transitive gloss related mediopassive a. Cv-dv from Cvdv t[-d[  lay out (mat) t[di-y[  (mat) be laid b. Cv-dv from Cvlv d[-d[  set, put down d[li-y[  be set ubT kT-dT  pour liquid on (sth) kTli-ye  pour water on self , cf. ubT  pour c. Cv:-dv from Cv:lv yu:-nd[  wake (sb) up yu:li-y[  (sb) wake up The phonology of these forms is problematic. The three CvCv stems that undergo truncation (49ab) have medial {dl}. There are no examples in the preceding section of these specific consonants undergoing Medial CDeletion, which does apply to stems with medial {gjw} or a nasal. However, both Cvdv and Cvlv have an alternative phonological treatment before transitive -dv that does not involve loss of segments, namely shifting to Cvrv-dv with medial r, by the closely related processes l-to-r Shift (3.6.4.4) or dvd-Dissimilation (3.6.4.4). Given the small number of verb stems involved, it is difficult to determine which treatment is productive and which exceptional. One can partially motivate the choice by noting that two of the three cases in (49ab) involve stem-initial alveolar {td}, while all of the cases of l-to-r Shift and dvd-Dissimilation involve stem-initial labial or velar C. However, pour liquid in (49b) also begins with a velar. The example in (49c) is also difficult, this time because the first-syllable vowel is already long in the input. This means that either Medial CDeletion or Medial Cv-Truncation would give us the required Cv:-ndv output. I opt for Medial Cv-Truncation since the medial consonant is l, as in (49b), and since the heavy syllabic shape makes an analysis with the medial syllable truncated reasonable. Vowel-vowel and vowel-semivowel sequences Hiatus between adjacent vowels in reduplications In compounds whose first element ends in a vowel and whose second element is -e:  child (with various semantic extensions), my assistant strongly prefers a careful pronunciation with the vowels separately articulated, as in sembe-e:  distaff and anzu-e:  roselle seed(s) . Similar careful pronunciations occur in other compounds such as kuda-a n  wild-grape seed mash , and in iterated (fully reduplicated) forms like intensifier oro-oro  (head) completely shaven . Of course in rapid speech the careful pronunciation is not always respected. I know of no cases where a vowel-initial stem is preceded by a (C)v- reduplicative segment, which would likely also lead to separate pronunciation of the vowels (as in several other Dogon languages). In verbal morphology no such inter-vowel breaks occur. In the few examples where a CvCv stem loses its medial consonant before a derivational suffix, by Medial C-Deletion (3.6.4.6), the resulting vowel sequence contracts to a long vowel. The E-stem of verbs (as in the perfective) involves a stem-final vowel change. It could be analysed as suffixation of an e-like vowel that fuses with the stem-final vowel. The same-subject subordinating suffix e: ( [: has a similar phonology; indeed, it could be taken as a lengthened form of the E-stem (15.2.3). The A/O-stem involves more minor stem-final vocalic feature changes and is not readily analysable as the addition of a vocalic suffix. Derivational and inflectional verbal suffixes begin with consonants. vv-Contraction (v1v2 > v1:) If the analysis of Medial-C Deletion (3.6.4.6, above) is accepted, we have a number of cases where CvCv- contracts to Cv:- before the transitive suffix by deletion of the medial C and subsequent contraction of the two flanking vowels. In all cases, the quality of the first of the two vowels survives. (50) vv-Contraction v1v2 contracts to v1: If formulated in this way, it does not matter whether vv-Contraction precedes or follows the raising of the second vowel in a trisyllabic derivative. The raised vowel will always be the v2 in the contraction. However, it might be preferable to have vv-Contraction precede this raisng. Because of the constraints on vowel sequences in verb stems, the two vowels in CvCv stems are either identical or differ only in height (high plus mid-height vowel). Deriving contracted [: from /[[/ is more natural phonetically than deriving it from /[u/. However, the latter choice would be technically possible. Local vowel-consonant interactions /i-m/ > u-m or /u-y/ > i-y There are few combinations that would tell us whether the assimilations /i-m/ > u-m or /u-y/ > i-y occur at morpheme boundaries. Although there is a 1Sg suffix -m and a 1Pl/2Pl suffix -y on verbs, they are normally preceded by non-high vowels (Estem or A/Ostem). Imperfective -m- likewise does not follow any stems ending in i, and verbal noun allomorph -y does not follow u. However, perfective negative suffix -li does occur in 1Sg lum ( lim, so /i-m/ > u-m is at least optional. (A different allomorph is used before the 1Pl/2Pl suffix.). Monophthongization (/iy/ to i:, /uw/ to u:) It is hard to find morphological contexts where an /iy/ or /uw/ would arise in syllable-final position, requiring Monophthongization to i: or u:, respectively. There are no inflectable verb stems ending in a high vowel that would create such sequences when combined with a pronominal-subject suffix -w (2Sg) or -y (1Pl, 2Pl). However, the verbal noun type with final -u (4.2.2) is relevant, since the suffixal vowel is deleted after an unclustered sonorant, including y and w. We therefore have verbal nouns like diy-(  carrying (on the head) from /diy-u/, and suw-(  defecating from /suw-u/. I prefer the transcriptions just given, since they bring out the morphological structure. However, they are pronounced [di:] and [su:]. The same verbal noun morpheme has allomorph -y after a monosyllabic stem, a in nT-y  going in . When we combine this with y[  weep we get an irregular yi-(  weeping , presumably via /yi-y/ with irregular assimilation of [ to the flanking semivowels (contrast j[-y  killing ). I would have expected a long i: in  weeping , but the vowel in yi-( is short. Cliticization There are no clause-level second-position clitics. There is no sharp phonological distinction between suffixation and encliticization. This is because of the limited set of phonological processes applying to suffixes that might be used as a criterion. For nouns and adjectives, animate plural mu is here written as a suffix while definite morphemes like g[ and wo are written as separate particles. All of these could, however, be reanalysed as clitics. Both the animate plural suffix and the definite morphemes acquire high tone after a {L} toned noun or adjective, but this does not tell us whether the forms are suffixes, clitics, or particles. I use the clitic symbol = for the it is clitic (11.2.1) and for combinations of past morpheme =b[ with preceding verb forms (10.6). The best case for proclitics is preverbal subject pronominals (4.3.1), used in relative clauses and some other subordinated clauses. There is no phonological interaction between the pronominals and the verb, but the pronominals directly precede the verb, following even object pronouns. The only form that can intervene between subject pronoun is a second verb chained to the relative verb in a compound-like relationship; see 14.1.6 and 14.1.8. So the positioning of subject pronouns makes a case for proclitic status. Tones Lexical tone patterns At least one H-tone in each stemnot! YD diverges from the usual Dogon pattern whereby each noun, adjective, numeral, and (true) verb stem has at least one lexical high tone. In Yanda Dom this is true of verbs, but there are numerous noun, adjective, and numeral stems have appear with all-low tones. These stems do, however, cooccur with high-toned variants of following morphemes (definite morphemes g[ and wo). These morphemes have low-toned variants after nouns (or NPs) that do have at least one high tone. For example, na:  foot has a definite form na: wo, while {H} toned sun  ear has definite sun wo. This can be analysed in either of two ways. One is to formulate a tone-dissimilation rule that directly accounts for the tone of the contextually variable morpheme (here, the definite morpheme). The other is to analyse the stem as containing a final high tone that is realized on a following morpheme (if there is one). For the noun foot, we could assume a lexical /na :/ with an underlying rising tone that later detaches, resulting in /na:+H/. Or we could take /na:+H/ as the lexical form from the beginning. In either variant of this analysis, we could salvage (a version of) the usual generalization for Dogon languages that all-low toned stems are disallowed lexically. Direct evidence for a representation like /na :/ is slight, but  it is a cow with the  it is clitic =( (i.e. dying-quail intonation at the end) is na :=(, heard as [naaaa] with an initial rising tone followed by the usual slow pitch decline associated with this intonational feature (11.2.1). Similarly, {L}-toned nouns shift the final syllable to H-tone as initials in bahuvrihi compounds (5.2.1.1), Lexical tones of verbs Lexical tones for verb stems must be abstracted from the complex tonal patterns associated with various unsuffixed and suffixed verb forms. The tones of a given stem can be adequated characterized by citing two principal parts, namely the bare stem and the perfective negative (suffix li or li). The perfective negative by itself is often, but not always, diagnostic. Since it is based on the A/Ostem (which alters the vocalism of some verbs), it is not ideal as an all-purpose citation form. The suffix is L-toned li except after a fully {H}-toned stem. The classes are labeled after the combination of stem tones in the bare stem and the perfective negative. Thus {X}{Y}-class verbs have tone contour X in the bare stem (and the perfective), and tone contour Y in the perfective negative. The basic types are illustrated in (51). We will see that phonological features of the stem partially predict class membership. There were, however, some discrepancies between my two informants that require discussion. (51) bare perfective PerfNeg gloss class a. kun-do kun-de- kun-doli  put {H}/{H} b. b[l[ b[l[- b[lali  get {LH}/{L} c. lige lige lige i  mix by stirring {LH}/{LH} d. dTmdT dTmd[- dTmdali  console {H}/{L} Since the perfective has the same tones as the bare stem, I will omit the perfective in the following. The {H}/{H} class has stem-wide {H} melody in both forms. The perfective negative suffix is therefore Ltoned. A sample of this verb class is in (52). All verb stems with an initial voiceless consonant belong to this class, regardless of syllabic shape (52a). The class also includes a subset (in fact, the majority) of stems with initial glottal or with no initial consonant (52b-c). (52) {H}/{H] class: {H} in bare stem, {H} in perfective negative bare stem PerfNeg gloss a. initial voiceless consonant {p t k c s h} (includes all such verbs) kT kT/ali  raise (child) ka: ka:li  shave tolo tololi  pound (in mortar) te:de te:deli  drain off (water) sal salali  grind coarsely kun-do kun-doli  put tambu tambali  kick k[g[l[ k[g[lali  make incision b. no initial consonant un unli  go [b[ [bali  buy obiyo obiyoli  sit c. glottal plus schwa Yr[ Yrali  eat (meal) For my second informant, the two phonological subtypes in (52a-b) above exhaust the {H}/{H} class. For my first informant, certain prosodically heavy stems beginning in n also belong to this class. We will see below that initial-{ln} verbs have other distinctive tonal properties. These stems are either trisyllabic with medial NC cluster, or bisyllabic with a long vowel. The known cases are listed in (53), showing the variant perfective negative tones for informants 1 and 2. For the second informant, these stems belong to the {H}/{L}-class, see below. (53) Variably {H}/{H} or {H}/{L} bare stem PerfNeg gloss initial {n}, prosodically heavy with long initial syllable na:-nd[ na:-nda-li- (1)  cause to go past na:-ndali (2) na:-r [ na:-r a-li- (1)  straighten na:-r ali (2) nimdi-ye nimdi-ye-li- (1)  become dirty nimdi-yeli (2) nam-di-y[ namdi-ya-li- (1)  become difficult namdi-ya-li (2) The second major tone-class of verbs has a rising melody in the bare stem, and {L}-toned stem before H-toned suffix in the perfective negative. A representative list is in (54). This set includes all prosodically light stems (up to two moras) with initial voiced obstruent {b d g j z} (54a). Stems of CvCCv shape with NC clusters can be treated as light; see 10.2.2.5 for details. This tone-class also includes a subset of prosodically light stems with initial voiced sonorant (54b), though {ln} are poorly represented (see below). (54) {LH}/{L} class: {LH} in bare stem, {L} in perfective negative bare stem PerfNeg gloss a. initial voiced obstruent {b d g j z} prosodically light ba : ba:li  suffice ;  equal b[l[ b[lali  get gulo guloli  dig b. initial (voiced) sonorant {m n K l w y} prosodically light wa : wa:li  pull up (sleeve) y[mb[ y[mbali  pick out This class also contains some prosodically heavy stems (trisyllabic, or bisyllabic with long first syllable). However, a partial shift toward from {LH}/{L} toward the {H}/{L} class, which is discussed below, appears to be in progress. Tonal transcriptions for the bare stem and perfective for my first informant were inconsistent, with either {LH} or {H}-tones. My second informant clearly has {H}-toned perfective for all verbs in (55). As for the bare stem (and several other paradigmatic forms with similar tones), the second informant pronounced {LH}-toned forms of stems with initial-syllable short vowels, but {H}-toned forms of stems with initial-syllable long vowels. (55) {LH}/{L} with variably-toned perfective bare stem perfective PerfNeg gloss a. initial voiced obstruent {b d g j z} trisyllabic, initial short V bambiy[ bambiy[ (2) bambiyali  carry on back trisyllabic, initial long V ba:liy[ (1) ba:liy[ (2) ba:liya-li-  go around ba:liy[ (2) b. initial (voiced) sonorant {m n K l w y} trisyllabic, initial short V yodiyo (1) yodiye (1) yodiyoli (1)  borrow nindiyo nindiye (2) nindiyoli  listen trisyllabic, initial long V yo:diyo (2) yo:diye (2) yo:diyoli (2)  borrow Initial voiced obstruents have a phonetic depressing effect on the pitch of immediately following vowels, and such obstruents have famously created tone oppositions in East Asian and other languages. In Dogon languages, the depressing effect has been morphologized (in verbs, though generally not in other stem-classes), and is not a regular phonological process. The {LH}/{L} verbs have other paradigmatic forms with initial H-tones, and often correspond to cognate nominals with initial H-tone. The third class has {LH} melody in both the bare stem and perfective negative. The majority of verbs with initial {l n}, excluding nonmonosyllabic stems with long first syllable, belong to this class; a sample is in (56). (56) {LH}/{LH} class: {LH} in bare stem, {LH} in perfective negative bare stem PerfNeg gloss initial sonorant {n l}, among other examples prosodically light na : na :li  spend night l[g[ l[gali  slip (sth) under lige ligeli  mix by stirring nuzT nuzali  push with butt of hand nombo nomboli  pound (fruit pits) prosodically heavy (causative) lTgTm[ lTgTmali  make sad, disappoint For my first informant, a large number of non-causative trisyllabic verbs are of this type, but they are {LH}/{L} for my second informant. For a list, see (358b) in 10.2.3.1. Two m-initial stems belong to this class for my first informant, but not for the second (57). (57) Variably {LH}/{LH} or {LH}/{L} stems bare stem PerfNeg gloss initial sonorant {m}, only examples known mTndT mTndali (1)  seal up mTndali (2) mine mine-li- (1)  roll (ginned cotton ) mineli (2) The {LH}/{LH} class has affinities to both the {LH}/{L} and the {H}/{H} and classes. The connection to {LH}/{L} is obvious the consistent initial L-tone. The bare stem is {LH} in both classes. However, there is no obvious phonological reason why an initial {ln} should induce second-mora H-tone in the perfective negative, whereas other initial voiced sonorants (and voiced obstruents) allow the initial L-tone to extend to the end of the stem. In this light, consider the possibility that the real affinity of the {LH}/{LH} class is instead to the {H}/{H} class. What unites them is the following: a) the stem tones do not change going from the bare stem (and the perfective) to the perfective negative; and b) the stem is H-toned after the first mora in these categories. In other words, we could consider the {LH}/{LH} class to be a variant on {H}/{H} where the initial {ln} depresses the tone of just the immediately adjacent vowel. This is not a regular phonological process, and indeed these same verbs with initial {ln} have other inflected forms with initial-syllable H-tones. The fourth and last major class has {H}toned bare stem and {L}toned stem in the perfective negative (which therefore has a Htoned suffix). This class is a historical melting pot, consisting of the following: a) Cv and nCv stems, which are too short to carry rising tones; b) the remaining glottal- and vowel-initial bisyllabic stems that do not belong to the {H}/{H}-class; c) Fulfulde loanwords ending in [; d) a subset of nonmonosyllabic stems beginning in CvCCv; and e) all nonmonosyllabic stems beginning in a long vowel, i.e. in Cv:C(C)v. Notably, the extremely common shape CvCv (with nonnull initial consonant) is almost completely absent from this class. I can cite only w[j[  give change (cf. noun w[ju  change, money back ), a Fulfulde loan whose medial j has likely simplified from an earlier geminate (cf. Jamsay noun w[cc[). Since all verbs beginning with voiceless obstruents belong to the {H}/{H}-class described above, the {H}/{L} class contains stems with any other initial consonant. A representative sample is in (58). (58) {H}/{L} class: {H} in bare stem, {L}H in perfective negative bare stem PerfNeg gloss a. initial voiced obstruent {b d g j z} lighter than CvCv go goli  go out heavier than CvCv gTj-j[ gTj-jali  carry on shoulder bul-lT bul-lali  disinter j[n-j[ j[n-jali  be bent ban-m[ ban-ma-li  make (sth) red dTmdT dTmdali  console dim-d[ dim-dali  cause to follow zi :-ye zi:yeli  be flipped bu:mbT bu:mbali  drag be:liye be:liyeli  belch b. initial sonorant {m n K l w y} lighter than CvCv nT nT/ali  hear nd[ ndali  give exactly CvCv (rare, see comments above) w[j[ w[jali  give change heavier than CvCv go:do go:doli  insert (calabash) yo:do yo:doli  guard ma:n[ ma:nali  think yam-d[ yamdali  cover (sb) yam-n[ yamnali  ruin mu:mbT mu:mbali  assemble [tr] c. initial vowel (or glottal plus vowel) CvCv Yl[ Ylali  go up ubT ubali  pour ibo (ibe) ibeli  catch The {H}/{L} class has strong affinities to the {LH}/{L} class, and the two can be merged into a superclass. Both have a {L}-toned stem before the perfective negative suffix. Within the superclass, the choice between the two is predictable, as indicated in (59), with the single exception of w[j[  give change . (59) Choice between {LH}/{L} and {H}/{L} classes stem is& tone-class is& monomoraic ! {H}/{L}-class bimoraic, with initial& & voiced consonant ! {LH}/{L}-class & vowel or glottal ! {H}/{L}-class trimoraic or longer, with initial& & short Cv syllable ! {H}/{L}-class & long syllable ! {H}/{L}-class Suffixal derivation affects the prosodic weight of a stem. This may or may not affect the tone-class assignment of the derivative. In (60a), the transitive derivative is too heavy to remain in the {LH}/{LH} class and shifts to {H}/{L}. In (60b), the mediopassive is {LH}/{L} but its transitive counterpart nu:-ndT is {H}/{L}; the reversive is tonally variable. (60) Verbal derivation bare stem PerfNeg gloss class a. underived and transitive (9.3.1.3) na K naKa-li-  go past {LH}/{LH} na:-nd[ na:-nda-li-  cause to go past {H}/{L} b. mediopassive, reversive, and transitive nun-jT nun-ja-li-  get dressed {LH}/{L} nuKu-lT nuKu-la-li- (1)  get undressed {LH}/{LH} nuKu-la-li- (2) {LH}/{L} nu:-ndT nu:nda-li-  dress (sb) {H}/{L} Finally, there are two irregular verbs that are closely related to each other in form and sense,  bring and  take away (61). For these verbs it is appropriate to show the imperfective negative as well as the bare stem and perfective negative, because these are the only two verbs in the language that have {H}- rather than {L}-toned stem in the imperfective negative (the suffix therefore being L rather than Htoned). zo  bring could be treated as forming a fourth, slightly irregular subdivision of the {H}/{H} class just described. (61) Irregular verbs of conveyance bare stem PerfNeg ImpfNeg gloss initial voiced obstruent {z} a. zi n zinli zinnan  take away b. zo zoli zonan  bring Lexical tone patterns for unsegmentable noun stems Uncompounded noun stems also have a wide range of tone-contour choices. These include {H}, {HL}, {LH}, and for stems of at least three moras also {LHL}. There is one apparent example of {HLH}. Of interest for Dogon linguistics is the presence of two kinds of {L}-toned stem, which are distinguishable only for animate nouns. In the minority subtype, animate plural mu is high-toned (62). (62) {L}-toned animate nouns with H-toned plural -mu (all known exx.) singular plural gloss a. animals [d[ [d[-mu  chicken p[: p[:-mu  sheep aran aranmu  bird nomzu nomzumu  snake az[g[ az[g[-mu  animal TgT-rTKT TgT-rTKT-mu  camel duKyara duKyaramu  lion yurugu yurugumu  pale fox na:-ni: na:-ni:-mu  cow that has calved oy-nama oy-nama-mu  game animal b. compound final p[:-garu p[:-garu-mu  uncastrated (animal) In all other {L}-toned animate nouns (including, for example, many agentive compounds), animate plural mu is low-toned like the stem. Thus na:mu  cows , y[-mu  woman , and so forth. A clever analysis of these would be to posit a floating H-tone at the end of the stems in the minority subclass (62), but not in the majority subclass. For example,  chicken would be lexically /[d[+H/ while  cow would be /na:/. The floating H would be realized on a following /-mu/ suffix, as /-mu/. However, both subtypes of {L}-toned animate nouns, plus the undifferentiated class of {L}-toned inanimate nouns, require H-toned forms of following definite morphemes. Thus [d[ g[  the chicken and na: g[  the cow both have H-toned definite morpheme. By contrast, nouns with any lexical contour including a Htone element ({H}, {HL}, {LH}, {LHL}) are followed by Ltoned definite morphemes (6.5.3, 3.8.4.2). This would suggest another clever analysis whereby all of these {L}-toned noun stems, including the majority type (cow), are followed by a floating H-tone that is realized, if at all, on a following word: /[d[+H/ and /na:+H/. But this would mean two conflicting analyses of how the floating Htone is expressed. If both subclasses of nouns have representations of the type /X+H/, why does a minority subclass have plural /X-mu/ while the majority subclass has /X-mu/? And for the majority subclass, how does the Htone flip over the animate plural suffix, raising the tone of definite plural wo, as in na:-mu wo  the cows , supposedly from /na:+H-mu wo/? So we should be wary of simple phonological solutions to these problems. All we can say is that there are two types of apparently {L}-toned stem, one of which raises the tone of the immediately following morpheme (word or suffix), the other of which raises the tone of the immediately following word (with or without an intervening suffix). For a handful of irregular nouns, see 4.1.2. Child is tonally as well as affixally irregular: {L}-toned singular ene (with tonally irregular definite ene g[), plural ene with tone shift but without -mu plural suffix (definite ene wo).  Woman is {L}-toned y[, but definite singular y[ g[  the woman . Excluding these few irregularities, (63) gives examples of the regular lexical tone contours for uncompounded and unpossessed nouns of various syllabic counts. (63) Lexical tones of noun stems stem plural gloss a. monosyllabic {H} ci   thing sun   ear tol tolmu  pig {HL}, uncommon probable loanwords dun   hornless ram waw   quarter of carcass {LH} r[ m   reins dT y   ground {L} with H-toned animate plural suffix p[: p[:mu  sheep [fuller list in (62), above] {L} with L-toned animate plural suffix na: na:mu  cow som sommu  horse ga: ga: mu  cat {L} (inanimate) suK   rope day   hip b. bisyllabic {H} Yn[ Yn[mu  goat [m[   milk inju   water pur a   flour, powder c[bz[   scales (fish) kunzu   knee pidim   intestines {HL} native (or likely so) bulT   top and back of head tana   stick enzel   straw c[mz[   cooked colostrum frozen reduplication toto:   (empty) tin can probable loanwords b[d[   highway gabel gabelmu  herder s favorite animal bu:du   money kamsel   woman s boubou {LH} zeKe   offshoot dumo   rear end dTrT   testicles sumzu   saliva bTndum   marrow {LHL}, diminutives na -yye na -yye-mu  calf (diminutive) c[ :n[   balls of pounded peanuts cinza-gT mnT   dry snot (cinza  nose ) kepi:   cap (French kpi) bazam   bassam (fabric) temben   brick {L} with H-toned animate plural suffix [d[ [d[mu  chicken [full list in (62), above] {L} with L-toned animate plural suffix aran aranmu  bird kil[ kil[mu  herder inj[ inj[mu  dog TgT TgTmu  chief, Hogon {L} (inanimate) Ta   grass s[rba   spur cir a   bone c. trisyllabic {H} tondolo   star togoro   skull c[g[r[   wood blocks on donkey duniya   life ga:liyam   gallbladder {HL}, includes many Fulfulde borrowings jab[r[   donkey padding dTra:ji   a breed of goats arkama   wheat wayna:r[   abomasum baraKgal   cart poles {HLH}, only known example h[y[nd[   index finger {LH} realized as LLH kalambu   muzzle-guard yamaku:   ginger (< Bambara) (~ yamaku:) banakul   cassava realized as LHH alc[b[   stirrup baKk[l[   temple (head) (~ bay k[l[) zamduru   donkey (~ zamturu) ginzela   comb (of rooster) binugu   roll of fabric ni(n)zilu   fruit pits apondul   baobab flower zembere   wattle (on chicken) {LHL} sTKTr T   spinal cord kagada   armpit (~ ka-kada) tuguzu   peanut balls with wild-date leaves kumburu   baobab seed regional words (borrowings) lasa:zu   modern rifle pantalT:   modern pants {L}+H (animate) az[g[ az[g[mu  animal {L} (animate) {L} (inanimate) karaga   circumcision cohort tomolo   hole, pit antoKgo   sifting residue [g[l[   peanut d. quadrisyllabic {H}, unattested {HL} kTrTbTrT kTrTbTrTmu  Songhay korobori korobori-mu  young bull {LH} soKowalu   stomach fat ambadar a   treetop {LHL} porukiya   long boubou (robe) wogotoro   cart (regional word) {L}+H (animate) {L} (animate) {L} (inanimate) The following points are of interest in comparison to other Dogon languages. First, there are many {L}-toned stems, many of which have cognates with {LH} contours. {LH}-toned nouns are correspondingly less numerous, but a fair number of such nouns exist, especially bisyllabics. There is a minimal pair: dTrT  nape versus dTrT  testicles . {HL} is uncommon especially for monosyllabics; in particular, there are no attestations of #Cv:. Nonmonosyllabic nouns with {HL} are fairly numerous; most but not all are from the cultural vocabulary and are probably borrowings (mainly from Fulfulde). The location of tone breaks for bitonal {HL} and {LH} stems, and for tritonal {LHL} stems, is discussed in sections below. Lexical tone patterns for adjectives and numerals There are no major differences between the tone contours of adjectives, numerals, and nouns. Adjective stems can be {L}, {LH}, {LHL}, {H}, or {HL}. Of these, {LHL} is limited to a few trisyllabic stems. {HL} is the least common of the other melodies. There is only one type of {L}-toned adjective, unlike the case with nouns; this is because the animate plural suffix -mu is always Ltoned after adjective stems (as for most, but not all, nouns). For inventories of adjectival stems, arranged by tone contours, see 4.5.1, below. The tones of numerals are complicated by the tonal effects of classifying prefixes ye-, a-, and bo, and by tonal interactions among the morphemes in composite numerals. There is a binary lexical tone-contour variation in the prefixed forms of the primary  2 to  10 numerals, namely between {H} and {HL}, as in ye-piyel  10 versus yeta:ndu  three . tuma!  1 is treated as a modifying adjective rather than like the nonsingular numerals. Default final H, or autosegmental mapping? If the floating Htone at the end of apparently {L}-toned nouns and adjectives (expressed on definite morphemes) is recognized, all noun and adjective stems have at least one lexical Htone in a first-order analysis. Verb and numeral stems also have at least one lexical Htone. As in any such system, one could imagine that this is an output constraint, and that some stems might be lexically {L}-toned but acquire a Htone somewhere to satisfy the constraint. In other Dogon languages, the best candidate for secondary Htone is the final H in {LH} nouns, adjectives, and verbs. In Yanda Dom, an immediate difficulty is that the set of {LH} nouns and adjectives with audible final Htone on the stem is distinct from the set with {L}-toned stem and floating H that attaches to a definite morpheme. Moreover, we have seen that animate nouns distinguish two subtypes of the {L}-toned category, only one of which allows the floating H to be expressed on animate plural suffix -mu (as -mu). Therefore it is not possible to eliminate all {LH} contours, at least for nouns and adjectives. Location of tone breaks for bitonal noun stems ({HL}, {LH}) For fuller lists of the nouns in question, see 3.8.1.3, above). Recall that there are no monosyllabic {HL}-toned nouns, and that many longer nouns with {HL} contour are Fulfulde borrowings. The tone break for {HL} is at the first syllable boundary: b[d[  highway , c[mz[  cooked colostrum , jab[r[  donkey padding , korobori  young bull . The tone break for {LH} is harder to pin down. For bisyllabics it is at the syllable boundary: dTrT  testicles , sumzu  saliva , bTndum  brain . The number of tri- and quadrisyllabic {LH} nouns is small, and the attested ones have syllabic and tonal patterns that could suggest compound status (i.e. with a morpheme-like break in the middle). Segmental shapes like CvCCvCv and CvCvCvCv look very much like nominal compounds (CvC-CvCv, CvCv-CvCv), and the tones of the relevant examples specifically suggest the very common (nn) type of compound: alc[b[  stirrup (<Arabic), baKk[l[  temple (head) , zamduru  donkey , ginzela  comb (of rooster) , porukiya  long boubou , ambadar a  treetop , soKowalu  stomach fat . apondul  baobab flower could be taken as beginning with a- prefix (4.1.5) and should also be excluded. This leaves only trisyllabic CvCvCv and CvCvCCv stems as those unlikely to be interpreted prosodically as compounds. The evidence is mixed. For LHH realization of {LH} I can cite binugu  roll of fabric and nizilu  fruit pits . For LLH realization I have kalambu  muzzle-guard . These data do not suffice to decide the question. As noted elsewhere, {L}-toned noun and adjective stems have a floating H that can be expressed on a following definite or other morpheme. If these are also treated as abstractly {LH}, the positioning of the tone break becomes much more complicated. Location of tone breaks for tritonal noun stems ({LHL}, {HLH}) The only regularly occurring tritonal pattern for nouns is {LHL}. The tone breaks occurs toward the right edge. The bulkier stems that bring this out are regional words (likely from Bambara). Typical shapes are Cv :Cv (c[ :n[  ball of pounded peanuts ), Cv(C)CvC (temben  brick ), CvCv(:)Cv (sTKTr T  spinal cord , lasa:zu  modern rifle ), CvCvCvC (banakul  cassava ), CvCvCv: (yamaku:  ginger ), and CvCvCvCv (wogotoro  cart ). However, there is some danger of the latter three being segmented by native speakers as nominal compounds, for prosodic purposes, i.e. with compound initial CvCv-. For {HLH}, the only example is h[y[nd[  index finger . Nanga h[yy[nd[ has the same {HLH} pattern. Grammatical tone patterns Grammatical tones for verb stems The complex array of lexical tone-contour types for verbs is described in 3.8.1.2, above. That classification was based on the relationship between the bare stem and the perfective negative, thus {H}/{H}, {H}/{L}, {LH}/{L}, and {LH}/{LH}. The tone-contour class is partially predictable from the initial consonant (if any) and the syllabic shape of the stem. The tone of an actual inflected verb form reflects the interface between these lexical tone-contour possibilities and the tonal requirements of particular AMN (aspect-mood-negation) categories. The AMN categories are expressed by combinations of a particular vocalic stem type (bare stem, E-stem, A/O-stem, U-stem) plus a suffix (the perfective and the imperative have no suffix). Pronominal-subject suffixes, which follow AMN suffixes, have no tonal effect. There are also some combinations involving the past clitic =b[ that must be considered. In Chapter 10 I give extensive AMN paradigms for representative verbs. Some highlights from those data will be summarized here. One category that stands apart tonally from all others is the imperfective negative, with suffix -nan ~ -ran. It is the only AMN category that controls {L}-tone contour on stems of all tone-contour classes, including {H}/{H} verbs. There are, however, two irregular verbs ( bring and its antonym  take away, convey ) that irregularly have {H} tone before the suffix, which itself is then {L}-toned -nan ~ -ran. Each of the remaining AMN categories systematically permits verbs to express at least a lexical distinction between H-initial and L-initial. However, H-initial has two variants (except in Cv stems), H and HL Likewise, Linitial has two variants (except in Cv stems), L and LH These formula refer only to the verb stem (which may include one or more derivational suffixes). The AMN suffix itself has its own tone, which is sometimes polarized to the final tone of the stem and is sometimes autonomous. In (64), stem-vocalism classes (e.g. A/O-stem) are disregarded to focus squarely on tones. The groups of categories are ordered in decreasing order of prevalence of H-toned. In (64ac), there is in effect a binary distinction between H-initial stems, i.e. {H}/{H} and {H}/{L}, and L-initial stems, i.e. {LH}/{L} and {LH}/{L}. The only differences between (64a) and (64b) is that the latter limits the H-tone of {H} to the first syllable (or mora). (64c) is a variant of (64b) for a category that lengthens the stem-final vowel, with falling tone if not already L-toned. In (64df), the news is that the {H}/{L} class separates dramatically from the {H}/{H} class, as the former drops all stem-tones, regardless of whether the {LH}/{L} and {LH}/{LH} classes retain a noninitial Htone in the stem. The difference between (64d), (64e), and (64f) is in the differential conditions for dropping all tones in the {LH}/{L} and {LH}/{LH} classes. In (64d), neither class drops tones. In (64e), just the {LH}/{L} class drops tones (this is the only context where the two tone-contour classes can be distinguished). In (64f), both classes drop all tones, joining with {H}/{L} to constitute a binary opposition with {H}/{H}. In (64g), all stems drop tones, so lexical tone contours are erased. (64) Tonal effects of AMN categories (bisyllabic stems) if the stem is of tone-contour class {H}/{H} {LH}/{L} {LH}/{LH} {H}/{L} suffix category then the stem-tone in this category is a. H LH LH H no suffix (none) bare stem (none) perfective (after ya) suffix with invariant tone m imperfective before AUX m=b[ past imperfective z[ recent perfect suffix with variable tone b. HL LH LH HL no suffix (none) imperative suffix with invariant tone mu imperfective 3Sg c. HL LHL LHL HL suffix with invariant tone :=bali past imperfective negative [note: (c) is a variant of (b) with an extra L-toned mora] d. HL LH LH L suffix with variable tone zo perfective-2 e. H L LH L initial suffixal syllable has opposite tone to stem-final tone li perfective negative la prohibitive ma hortative f. H L L L suffix with invariant tone t[r[b[ experiential perfect suffix with variable tone =b[ past perfect z[=b[ past recent perfect zali recent perfect negative g. L L L L no suffix (none) perfective (defocalized) initial suffixal syllable has opposite tone to stem-final tone -nan ~ -ran imperfective negative [exceptions: bring and take away with {H}-toned stem] The formulae in (64) are correct for bisyllabic stems, based on the paradigms of CvCv stems, or ma:n[  think in the case of {H}/{L}. Some details differ for the shorter {H}/{L} stems, namely those of shapes Cv, YCv, and vCv, plus nd[  give . The discrepancies involve experiential perfect t[r[b[, past perfect =b[, recent perfect -z[- and its negation -za-li-, and (for Cv stems) forms involving imperfective -m. See the relevant sections in Chapter 10 for details. Verb forms used in relative clauses have their own tonal as well as suffixal complexities, see 14.1.7. Verb stems become {L}-toned nouns (with the usual floating H-tone) in the productive verbal noun formation with suffix u ~ y, and in agentive compounds with the same suffix allomorphs. Grammatical tones for noun stems Grammatically controlled tone contours for noun stems occur in compounds and in the syntax of NPs and relative clauses. The most common tone-contour change is tone-dropping, i.e. the overlay of {L} as a stem-wide contour, erasing the lexical tones. Unlike lexically {L}-toned nouns, syntactically tone-dropped nouns do not have a following floating Htone element that can be expressed on a following morpheme (such as a definite morpheme). Lexical {L} and tone-dropped {L} can also be distinguished in the it is clitic construction. Therefore a {L}-toned noun can be distinguished from its own tone-dropped form in these specific morphosyntactic contexts. Tone-dropping occurs in the contexts listed in (65). (65) Tone-dropping for noun stems a. within unpossessed NPs before a modifying adjective before a demonstrative ( this ,  that ) b. in a relative clause as internal head NP of the relative c. in nominal compounds as compound initial, in the (n n) type of compound (5.1.2) Tone-dropping may be overdetermined, as in  that red house of Seydou s that you see there, where any one of the adjective, the demonstrative, the (definite) possessor, or the relative clause would suffice to drop the tone of house. Since there is no audible difference between the different kinds of tone-dropping, it is not possible to determine the fine points of tonal bracketing in such cases. Nouns with a preposed possessor (i.e. all nonpronominals possessors, and inalienable pronominal possessors) have a possessor-controlled overlay. For alienables this is {H(L)} if the possessor has no H-tone, and {L} if it has a H-tone. The {H(L)} contour is realized as {H} on a simple possessed noun, so in effect an alienably possessed noun can only be {H} or {L}. For examples see 6.2.1-2. Inalienably possessed nouns always have a pronominal possessor. The possessed noun has {H} or {LH} contour if nonmonosyllabic, the choice being lexical, see 6.2.3. There is also a type of compound, showing some similarities to the possessor-possessed structures, with a {H} or {HL} final element when the initial is lexically {L}-toned. Arguably this is really just a manifestation of the floating Htone associated with the {L}-toned compound initial, rather than a grammatically overlaid contour. Grammatical tones for adjectives and numerals An adjective is subject to tone-dropping controlled by a demonstrative to its right, or in a N-Adj internal head of a relative clause. The overlay in these cases is {L}. In alienable Poss-N-Adj sequences (the possessor being necessarily nonpronominal), the possessor controls either {H(L)} or {L} on the N-Adj sequence (6.2.4.1-2). The adjective surfaces as {L}-toned in either case. By contrast, in inalienable Poss-N-Adj sequences (the possessor being necessarily pronominal), the possessor has no tonosyntactic effect on the N-Adj sequence. Instead, the adjective controls tones on the noun (and on the pronominal possessor), see 6.4.2.1. Numerals are also subject to tone-dropping due to an external controller (possessor or demonstrative). The animacy prefix, however, is usually exempted from tone-dropping, so in some combinations we get numeral forms like ata:ndu L  three (animate) with the prefix retaining its H-tone while the numeral drops tones (from ta:ndu). Furthermore, in the combination Poss-N-Num, possessor-controlled overlay affects the noun only (6.2.4.2). Tonal morphophonology Autosegmental tone association (verbs) As in other Dogon languages, verb stems in particular lend themselves to a decomposition into segmental and tonal tiers. One can therefore think of stems like niye  sleep and sizile  roll (dough) into rolls as constituted by a segmental string (niye, sizile), onto which is mapped a {LH} or {H} melody. Suffixal derivatives would inherit the melody, which would we mapped onto the stem-suffix combination. YD is somewhat resistant to this analysis, partly because the tone break in verbs is near the left edge (so suffixes typically just continue the final H-tone), and partly because lexical tones have become somewhat opaque due to the tone-flattening processes described in 3.8.3.3-4 below. Phonology of contoured tone melodies and overlays For unsegmentable nouns, the break for lexical {HL} melody is after the leftmost syllable, while that for {LH} may be after the leftmost syllable or before the rightmost syllable; see 3.8.1.6. For verbs, the break for lexical {LH} is after the leftmost syllable, or the first mora for Cv: stems. Cv stems flatten {LH} to H. Tones of verb forms are subject to modification in various inflected forms. The only {LH} tonosyntactic overlay is limited to a subset of bimoraic kin terms following a possessor, so the tone break is necessarily at the mora boundary (6.2.3.2, 6.2.3.5). There is a {H(L)} overlay on alienably possessed nouns after {L}-toned possessors, but the full form including the L component is audible only on N-Adj sequences in the form HN LAdj, so neither targeted word is tonally contoured. Initial-Heavy-Syllable to H Flattening There are indications in verbal derivational alternations that a nonmonosyllabic lexical {LH} stem flattens to {H} when its first syllable is heavy. This does not apply to inflected forms where the stem is fully tone-dropped from {LH} to {L}, as in the perfective negative. The result is that the affected stems, which would otherwise be of {LH}/{L} type, constitute an aberrant {H}/{L} tonal class. Our choices are either to follow the overt patterns and recognize {H}/{L} as a tonal class, or to posit a tone-flattening rule that derives the {H} part of the inflectional paradigm from {LH}. I flesh out the latter possibility here. Since the tone break in {LH} verb stems is near the left rather than right edge, for nonmonosyllabic stems with initial heavy syllable the tone break should be inside the first syllable, as in Cv :Cv or Cv CCv. This happens in other Dogon languages with left-edge tone breaks (e.g. Nanga). If we recognize this as a pre-surface tone pattern for YD, we need a tone-flattening rule. (66) Initial-Heavy-Syllable <LH> to H Flattening In a nonmonosyllabic verb stem, in inflections where stem-wide tone-dropping does not occur, an initial heavy syllable flattens <LH> to H For purposes of this rule, a  heavy syllable is Cv: or CvC. It is also understood that intervocalic{mb nd nz Kg} are syllabified with the following vowel. Using  . as a syllable separator, the initial syllables in Cv.mbv, Cv.ndv, and Cv.Kgv are light, while other intervocalic clusters require syllabification as CvC.Cv with initial heavy syllable. A more or less equivalent alternative would be to take the lexical {LH} contour as occurring on a separate autosegmental tier, and to block the L-component from attaching under the circumstances described. Alternations accounted for by this flattening rule, using the bare stem of each verb, are illustrated in (67). The suffixal derivatives in the right-hand column show the flattening, often in connection with reductions in form of the stem (syncope of final vowel, truncation of final Cv with subsequent compensatory lengthening). (67) {LH} {H} a. underived stem is {LH} Cv: stem ba :  be full ba:-nd[  fill (sth) da :  cover (opening) dal-l[  uncover (opening) CvCv stem (syncopated or truncated) ba n  become red ban-m[  make (sth) red dagu  turn out well da:-nd[  do (sth) well budT  bury bul-lT  disinter gid[  immobilize gil-l[  de-immobilize l[g[  stick in between l[j-j[  slip in between  l[:-d[  stick in between ma n  seal with mud mal-l[  unseal mile  braid mil-le  unbraid na K  go past na:-nd[  cause to go past ya m  malfunction yam-n[  ruin (sth) za K  study zaK-m[  teach za K  fight za:-nd[  incite (to fight) zide  flip zi:-ye  be flipped ziK[  have (sb) ride double zin-j[  ride double b. another suffixal derivative is {LH} unsyncopated mediopassive is {LH} bambi-y[  carry on back bam-d[  have (sb) carry on back digi-y[  be joined (arch.) dij-j[  be joined dimbi-y[  follow dim-d[  cause to follow di-y[  carry on head du:-d[  have (sb) carry on head godi-yo  put on (hat) gol-lo  take off (hat)  gor-do  put hat on (sb) yambi-y[  cover self yam-d[  cover (sb) zibi-yo  gird oneself zib-do  gird (sb) with a wrap unsyncopated reversive is {LH} baKi-l[  uncover, reveal ba:-nd[  hide (sth) j[Ku-l[  straighten out j[n-j[  be bent  j[:-nd[  tilt (sth) naKi-li-y[  be un-caught nan-j[  be caught (e.g. in tree) nuKu-lT  get undressed nun-j[  put on (clothes) This tone-flattening might also be attributed to underived stems of similar syllabic shapes. In such cases the evidence for lexical {LH} is indirect: if the stem drops to {L} tones in inflected forms such as the perfective negative, we could assume a lexical {LH} contour, even if it never surfaces as such. Examples: dTmdT  console , be:liye  belch , ma:n[  think , yo:do  guard . CvCCv verbs with medial {mb nd nz Kg} do not undergo flattening, as mentioned above. Examples: nombo  pound (fruit pits) , dun-do  pile up, set down , dTnzT  re-open (wound) , meKgire  shape into balls . Cv stem <LH> to H Flattening A similar flattening of <LH> to H is arguably at work in those Cv verbs that are H-toned in the bare stem and some inflections, but drop to {L}-tone in the perfective negative. On the basis of this drop, they can be suspected of having a covert {LH} lexical contour. The stems in question are all Cv verbs beginning with a voiced obstruent, plus a subset of those beginning with a sonorant (wo  come , wT  see , nT  hear ); see 10.2 The idea is that the lexical {LH} contour cannot be realized on a single mora, so it is flattened to H. Rhythms and tones In cases where a stem can appear in both {L} and {H} toned forms, we must ask which tonal form is basic and which is derived. Either we posit lexical {L} and a tone-raising rule, or lexical {H} and a tone-dropping rule. In most cases we posit {H} and tone-dropping. This is clearly the case when lexical melodies other than {H} are also tone-dropped, as in nouns before adjectives or demonstratives. Tone-raising processes after proclitic pronouns We will see in the following section that some combinations of {L}-toned words undergo a rhythmic dissimilation rule, with the first syllable of the second word raised to H-tone. Among other first words in the relevant sequences are pronominal clitics. However, these elements pose analytic problems, since they can trigger not only this rhythmic dissimilation, but also a more highly grammaticalized {H}-tone overlay on certain following elements. Words that undergo Rhythmic Tone-Raising after pronominals (among other elements) include tuma  only (19.4.1) and kanda  even (19.1.4). (68) form gloss 1Sg 2Sg  woman  man a. tuma  only mi tuma o tuma y[ tuma an tuma b. kanda  even mi kanda o kanda y[ kanda an kanda Only {L}-toned first elements (1Sg,  woman ) trigger the rhythmic rule, whose effect is indicated by . This symbol merely indexes the tone-raising, and it is not a phonetic diacritic. Only the first syllable of tuma or kanda is tone-raised. The more grammaticalized tonal effects are seen with inalienably possessed nouns (kin terms), which are always immediately preceded by a pronominal possessor (6.2.3). Examples are in (69). (69) noun gloss 1Sg possessor 2Sg possessor a. de:  father mi Hde: o Hde: TzT  younger sib mi HTzT o HTzT b. lezu  uncle mi LHlezu o LHlezu It is not possible to account for the tones in (69) simply by Rhythmic Tone-Raising, which would work only for  my father . First, bisyllabic kin terms have a lexical choice between {H} and {LH} possessed overlays. Second, the {H} overlay extends to the end of a bisyllabic or longer stem, rather than being confined to the first syllable. Third, even some H-toned pronouns like 2Sg o control the {H} overlay. Therefore I treat these tonal alternations under the rubric of tonosyntax, rather than as lower-level tonal phonology. A few L-toned particles and primary postpositions behave tonally like inalienable nouns. They become {H}-toned after pronominal clitics, including H-toned 2Sg o. If bisyllabic, the H-tone extends to the end of the stem. For this purpose, the inanimate (and normally discourse-definite) pronoun ko is treated like a noun rather than like regular pronominal proclitics. (70) particle gloss 1Sg 2Sg Inan a. particles la  also (19.1.3) mi Hla o Hla ko la wa! quotative (17.1.3) mi Hwa! o Hwa! ko wa! y[K ~ y[y  like (8.4.1) mi Hy[K o Hy[K ko y[y b. postpositions mi  and (8.1.2) mi Hmi! o Hmi! ko mi! mi  with (8.1.2) mi Hmi! o Hmi! ko mi! ber a ~ bena dative (8.1.1) mi Hber a o Hber a ko ber a Interrogative and disjunctive ma!  or , Topic kay, and say  only are not included since they follow H-toned independent pronouns rather than proclitics. For combinations where a L-toned pronominal proclitic induces (rhythmic) tone-raising of the first syllable of a following particle, see the following section. It is difficult to compare the tonal behavior of the above particles with that of locative postpositions na and ba. The latter do not occur with pronominal complements, except that inanimate ko does occur in the combination ko na  in that, therein . #ko ba was rejected by an informant, but the adverb ku-ba  there (discourse-definite) may represent this combination etymologically. Rhythmic Tone-Raising after {L}-toned constituent A more clearly rhythmic tone-raising process affects the first syllable of an eligible {L}-toned word when it follows an {L}-toned constituent. This is a kind of tonal dissimilation, resulting in up-and-down rhythms in sequences that would otherwise be tonally flat. Cv! (with intonation-like prolongation) and CvC particles divide into those that become fully H-toned and those that become <HL>-toned. One could argue that only the <HL>-toned outputs are ascribable to Rhythmic Tone-Raising, and that the H-toned outputs involve a word-level {H} overlay. (71) Rhythmic Tone-Raising The first syllable (for some monosyllabics, the first mora) of an eligible {L}-toned word is raised to H-tone after an eligible {L}-toned constituent. (Notation:  preceding the raised syllable.) For purposes of this rule, some morphemes transcribed here as suffixes (on verbs) are treated as separate words. Rhythmic Tone-Raising occurs in the combinations listed in (72). X represents the preceding {L}-toned constituent, and Y represents the {L}-toned word that is raised from {L} to {H}. (72) Word or phrase combinations subject to Rhythmic Tone-Raising X Y (input) Y (output) a. noun or adjective Definite (g[, wo) g[, wo b. NP ma!  or ma! NP tuma  only tuma NP kay Topic kay NP kanda  even kanda NP na, ba locative na, ba (see 8.2.3) NP dan purposive-causal dan NP complex postposition (see 8.2.2) c. predicate or NP ma! interrogative ma! predicate wa clause-final quotative wa d. predicate de  if predicate dan purposive predicate ni subjunctive e. verb verbal suffix (various) These groups will be illustrated sequentially. Examples involving definite morphemes are in (73). The two morphemes are g[ (animate singular, inanimate plural) and wo (inanimate singular, animate plural). They are raised to g[ and wo, respectively, after a {L}-toned noun or noun-adjective combination (73a-c). Raising does not occur if there is a H-tone anywhere in the entire NP (73d-e). It is not sufficient that the final word of the NP be {L}-toned. In (73d), house is {L}-toned (as a possessed noun) but the possessor contains a H-tone, so the definite morpheme remains L-toned. In a preceding noun-adjective string, the noun is tone-dropped to {L} by the adjective. In this case, any lexical H-tones in the noun are disregarded, so the suppressed lexical H-tones of Ylo  house do not block tone-raising of the definite morpheme in (73b). Cliticization of wo to animate plural suffix -mu has no effect on tone-raising (73c,e). (73) a. na: g[ cow Def.AnSg  the cow b. Ylo L p[y g[ houseL old Def.InanPl  the old houses (Ylo  house ) c. na:-mu=wo cow-AnPl=Def.AnPl  the cows (phonetic [na:mT :]) d. sa ydu LYlo wo S Lhouse Def.InanSg  Seydou s house e. p[:-mu=wo sheep-AnPl=Def.AnPl  the sheep-Pl All demonstratives, numerals, and non-numeral quantifiers contain a H-tone, so they are not affected tonally by a preceding {L}-toned word-string. In a definite NP, either the definite morpheme or some preceding word will contain a H-tone, as just shown. Combining these facts, we see that any NP containing any determiner or quantifier will contain at least one H-tone, so no such NP can then function as the conditioning element on the left that triggers Rhythmic Tone-Raising on the following element. The only NPs that are entirely {L}-toned are simple nouns and noun-adjective combinations that happen to contain no H-tone. Examples of such NPs as conditioning elements are in (74), with various following particles and postpositions. (74) a. p[: ma! Yn[ sheep or goat  a sheep or a goat b. p[: tuma sheep only  just a sheep c. p[: kay sheep Topic  as for a sheep d. p[: kanda sheep even  even a sheep e. bamba na B Loc  in Bamba (village) f. p[: dan sheep because  because of a sheep g. [gT/a: ber a] na [granary interior] Loc  inside a granary (see 8.2.2 for discussion) YD differs notably from languages like Jamsay that tend to spread the final tone of a constituent into following particles. Versatile phrase- and clause-final particles are also subject to tone-raising (75). (75) a. p[: wa sheep say  (& said:) a sheep b. p[: ma! sheep Q  a sheep? wa and ma! are actually somewhat more complex tonally than this suggests. In (76a), wa remains L-toned although it follows a {L}-toned word (go down). This could be because go down is the final element in a verb chain including a preceding verb with a H-tone (fall), so the verb chain as a whole is treated as the conditioning element. Or it could be that the perfective verb go down in (76a) is ineligible as a conditioning element on the grounds that it has been tone-dropped (in their full forms, all perfective verbs contain a H-tone). Similar issues arise with bo-  be , whose {L}-toned form is arguably tone-dropped from bo- and is always tightly phrased with a preceding locational (76b). I am unable to find any locational expressions that are entirely {L}-toned (cf. 4.4.3.1), to test whether the H-tone of Kgi  here is a factor in (76c). (76) a. ya pile Lsuye-( wa Real fall Lgo.down.Perf-3SgS say  (& said:) he/she fell down (ya suye-(  he/she went down ) b. Kgi bo-( wa here be-3SgS Quot  (& said:) he/she is here (onu-() In (77a), Quotative wa is raised to wa after a {L}-toned predicate ( not be ). However, in the absence of the Quotative particle this predicate appears as onu-( with final H-tone. So either this H-tone slides rightward into wa, or the final H-tone of a {LH}-toned predicate is dropped before the particle, which is then eligible for Rhythmic Tone-Raising. This is also the case with perfective negative verbs that are {LH}-toned with H-toned suffix -li- in the absence of the particle (77b). It does not happen, however, with imperfective negatives, which convert their final H-toned suffix to <HL>-tone (77c). (77) a. sikTrT onu-( wa sugar not.be-3SgS say  (& said:) there is no sugar (onu-() b. [na Hwa!] wo-li wa [3AnSg HQuotS] come-Perf.Neg say  (& said:) he/she didn t come (wo-li-(  he/she didn t come ) c. [na Hwa!] wo-r aK wa [3AnSg HQuotS] come-Impf.Neg say  (& said:) he/she won t come (wo-r aK-(  he/she won t come ) Interrogative ma! (arguably identical to the  or coordinator) behaves the same way. For example, (78a-c) are closely parallel to (74a-c) above, though the interrogative particle is subject to heavy intonational effects. (78) a. ya pile Lsuye-( ma! Real fall Lgo.down.Perf-3SgS Q  Did he/she fall down? b. sikTrT onu-( ma! sugar not.be-3SgS Q  Isn t there any sugar? c. wo-li-( ma! come-Perf.Neg Q  Didn t he/she come? Clause-final subordinating particles should in theory also be subject to Rhythmic Tone-Raising. However, for reasons just given it is hard to find an eligible {L}-toned conditioning element to the left, other than a {LH}-toned perfective negative verb, where one can argue that the final H-tone jumps into the particle. Compare (79a-c) below, with conditional de  if , to (77a-c) above. (79) a. sikTrT onu-( de sugar not.be-3SgS if  if is no sugar (onu-() b. wo-li de come-PerfNegH if  if he/she didn t come (wo-li-() c. wo-r aK de come-Impf.Neg+L say  if he/she won t come (wo-r aK-() The situation is similar with subjunctive ni. (80) [sikTrT onu-( ni] Lur [-( [sugar not.be-3SgS Sbjnct] Lgo.Perf-3SgS  He/She went (away), thinking that there was no sugar. I have not been able to find any relevant combinations with clause-final purposive dan, which normally follows a verb containing a H-tone. Syntactic combinations that do not allow Rhythmic Tone-Raising are listed in (81). (81) Word or phrase combinations not subject to Rhythmic Tone-Raising X Y a. NP predicate (in some cases) tone-dropped word (any) NP (e.g. subject) NP (e.g. object) b. (any, except possessor) NP (any) realis ya (any) pronoun A few comments on (81) are needed. The fact that tone-dropped words do not raise tones on following words (81a) may be a consequence of other phenomena. Most tone-dropping processes apply within a NP. In the case of right-to-left control, the controlling word (C) is itself adjacent to the target (T), i.e. the tone-dropped word or word-string. It would be strange if C induced tone-dropping on T and then was itself tone-raised to dissimilate from T. Left-to-right control occurs in possessor-possessed sequences In (81b), the fact that an NP cannot be tone-raised by an element external to its own maximal NP, and the fact that realis ya cannot be tone-raised, may reflect phrasal bracketing. Similarly, the pronouns that occur in linear positions where tone-raising might be possible generally behave as proclitic to the following element, so bracketing is again a possible explanation. Tonal behavior of perfective negative verbs. In (82), the verb  listen begins with a {L}toned stem because of the perfective negative suffix li. It is therefore a potential target for Rhythmic Tone-Raising if preceded by a {L}-toned element. However, (82bc) show that the verb stem fails to be affected by such a preceding element. (82) a. nundiyoli( listen-PerfNeg-3SgS  He/She/It didn t listen. b. p[: nundiyoli( sheep listen-PerfNeg-3SgS  A sheep didn t listen. c. na: nundiyoli( cow listen-PerfNeg-3SgS  A cow didn t listen. Nevertheless, in relative clauses a L-toned proclitic subject pronoun does have a stem-wide raising effect on the perfective negative verb (83a), contrast (83b) with H-toned pronominal, where the only H-tone on the verb is in the suffix. If a noun is subject, as in (83c), there is no tone-raising on the verb, and even the perfective negative suffix is L-toned morpheme (wo) becomes H-toned. (83) a. izen L mi Hnundiyoli wo dayL 1SgS Hlisten-PerfNeg.Rel Def.InanSg  the day (when) I didn t listen b. izen L o nundiyoli wo dayL 2SgS listen-PerfNeg.Rel Def.InanSg  the day (when) you-Sg didn t listen c. izen L p[: / Yn[ nundiyoli wo dayL sheep/goat listen-PerfNeg.Rel Def.InanSg  the day (when) a sheep/goat didn t listen d. an L nindiyol g[ manL listen-PerfNeg.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who didn t listen The unexpected H-tone on wo in (83c) and g[ in (83d) could be attributed to Rhythmic Tone-Raising. Better, we could argue that the expected suffixal H-tone on the verb has jumped across the boundary to dock on the definite morpheme. For a similar phonological problem, see discussion of (602b,d-e) in 15.1. Tone-Raising of pronominal proclitic While pronominal proclitics sometimes induce tonal changes on following words, in a few combinations the reverse appears to happen: a L-toned pronominal is seemingly raised to H while the following element is unaffected. This happens with the Topic particle and with a handful of inalienably possessed kin terms. The effect is that L-toned proclitic pronominals like 1Sg mi merge tonally with H-toned pronominals like 2Sg o. In the case of Topic kay, a plausible explanation is that the independent rather than proclitic form of the pronoun is used (84a). I therefore avoid the H superscript in this case. However, three kin terms with {LH} possessed tonal form also shift a preceding L-toned pronominal possessor to H, and here the case for shifting from proclitic to independent pronouns makes little sense grammatically (84b). (84) 1Sg mi 2Sg o a. kay Topic mi kay o kay b. composite kin terms (6.2.3.5)  maternal kinsman mi H LHni-ye o LHni-ye  paternal kinsman mi H LHde : o LHde :  sister s child mi H LHsa-ye o LHsa-ye Intonation contours Adverbs and particles with lexically specified prolongation (!) As in other Dogon languages, there are a number of lexical items in YD that end in an intonational prolongation of the coda of the final syllable. These are expressive adverbials, clause-final particles, and similar elements external to or at the right edge of clauses and phrases. This prolongation cannot be reduced to vowel length, and it affects final sonorants as well as final vowels. The duration of the prolongation is variable but may be considerable. Examples of adverbials are dem!  straight (8.4.7.1) and asu!  always (8.4.7.3). Prolongation is also typical of phrase- and clause-final particles mi!  and (7.1.1), ma!  or (7.2), and quotative particle wa(!) after subjects (17.1.3). A subordinated clause type meaning  as soon as&  is formed by prolongation of the coda of an imperfective verb; see (635a-b) in 15.3.2. The e: ( [: subordinator also lends itself to prolongation (15.2.3). Dying-quail intonation effect ( Something like the dying-quail intonation effect observed in Jamsay and some other Dogon languages (prolongation of final syllable coda plus gradual pitch drop if not already L-toned) is found in the YD it is clitic under some conditions, but the prolongation is not consistent. See 11.2.1.1 for details. Nominal, pronominal, and adjectival morphology Nouns Simple nouns Noun stems may be as short as Cv, as in no  person , y[  woman , and ci  thing . However, most noun stems have at least two moras: Cv:, CvCv, CvCCv, Cv:Cv, and various trisyllabic and longer patterns. Many of the longer nouns, if not borrowed, are likely to have originated as compounds or suffixal derivatives, and may reflect this origin by their tonal contours or (nonharmonizing) vocalism. Animate nouns have an unmarked singular and take a plural suffix mu. The singular/plural distinction is obligatory for animates. Examples involving nonhuman animals are in (85). The plural suffix is high-toned mu for some stems that otherwise have all-low tones (85a), and low-toned mu for other stems with the same all-low toned stem (85b). For all stems that contain a high-tone element (85cf), the animate plural suffix is low-toned mu. (85) also shows the combination with definite animate singular g[. Note that both (85a) and (85b) have high-toned g[ though the two sets differ in the tone of animate plural mu. (85) Nonhuman animate nouns stem DefSg Pl gloss a. {L} tone stem with mu p[: p[: g[ p[[mu  sheep nomzu nomzu g[ nomzumu  snake aran aran g[ aranmu  bird duKyara duKyara g[ duKyaramu  lion yurugu yurugu g[ yurugumu  pale fox b. {L} tone stem with mu na: na: g[ na:mu  cow goy e goy e g[ goy emu  elephant c. {LHL} toned stem with mu tetew tetew g[ tetewmu  sparrowhawk d. {LH} toned stem with mu wi l ( wilu wi l g[ wi lmu ( wilumu  gazelle lozu lozu g[ lozumu  bush duiker dimna: dimna: g[ dimna:mu  ratel zamduru zamduru g[ zamdurumu  donkey e. {HL} toned stem with mu diy[n[ diy[n[ g[ diy[n[mu  hippo f. {H} toned stem with mu Yn[ Yn[ g[ Yn[mu  goat kondo kondo g[ kondomu  rock hyrax amra amra g[ amramu  aardvark The animate plural suffix is optionally reduced (apocopated) to m after a vowel. In this case the tone of mu is combined with the tone of the preceding syllable. Thus lozumu or variant lozum  bush duikers . Some human nouns are in (86). The tonal patterns are comparable to what we saw with animal terms above. For compounds (and other long, prosodically compound-like nouns like  white person ), the tones of the final stem are our reference point here. A few high-frequency human nouns are presented in the following section. See also the kin and similar relationship terms in 6.2.3.1. (86) Human nouns stem DefSg Pl gloss a. {L} tones gTlTgTl gTlTgTl g[ gTlTgTlmu  farmer soKti: soKti: g[ soKti:mu  weaver guno guno g[ gunomu  slave zame zame g[ zamemu  leatherworker (caste) zonju zonju g[ zonjumu  healer b. {LH} tones; see also 6.2.3.2) zem[ zem[ g[ zem[mu  blacksmith (caste) dTgT dTgT g[ dTgTmu  Dogon (person) c. {H} tones pula pula g[ pulamu  Fulbe (Pullo) anakaza anakaza g[ anakazamu  Hogon, oldest man anasa:ra anasa:ra g[ anasa:ramu  white person Inanimate nouns do not take plural mu, and therefore have only one morphological form. However, like other nouns they may be followed by determiners (definite morphemes, demonstratives) that distinguish inanimate singular from inanimate plural, e.g. definite wo (singular) versus g[ (plural). Some inanimate nouns are in (87). The combination with definite inanimate plural g[ is also shown. Definite inanimate singular wo has the same tonal patterns. (87) Inanimate nouns stem DefPl gloss a. {L} tones na: na: g[  foot gT/a: gT/a: g[  granary cin cin g[  stone oy oy g[  field; brousse time time g[  tree kula kula g[  leaf ;  hair ;  feather numa numa g[  hand jide jide g[  eye (variant gid-iye) pTndT pTndT g[  earth b. {HL} tones tana tana g[  stick c. {LH} tones dama dama g[  village d. {H} tones sun sun g[  ear s[w s[w g[  ax ko: ko: g[  head [m[ [m[ g[  milk (n) inju inju g[  water Ylo Ylo g[  house togu togu g[  shed, shelter kTKT kTKT g[  mountain [n[K, [n[Ku [n[K(u) g[  wind Kin terms have a number of morphological irregularities. These are covered in 6.2.3 since the morphology of kin terms cannot be separated from the expression of possession. Yanda Dom does not normally preserve frozen singular suffixes. I can cite izuge ~ izige  sun , compare suffixed Tebul Ure udu-go and Najamba uju-Kgo, and unsuffixed e.g. Ben Tey and Bankan Tey usu and Nanga usi. bange  friendship between a man and his friend s son suggests an original segmentation *ban-ge cf. bar i-y [  father s friend . Deverbal nominalizer -K (4.2.4) might be a vestige of *Kgo. Suffix -K in unpossessed forms of a few kin terms (6.2.3.4-5) is another possible archaism. High-frequency nouns ( man ,  woman ,  child ,  person ,  thing ) The most common human nouns are in (88). All but  man have irregularities when compared to the productive nominal morphology described in the immediately preceding section. (88) Sg DefSg Pl gloss irregular no no g[ no-mo  person ene ene g[ ene  child y[ y[ g[ y[mu  woman regular an an g[ anmu  man All three of the stems with Ltoned simple (i.e. indefinite) form have an irregular form with H-tone (for  child only in the second syllable) before definite singular g[ (which therefore remains Ltoned). The other irregularities are the plurals of  person and  child .  Man has no irregularities. For  child see also the human and nonhuman compounds in 5.1.8.  Thing is ci (definite singular ci wo, definite plural ci g[). The forms are regular, but Cv is an unusually short shape for a noun.  So-and-so (ama:n) The noun ama:n ~ a-ma:nu  So-and-so (Fr un tel) denotes a variable personal name. It occurs in contexts like this:  If I encounter someone from another village, I will say: Hey So-and-so, has it rained in your village? Reduplicated noun stems Initial Cv reduplication in nouns Possible Cv reduplications in nouns mostly in natural-species terms. The examples in (89) are organized by tonal contour and syllabic shape. Usually the unreduplicated form is unattested; however, tetew  sparrowhawk becomes tew as compound initial in other hawk terms (tews[:r [  falcon , tew-duba  eagle ). The formulae in the headings show the tone of the reduplicant (L- or H) followed by the contour of the base in {& }. (89) a. L-{HL} tetew  sparrowhawk pipiru  butterfly kTkTdu  gum-arabic tree (Acacia senegal) ka-kada  armpit (variant kagada) wewele  swift (bird) TbT[kakaza]  tree sp. (Grewia bicolor) , [cf. TbTza :la  vine sp. (Cissus quadrangularis) ] b. L-{H} m[m[n  ant(s) c. H-{LH(L)} popodolo  tree sp. (Stereospermum) tutumulT  shrub sp. (Kleinia) sesenze  small herb sp. (Spermacoce) d. L-{L} guguzu  giant pouched rat (Cricetomys) b[b[l[  tree sp. (Pterocarpus lucens) kTkTzu  viper (Echis) e. H-{H} kokol  tree sp. (Maerua angolensis) [totem for Tabasimbe family] ga-gabu  wall (cf. verb gabu  build wall ) kT-kTnT  season of hardship before harvest f. {L}-toned as compound initial [za -za ]-kale  double grain spike (millet) Some terms whose cognates in e,g. Jamsay have the reduplication appear without it in Yanda: ta:  hyena , ka:  grasshopper , c[g[  beetle/bug . Final reduplications in nouns Final reduplication is not a productive derivational device, but one can cite the grasshopper terms in (90a), which belong to a widespread but minor pattern in Dogon languages (e.g. Jamsay). The hyena term (90b) is more doubtful. The nouns (or compound initials) are ka:  grasshopper (all spp.) and ta:  hyena (2 spp.) (90) a. ka: s[K[r [s[y  grasshopper sp. (Kraussella) ka: p[l[mp[y  grasshopper sp. (Oedaleus) b. ta: koKor okTy  spotted hyena (Crocuta) Two onomatopoeic terms denoting noisy bird spp. have an apparent initial Cv - reduplication (91). The first of these has a variant kaKgar aw that is less transparently reduplicative. (91) ka -kar aw  white-bellied (Senegal) bustard c[ -c[r [w  black-headed lapwing Nouns with full-stem iteration The attested types are classified in (92) by prosodic type and subclassified by whether vocalic shifts take place. In most cases the base is not attested in unreduplicated form. Native speakers may still discern the connection between digu-digu  joint and the word-family including dij-j[ or digi-y[  be connected (joined) . (92) a. CvCv-CvCv (disregarding compound initial) no vocalic change digu-digu  joint mid-height vowel to a gTr Tma[diKedaKa]  evil dwarf ka:[toKotaKa]  mantis b. CvCv-CvCv (disregarding compound initial) teKetaKa  stilt dancers c. CvC-CvC no vocalic change timtim  bush sp. (Scoparia) d. Cv C-Cv C mid-height vowel to a c[ y ca y tree sp. (Cassia sieberiana) Such iterations are more common with expressive adverbials (8.4.7.1) and onomatopoeic words. Frozen initial a or aN in nouns Candidates for a more or less segmentable initial formative a- or aN- (with nasal consonant) are in (93). (93) a. aN- antumul  evil dwarf aKguKguru  giant tortoise (Geochelone) anzukuma  giant millipede b. a- a-kam  wrestling (cf. verb kam  squeeze, hold in bear-hug ) Etymologically spurious cases may also be put in this category synchronically. The main examples are borrowings from Arabic nouns with al- (and assimilated variants), e.g. anasa:ra  white person, European . Derived nominals Characteristic derivative (ji ~ -ju) The suffix ji ~ -ju is added to a noun X to generate a noun (or adjective) meaning  characterized by having X . The noun denoting X takes the form of a simple (i.e. unquantified) stem, and drops tones. The plural is jimu ~ jumu. Two examples are in (94). (94) noun gloss Characteristic gloss a. paKa  strength paKa-ji  strong, powerful b. tTm  hump tTmji  hunchback Verbal nouns (le, y ~ -u) Verbal nouns are used when the eventuality denoted by the conjugatable verb is referred to abstractly, and as complements of various higher-level verbs such as dTgT  leave in the sense  cease (doing) (17.3.2). Representative forms of the two productive verbal noun forms are in (95). One productive verbal noun form is with suffix le. It is added to the bare stem form. The second verbal noun ends in y after a monosyllabic Cv(:) verb, and in -u after most nonmonosyllabic stems. Cv: verbs shorten the vowel before y, merging with Cv verbs (95a-b). The three weakly bisyllabic verbs of the shapes nCv ( give ) and YCv ( go up ,  eat meal ) have a final i-vowel (95d).  Weep has a similar form yi (95c). These i-final forms are difficult to segment morphologically; perhaps we could posit a -y suffix that contracts irregularly with a stem-final vowel to i. The verbs in (95f) apocopate the final /u/ after an unclustered sonorant other than a rhotic or r. (95) bare stem VblN le VblN y ~ -u gloss a. wo wole woy  come wT wTle wTy  see j[ j[le j[y  kill je jele jey  dance go gole go-y  go out nT nTle nTy  go in zo zole zoy  bring b. to: to:le toy  spit ka: ka:le kay  shave ma : ma :le may  make (bricks) na : na :le nay  spend night c. y[ y[le yi-(  weep d. nd[ nd[le ndi-(  give Yr[ Yr[le Yri-(  eat (meal) Yl[ Yl[le Yli-(  go up e. ubT ubTle ub-u  pour tabu tabule tab-u  touch c[mn[ c[mn[le c[mn-u  have fun s[mb[ s[mb[le s[mb-u  sweep f. un unle un-(  go tolo tolole tol-(  pound (in mortar) der [ der [le den-(  spend day diy[ diy[le diy-(  carry on head gTlT gTlTle gTl-(  do farm work ba n ba nle ban-(  beat (tomtom) obiyo obiyole obiy, obu  sit garu garule gar-u  obstruct nindiyo nindiyole nindiy-(  listen In examples like diy-(, the word-final /iy/ is not distinguishable audibly from long i:. Likewise for word-final /uw/ versus long u:, as in suw-(  defecating from stem suwT. See Monophthongization 3.6.6.2. Verbal nouns often incorporate a direct-object nominal. On the syntax of verbal-noun complements, see 17.3. Agentive compounds end in an agentive form that is identical to the y ~ -u verbal noun type (5.1.7). Deverbal nouns with -n suffix ( dues ,  curse ) I know of tthe following deverbal nouns with -n suffix. (96) noun gloss related verb a. CvCv-n z[bu-n  (a) curse z[b[  curse (sb) gamu-n  thunder gam-i:  (storm) thunder b. CvCi-n segin  dues, contribution s[g[  pay dues Compare Tebul Ure z[bi-n[  (a) curse . Deverbal nouns with -K suffix ( sunrise ,  sunset ,  satiety ) From noun izuge (or izige)  sun we get two complementary compounds whose finals consist of a verb stem plus a nominalizing suffix -K. (97) compound gloss related verb a. izige-[tumo-K]  sunrise tumo  (sun) rise b. izige-[pilo-K]  sunset pile  fall; (sun) set The K may reflect an animate class marker *(K)go. Compare e.g. Tebul Ure [udu-go]-[tumbu-Kgo] and (with a different  sun stem as initial) Jamsay [ni-ni:]-[tTgu-gu]  sunrise . For deadjectival nouns with suffix K see 4.2.6 below. By themselves, tumo-K  east and pilo-K  west are cardinal direction terms (8.4.6.3). sir u-K  being full (of food), satiety is an isolated nominal from verb sir [  be full (after eating), be sated . Apparent derived noun CvC-i: The nouns in (98) are sufficiently similar to each other in form and meaning to constitute a minor pattern CvC-i:. The morphological markup is tricky since these stems are associated with CvCi-y[ verbs including the mediopassive suffix. (98) noun gloss related verb a. gam-i:  thunder gami-y[  (thunder) sound b. ar uK-[c[r -i:]  (flash of) lightning c[(:)r i-y[  (lightning) flash (~ar uK-[c[:r -i:) Reduplicated deadjectival nouns of measurable extent (-K) Adjectives denoting axes of measurement have an all {L}-toned reduplicated abstractive nominal. Most of them end in a suffix -K, which is not always audible after l. For some speakers, the -K appears to have fused with a lexical stem-final y as y , and in one other case ( length ) y now appears to be the suffix. For deverbal nominals with -K, see 4.2.4 above. (99) nominal gloss related adjective a. no suffix tu-tuju  weight tuju  heavy b. suffix -K za-zal[-K ~ za-zala-y  length zala  long bi-bir i-K  size bi n  big, fat wa-way-K ~ wa-way  width way  wide to-toy-K ~ to-toy  depth toy  deep de-dembul(-K)  thickness dembul  thick yama-K  stupidity yama  stupid Instrument nominals There are no productive formations. di:zu  file (tool) is related to verb di:ze  file, smooth with a file. Agentive nominal There is an agentive nominal form, derived from verbs. It appears to occur exclusively as a {L}-toned compound final. The initial, also {L}-toned, represents a typical object, or a cognate nominal is used. In such compounds, the final agentive nominal ends in -y if the stem is Cv- or Cv:-. Heavier stems have an agentive in -u, which is subject to apocope after an unclustered sonorant (other than a rhotic or r). The segmental form (but not tone) of the agentive nominal is the same as that of the verbal noun in u and y. For examples of the compounds see 5.1.5, below. Pronouns Personal pronouns Regular personal pronouns (independent, proclitic, suffixed) Independent, subject, and object pronominals are given in (100). The independent forms are high-toned, and are used in isolated occurrences (me!), as topics, and as focalized elements. The accusative forms are preverbal clitic-like elements in transitive clauses. They are based on low-toned forms of the monosyllabic pronominal stems, followed by accusative y. The logophoric plural has a more nounlike accusative form since the animate plural suffix mu is included. Pronominal subjects are expressed by suffixes in main clauses, but in relative clauses this suffixal slot is not available for this purpose, and a set of proclitics is used instead. These proclitics are also used as inalienable possessors, and before postpositions. Several of the proclitics (those except 2Sg and logophoric) are low-toned and therefore differ audibly from the corresponding high-toned independent forms. By contrast, the 2Sg and logophoric categories have high tones in both the independent and the preverbal subject series, so there is no audible distinction. Preverbal subject clitics do not co-occur in the same clause with pronominal-subject suffixes. (100) Personal Pronouns indep. accusative proclitic subject suffix 1Sg mi miy mi m 2Sg o oy o w 1Pl ye yey ye y 2Pl wo woy wo y 3Sg na nay na ( 3Pl bo boy bo [variable] InanSg ko ko (=3Sg) (=3Sg) [ko especially discourse-definite] InanPl [either as for InanSg, or as for 3Pl] LogoSg a ay a =1Sg (18.2.1.2) LogoPl a(y[-)mu a(y[-)muy a =1Sg [note: LogoPl is merged with LogoSg as subject] In parsing texts, a difficulty worth mentioning is distinguishing 3Sg na and na from the homophonous locative postpositions (na and variant na, see 8.2.3. The 3Pl category is mainly used for animates, but it can extend to inanimates. The 3Sg category can similarly extend to inanimate singular as an alternative to ko, and even to inanimate plural. ko is usually translatable as  that (i.e. discourse-definite), either abstract as in  that (situation) or concrete, and can reasonably be considered to be a demonstrative rather than just a pronoun. In the preverbal subject series (used in relative clauses), #ko was not accepted by my assistant (3Sg na is required even for inanimates). ko also has different tonal effects on following particles than regular pronouns (3.8.4.1). The preverbal subject clitics are identical in form to the prenominal possessor clitics used with inalienable nouns (kin terms); see 6.2.3.1. Alienable nouns have a distinct construction involving a postnominal complex consisting of a pronominal element and a nominal classifier; see 6.2.2. The preverbal subject clitics are also identical to the forms of the pronouns before conjunctive particle mi!  and (7.1.2). For the use of the inanimate singular forms of the pronominals as part of reflexives, as in 1Pl koyeK and 3rd person koaK, see 18.1.  All/together nonsingular pronouns (ya:, wa:, a:,) This special set of nonsingular pronouns (101) combines a pronominal element, cf. 1Pl ye, 2Pl wo, and 3Logophoric/3Reflexive a, with another morpheme that contracts with it to form a long a:. (101) category  all/together pronoun 1Pl y-a: 2Pl w-a: 3Logo/3Refl a: Comparing these forms with the corresponding simple independent pronouns (ye, wo, a, respectively), one suspects an original *yeCa, *wo-Ca, *a-Ca with some consonant *C. The sense is  we/you/they all and (in the absence of an  all quantifier)  we/you/they together . The morphologically Logo/3Refl form in (102a) is used generally as a 3Pl form, even in nonlogophoric, nonreflexive contexts. For combinations with  all quantifiers, see 6.6.1.2. (102) category with c[m with pu! a. 1Pl y-a: c[m ya: pu! 2Pl w-a: c[m wa: pu! LogoPl a: c[m a: pu! b. 3Pl bo c[m bo pu! Examples are in (103). (103) a. (ye) ya: boy (1Pl) 1Pl-all.together be-1PlS  We are together. b. (wo) wa: boy (2Pl) 2Pl-all.together be-2PlS  We are together. c. eno: a: b[: children-Def.AnPl 3.all.together be-3PlS  The children are together. Personal pronouns as complements of postpositions Examples of pronouns with postpositions are in (104). The dative postposition follows a form of the pronoun identical to the preverbal subject pronouns (in relative clauses). There are no irregular dative forms. Complex postpositions like behind, of the literal type at [Xs rear], are locative PPs with a pronominally possessed noun as complement. (104) category dative behind 1Sg mi Hber a [tunu Ymo] na 2Sg o Hber a [tunu o-K] na 1Pl ye Hber a [tunu ye-K] na 2Pl wo Hber a [tunu wo-K] na 3Sg na Hber a [tunu na-K] na 3Pl bo Hber a [tunu bo-K] na Inan ko Hber a [tunu ko] na LogoSg a Hber a [tunu a-K] na LogoPl a-(y[-)mu ber a [tunu a-(y[-)mu-K] na Pronominal possessors With alienably possessed nouns (anything except kin terms), pronominal possessors follow the possessed noun, or more specifically the N-Adj-Num sequence (NumP). See 6.2.2 for the syntax. The forms used after Ltoned nouns are in (105). Many of the forms are clearly bimorphemic. Inanimate possessor is merged with animate (as 3Sg, occasionally 3Pl). Animate singular and inanimate plural possessed NPs require identical possessor forms. (105) Pronominal possessors (after low-toned alienable nouns) possessor AnSg/InanPl AnPl InanSg 1Sg miy [ miy [mu Ymo [!] 2Sg Ty [ omu oK 1Pl y[: yemu yeK 2Pl w[: ~ woy [ woK 3Sg n[: ~ na-y [ namu naK 3Pl bw[: ~ bo-y [ bomu boK Inan [=3Sg throughout] 3LogoSg ay [ amu aK 3LogoPl ay [ amu aK After a possessed noun containing at least one high tone, the pronominal possessors are low-toned: miy [, y[: , etc. These postnominal possessors follow any adjective or numeral that is attached to the possessed noun, see 6.1.1. The inanimate plural and the animate forms are homophonous. In these series, the 1Sg, 2Sg, and logophoric forms show a clearly segmentable classifier morpheme y [, but the remaining forms seem to be contractions, e.g. 3Pl bw[: perhaps < *boy [. In the inanimate singular paradigm, the 1Sg is irregular (suppletive), while the remaining combinations end in a morpheme K that might be compared to the beneficiary suffix K (8.3.1). With inalienably possessed nouns (chiefly kin terms, see 6.2.3), the pronominal possessor precedes the possessed noun. The pronominal possessor form is not bimorphemic as with postnominal possessors. Instead, the same forms as for preverbal subject pronominals are used: Htoned for 2Sg and logophoric, Ltoned for the others. (106) Pronominal possessors before inalienable kin terms category form tone 1Sg mi L 2Sg o H 1Pl ye L 2Pl wo L 3Sg na L 3Pl bo L 3LogoSg/Pl a H Demonstratives and definites Definite particles (g[, wo) The definite morphemes distinguish animacy and grammatical number. The same morphemes recur in animate and inanimate paradigms, but with the opposite grammatical number value (107). (107) Definite morphemes Animate Inanimate  Sg g[ ~ g[ wo ~ wo Pl wo ~ wo g[ ~ g[ Definite morphemes do not induce tone-dropping on the preceding noun (or its expansion). If the preceding noun contains a high tone, the definite morpheme is low-toned; if the preceding noun is entirely {L} toned, the definite morpheme is high-toned. Therefore the animate singular has lowtoned g[ in /2.a), but high-toned g[ in (108bc). The animate plural has low-toned wo in (108a), and also in (108b) following a high-toned plural mu, but high-toned wo in (108c). (108) Sg Pl gloss a. Yne g[ Ynemu wo  goat lozu g[ lozumu wo  bush duiker amra g[ amramu wo  aardvark zem[ g[ zem[mu wo  blacksmith b. p[: g[ p[:mu wo  sheep c. guno g[ gunomu wo  slave na: g[ na:mu wo  cow The high-frequency human nouns (other than an  man , which is already high-toned) shift their final or only tone to high (i.e. Cv or CvCv) in the singular before g[ (109ab). Plural wo takes tones as described above following the corresponding plurals. (109) Sg Pl gloss a. no g[ no-mo wo  person y[ g[ y[mu wo  woman b. ene g[ ene wo  child Demonstrative pronouns  This/that (deictic demonstrative pronouns) The deictic categories are Proximal (prototypically associated with the space arouond the speaker), Near-Distant (prototypically associated with the addressee), and Far-Distant. Near-Distant forms can also be used for discourse deixis, i.e. immediate discourse definiteness, e.g.  that (same) X (that we were just talking about) . Far Distant forms like maKgo can also be used in an obviative function, i.e. in the sense that other one, distinguishing one of two equally distant objects (Should I bring this one? No, that other one.) The demonstrative pronouns in (110) are used with inanimate reference, either absolutely (give me that!) or as postnominal modifiers. In the latter case, they force tone-dropping on the modified noun. (110) Inanimate demonstrative pronouns singular plural gloss label and abbreviation Kgo [ :  this Proximate (Prox) ko y[ :  that (with you) Near Distant (NearDist) maKgo may[  that (distant) Far Distant (FDist) Segmentation is somewhat obscure. Inanimate singular ko ~ go can be identified in the singulars, inanimate plural (y)[(:) in the plurals. ma- is identifiable as a Far Distant morpheme. For human or other animate reference, the forms in (111) are used. The plural demonstrative pronoun, when used as a modifier, follows the singular (not plural) noun: na: L Tmiy[  these cows , not #na:mu L Tmiy[. (111) Animate demonstrative pronouns singular plural gloss TKg[ Tmiy [(-mu)  this na g[ bo:, bogo-mu  that (with you) maKg[ mamiy [(mu)  that (distant) Segmentation is again somewhat difficult. We can recognize animate singular g[ (from g[). In the plurals, two of the forms appear to contain animate plural y [ (<*y[) but the Near Distant form bo: is related to (animate) 3Pl pronoun bo. Ordinarily, demonstratives retain their lexical tones but control {L} on preceding words in the NP (excluding possessors). However, when they follow postnominal pronominal possessors, demonstratives drops their own tones to {L} and control no tone contours on the preceding string. See 6.5.2 for more on the syntax and tonosyntax. Preposed discourse-definite marker that (same) absent Some Dogon languages have a prenominal discourse-definite marker, in the form of a perhaps frozen inanimate singular possessor pronoun (e.g. Jamsay ko). This is not observed in Yanda Dom, which instead uses postnominal Near-Distant demonstratives for (immediate) discourse deixis; see 4.4.2.1 just above. Anaphoric/logophoric demonstrative pronouns absent No demonstrative pronouns related to anaphoric pronouns (reflexive, logophoric) have been observed. Demonstrative adverbs Locative adverbs The basic deictic adverbs of spatial position are those in (112). Several are related in form and meaning to inanimate demonstrative pronouns. Like other spatial expressions they can occur in stative locative (here), pergressive (this way), allative (hither), and ablative (hence) contexts, with directionality supplied by verbs. (112) a. Kgi ~ nji  here , cf. (788), (856) koy  just over here, just over this way (not far from speaker, pinpointed), cf. (774), (778), (788), (806), (850) mba  around over here (approximate), cf. (791) b. manji ~ magi  over there (e.g. where the listener is) mamba  there (farther away) c. ya  there (discourse-definite) , cf. (836), (850) ya y  there (discourse-definite) , cf. (697), (753a), (807) ku-ba  there (discourse-definite) , cf. (671b), (759), (777) Discourse-definite  there can also be expressed compositionally as TmT L ko  that (same) place . These adverbs can also directly modify a preceding noun, in which case they function like adverbially case-marked forms of corresponding demonstratives (4.4.2.1). In modifying function, the adverbs (like the demonstratives and like modifying adjectives) control tone-dropping on the noun. See, for example, gomuL koy  (in) the courtyard over there in (808) in Text 2. Some of the adverbs likely originated as case-marked demonstratives, though the morphology is now rather obscure: compare the apparent endings -y and -ba with accusative y (6.7) and locative ba (8.2.3). Emphatic and approximinative modifiers of adverbs The expressive adverbial te! or its iterated form te:te:  precisely, exactly can be combined with any locative adverb: Kgi te:te:  right here . For vaguely defined deixis, an inanimate plural demonstrative of the appropriate spatial category can be followed by locative postposition na. Thus [: na  (somewhere) around here , y[: na  (somewhere) around there (e.g. near the listener) , may[ na  (somewhere) around there (distant) . With place names and other place descriptions, ba replaces na, as in bamakT ba  (somewhere) around Bamako . For ba (displaced) and na as locative postpositions, see 8.2.3. Presentatives ( here s(! ) (a n-na ( T m-nT ( T m-na-, ma n-na-) There is a distinction between Proximate (which can extend to near-distant) and Far-Distant presentatives with na. This element, which may appear as nT by assimilation, is preceded by an element resembling the Proximate or Far-Distant demonstrative, see 4.4.2.1 above. However, there is no animacy split. The -na morpheme may be historically related to the locative postposition na, but presentatives (unlike locative PPs) can be conjugated for pronominal subject. Proximate a n-na (preferred by younger speakers) or T m-nT ~ T nna (older speakers) corresponds to French voici X (and sometimes to voil X), and to English here is/are X. (113) a. inju T n-na( water Prox-Presentat-3SgS  Here s (the) water! b. sa ydu T n-na( S Prox-Presentat-3SgS  Here s Seydou! c. T n-nam Prox-Presentat-1SgS  Here I am! For objects outside the scope of  here , we get Nonproximate Presentative ma n-na, corresponding to French voil X and English there is/are X. The pronominal-subject paradigms are in (114). The first person forms are not used with the Nonproximate. (114) category  here s&  Proximate Nonproximate 1Sg a n-nam  2Sg a n-naw ma n-naw 1Pl a n-nay  2Pl a n-nay ma n-nay 3Sg a n-na( ma n-na( 3Pl a n-nay[ ma n-nay[ The initial rising tone in a n-na and variants is heard in isolation pronunciations, but the tones may be dropped in the presence of a preceding constituent. An informant rejected combinations of these presentatives with other verbs, in the fashion of French le voil qui arrive. Realis-existential proclitic ya can have presentative force when combined with an imperfective verb, see (457) in 11.2.2.1. Clause-final ga seems to be presentative in (791) in Text 1. Adjectives The sections below consider NP-internal modifying adjectives. For adjectival predicates ( X is red , etc.) see 11.4. Most adjectives also have related inchoative and factitive verbs (9.5). Types of adjectives Adjectives are used as modifiers of nouns within NPs, and have various predicative forms (usually including an inchoative and a factitive verb). Within a NP, the order is noun-adjective, and additional adjectives may be added. Only the final word in the noun-adjective sequence (core NP) retains its tones; nonfinal words are tone-dropped (6.1.6, 6.3.3.1). The morphology of modifying adjectives is simple and is generally consistent with nominal morphology. As with nouns, there is no suffix for animate singular or for (singular or plural) inanimate categories. For animate plural NPs, the plural suffix mu is added only to the final adjective: na: L ban L binmu  big brown cows (cow red big-Pl). For more details about NP structure, see Chapter 6. For all adjectives tested, animate plural -mu is L-toned. This is worth mentioning only in the case of {L}-toned adjectives. Recall that a minority of {L}-toned noun stems have Htoned animate plural -mu. There are no such adjectival examples. A generous sample of adjectives is presented in (115). The divisions are by tone contour, and within each group by vocalism and syllable shape. Many of the adjectives are used exclusively or primarily with inanimate referents and are not readily elicited with the (animate) plural suffix. I therefore include a column with the readily elicitable definite g[, which is animate singular or inanimate plural depending on the animacy of the noun. (115) Modifying Adjectives AnSg/Inan with g[ AnPl gloss a. {L} tone with high-toned definite CvC(u) [n [n g[   thin (wall) am am g[ ammu  in good condition (animal) toy toy g[   deep (hole, well) p[y p[y g[ p[ymu  old, elderly may may g[   dry way way g[   spacious, wide (space) ;  wide (passage) [mu [mu g[   cramped (space) ;  narrow (passage) ;  thin (wall) tel, telu tel g[ telmu  fast, speedy (person, animal) Tl, Tlu Tl g[   wet ;  fresh (vegetation) gal, galu gal g[   bitter (taste) mTru mTru g[ mTru-mu  ugly kTnu kTnu g[   curved donu donu g[   blunt (blade) denu denu g[ denumu  short (rope, person) tuju tuju g[ tujumu  heavy kudu kudu g[ kudu-mu  undiluted CvCCu kunzu kunzu g[   coarse, rough m[nzu m[nzu g[ m[nzumu  slender (person, stick) Cv:C(u) da:l da:l g[ da:lmu  nasty ke:zu ke:zu g[ ke:zumu  cool, cold ;  slow (vehicle, person) YC[ Yl[ Yl[ g[   curdled (milk) ;  cooked (meat) ;  ripe (grain etc.) CiC[ iz[ iz[ g[   empty (container), empty-handed CvCv, CvCCv, and Cv:Cv, two identical non-high vowels sere sere g[   diluted (e.g. milk) gTmT gTmT g[ gTmTmu  bad, nasty kolo kolo g[   fresh (milk) ;  raw (meat) ;  unripe zala zala g[   long (rope) kanda kanda g[ kandamu  new na:r a na:r a g[   easy (work) ;  cheap CvCvCv with three identical non-high vowels azala azala g[   half-ripe (mango) other Yy ay Yy ay g[   tight ;  hard (e.g. stone) dembul dembul g[   thick, massive (wall) b. {LH} tone [note: the final H-tone may shift onto the definite: bin g[ etc.] Cv: ba : ba : g[   full (container) si : si: g[   sharp (blade) CvC(u) ba n ba n g[ ba n-mu  red (brown, orange) ;  ripe (mango) bi n bi n g[ bi nmu  fat, stocky (tree, mango, person) da n da n g[   sour (milk, lemon) gT m gT m g[   rotten (mango, meat) na m na m g[   difficult ;  expensive [ l, [lu [ l g[ [ l-mu  sweet; good-tasting ; [L-toned variants [l etc.]  funny (person) Tju Tju g[   hot ;  fast (vehicle) b[du b[du g[   near waju waju g[   far, distant gabu gabu g[ gabumu  tall yTdu yTdu g[   soft CvCvC pele l pele l g[   tasty (fried food) CvCvCC(u) Tr Tndu Tr Tndu g[ Tr Tndumu  smooth, sleek CiC[ ~ CeC[ jim[ jim[ g[ jim[mu  black (dark) ~ jem[ ~ jem[ g[ ~ jem[-mu CvCa diya diya g[ diyamu  big daga daga g[ dagamu  small c. {LHL} tone CeCeCe be-bele be-bele g[ be-belemu  small denele denele g[   round, circular d. {H} tone CvCv with two identical non-high vowels komo komo g[ komomu  lean, not plump sala sala g[ salamu  bad CvCvC with two identical non-high vowels nanay nanay g[ nanay -mu  important CvCvCv with three identical non-high vowels satara satara g[ sataramu  young, able-bodied s[m[l[ s[m[l[ g[ s[m[l[mu  worn-out CiC[ pil[ pil[ g[ pil[mu  white (light, bright) siy[ siy[ g[ siy[mu  good e. {HL} tone CvC(u) unu unu g[   dense other kTnda kTnda g[ kTndamu  crooked The tone-contour possibilities are similar to those for nouns. Segmentally, note the frequency of CvCu and of CvC with final sonorant (sometimes alternating with CvCu), along with a few heavier u-final stems. Other recurrent patterns include CvCv(Cv) with a repeated non-high vowel, and CiC[. Relative form of verbs The form of verbs used in relative clauses has limited substantival (nominal or adjectival) morphology, though it is substantival in the sense that it can be followed by determiners and quantifiers. In the imperfective positive, there is some marking of animacy/number in the verb itself, so it has a semi-participial nature. For more on the forms, see 14.1.7. Numerals Cardinal numerals  One =  same (one) (tuma!) and  other (wana) The numeral  1 , tuma!, is a modifying adjective and therefore requires a tone-dropped noun: an  man (high-toned), an tuma!  one man . This numeral is also used to indicate sameness, as in the common phrase in (116) that specifies full siblinghood. (116) [ye nu] [[de: L tuma!] [ni: L tuma!] [1Pl two] [[fatherL one] [motherL one]]  The two of us are (of) one father (and) one mother. Likewise [ye nu] [dama L tuma!]  the two of us are (of) one (=the same) village . tuma! can also be used to introduce a temporal setting in combination with a noun like  day or  year (117). (117) [izen L tuma!] wo-m-u [dayL one] come-Impf-3SgS  One (=some) day he/she will come (back). However, tuma! is not regularly used to introduce a discourse referent, in the fashion of European indefinite articles, so it is absent in (118a-b). (118) a. [zonju L siy[] zuwa-m-uw ma [healerL good] know-Impf-2SgS Q  Do you-Sg know a good healer? b. [[oy L na] ye bo-m] pula Lwe-( [[fieldL Loc] 1PlS be-Impf] Fulbe Lcome.Perf-3SgS  When we were in the fields, a Fulbe person came. The modifying adjective wana  other is used to specify distinctness of reference (or kind): dama  village , dama L wana  another (=a different) village . wana can also be used as a kind of obviative adverb in the sense  meanwhile or  over at the other place , i.e. to indicate a shift from the currently focal situation to a secondary situation that has been previously mentioned. See (838) and (839) in Text 4. For adverb wana in a negated clause in the sense (not) again or (no) longer, see (753b) in 19.3.1. 2 to 10 The numerals from 2 to 10 in are shown in (119). The forms used in counting from 2 to 10 are in the central column in (119). The same forms are used with inanimate reference (as when quantifying over villages or pots). These forms begin with a classifier ye, followed by a numeral stem beginning with a high tone (the tone contours are {H} or {HL} depending on the numeral). The corresponding numerals with animate reference begin with a classifier a or bo followed by a low-toned version of the numeral. These animate classifiers have a suspicious resemblance to logophoric pronoun a and to 3Pl pronoun bo, respectively. (119) gloss inanimate/counting animate unprefixed  2 yenT: anT:, bonT: nT: or: yeno: ano:, bono: no: [for -nu with a pronominal see (226) in 7.1.2]  3 yeta:ndu ata:ndu, bota:ndu ta:ndu  4 yec[zT ac[zT, boc[zT c[zT  5 yenum anum, bonum num  6 yekule akule, bokule kule  7 yesT/[: asT/[:, bosT/[: sT/[:  8 yesa:ge asa:ge, bosa:ge sa:ge  9 yetT/a: atT/a:, botT/a: tT/a:  10 yepiyel apiyel, bopiyel piyel After the H-toned prefixes a- and bo-, the initial H-tone of the numeral may be phonetically downstepped, but it does not become L-toned. The downstep is most conspicuous with monosyllabic numeral stems, as in a-no:  2 , phonetic [ano:]. I do not mark the downstep in ordinary transcriptions. While several of the numerals ( 2-3 ,  5-7 ,  10 ) belong to pan-Dogon cognate sets, those for  4 ,  8 , and  9 have cognates in Najamba-Kindige but not in other northern Dogon languages. nT: ~ no:  2 has an irregular allomorph nu in pronominal combinations such as yenu  we 2 , see (226) in 7.1.2, and in pT:nuno  twentieth from cardinal pT:nT:  20 (4.7.2.2). It also has a strange augmented form in the ordinal nozuno  second (4.7.2.2). Its n changes to l in lo:si:  (and) two (added to a decimal term, 4.7.1.3), cf. cognates such as Jamsay l[ y  2 . In full NPs with a noun and a numeral, an inanimate noun takes its regular unaffixed form including its lexical tone, and is followed by the numeral including its classifier ye. (120) Numerals with inanimate nouns gloss X  three X s  village dama dama yeta:ndu  stone cin cin yeta:ndu  granary gT/a: gT/a: yeta:ndu  stick tana tana yeta:ndu Animate nouns take their regular plural, which for the great majority of such nouns is by suffixation of mu. The animate classifying prefix on the numeral is then redundant, and is optionally omitted. The full forms are shown in (121), but e.g. na:-mu ta:ndu  three cows with unprefixed numeral is also possible. (121) Numerals with regular animate nouns gloss X (plural)  three X s a.  cow na:mu na:mu ata:ndu ~ na:mu bota:ndu b.  sheep p[:mu p[:mu ata:ndu ~ p[:mu bota:ndu c.  Fulbe pulamu pulamu ata:ndu ~ pulamu bota:ndu For the most common human nouns, the combinations in (122) were preferred. For  man and  woman , the classifier a or bo is acceptable, but the preferred construction is that without a classifier. For  person , classifier-like prefix no is not based directly on (irregular) plural no-mo as expected, rather on singular no  person . (122) Numerals with high-frequency human nouns gloss X (plural)  three X s a.  man anmu anmu ta:ndu  woman y[mu y[mu ta:ndu b.  person no-mo nota:ndu  child ene ene nota:ndu Animate plural -mu on the noun is repeated on the numeral when it is followed by a determiner; see 6.4. With plural personal pronouns, a numeral may be added directly, or the classifier no may be used. For example,  you three =  the three of you can be expressed as wo ta:ndu, or with the classifier as wo nota:ndu. Decimal multiples ( 10 ,  20 , () and combinations ( 11 ,  59 , () The multiples of  10 are given in (123). From  20 to  70 they consist of a low-toned initial element vaguely similar to piyel  10 , followed by the relevant single-digit numeral, with initial high tone.  80 hss an alternative monomorphemic form siK, the famous  Dogon hundred, alongside the regular derivative. Likewise, for  90 , there is an alternative form literally meaning  80 and 10. (123) gloss form  20 pT:nT: ~ pT:no:  30 pTta:ndu  40 pTlTc[zT  50 pTlTnum  60 pTlTkule  70 pTlTsT/[:  80 pTlTsa:ge, siK  90 pTlTtT/a:, siK mi! yepiyel Like other cardinal numerals, these decimal terms follow the nouns they quantify over. Animate plural suffix mu is present with animate nouns. The numeral undergoes tone changes after low-toned nouns: na:mu pT:nT:  20 cows , compare anmu pT:nT:  20 men . Composite numerals of the type  11-19 ,  21-29 , etc., consist of the decimal numeral as given above (with no further tonal change), the single-digit numeral in low-toned form, and a final element si:. Prefixal classifiers are absent. There are a few segmental irregularities in the single-digit element, especially with  2 and  3 . The final vowel of  1 is not prolonged. In allegro speech we find low-level vocalic harmonization before si: with  4 and 6 . There is also an archaic form of  1 with vocalism leveled. The combinations of the single-digit numeral and the final si: are shown in (124). (124) gloss simple forms with si:  1 tuma! tumasi: (archaic tTmTsi:)  2 nT: ~ no: lo:si:  3 ta:ndu ta:nsi:  4 c[zT c[z[si:  5 num numsi: (see below for  15 )  6 kule kulosi:  7 sT/[: sT/[:si:  8 sa:ge sa:gesi:  9 tT/a: tT/a:si: An example is pT:no: tT/a:si:  29 . There is no classifier before tT/a:  9 . The preceding noun, if present, has the same form as it has before a simple decimal numeral: na:mu pT:no: tT/a:si:  29 cows . For the specific combination  15 , the expected piyel numsi: is normally contracted to piyemsi:. Higher-order numerals ( 100 ,  1000 , () and their composites The stems in (125) express higher-order numerals. (125) gloss form a.  hundred t[m[d[r[ (<Fulfulde) b.  thousand muzo c.  million milyT (<French)  Million is rarely used except in connection with currency, on which see the following section. These higher-order can be followed by a single-digit or other numeral to generate e.g. 200 and 2000. Hundred and million are treated like inanimate nouns (regardless of the animacy of the referent). Observe the inanimate classifier ye in t[m[d[r[ yeno:  200 and milyT: yeno:  2 million .  Thousand does not use a classifier: muzo no:  2000 . If an animate noun is present, it has its usual plural form: na:mu t[m[d[r[  100 cows . Any of these higher numerals may be followed by a smaller numeral to produce combinations like  325 and  3,215 . The conjunction mi!  and often separates the higher numeral from the lower numeral. In some cases the conjunction is redundant, as in (126a), where  25 could not possibly be misparsed as quantifying over 300. In these cases the conjunction is optionally omitted. By contrast, if the conjunction in (126b) were omitted, the numeral would be misparsed as 300, so in this case the speaker will normally take pains to pronounce the conjunction. (126) a. na:mu [t[m[d[r[ yeta:ndu (mi!)] [pT:no: numsi:] cow-AnPl [hundred Inan-three (and)] [ten-two five-plus]  325 cows b. na:mu [t[m[d[r[ mi!] [bota:ndu] cow-AnPl [hundred and] [An-three]  103 cows In combinations like those in (126), i.e. involving numerals of two or more different orders (1-99, hundreds, thousands, millions), the noun is optionally repeated at the beginning of each segment. For example, a second occurrence na:mu  cows could be added before  25 in (126a) and before  3 in (126b). In any event, the lowest-order segment (1-99) shows animacy agreement with the noun, where morphologically possible. Therefore  103 cows (126b) has Animae bo in the final numeral  3 , agreeing with  cows . Currency In all Malian languages, the basic currency unit (the  riyal ) is equivalent to 5 CFA francs. The word for  riyal in Yanda Dom is bu:du, as in Fulfulde and other languages of the region. Therefore  100 CFA is expressed as  20 riyals (bu:du pT:no:), or just as  20 (pT:no:) if the discourse context involves money. This applies up to  1 million CFA , where the French expression milyT takes over. Distributive numerals Distributive numerals are reduplications of simple cardinal numerals. Distributives are often adverbial in nature, but they may alternatively quantify over a noun. For tuma!  1 , the distributive tumaytumay or its shortened form tutumay can mean  one by one, singly ,  one each , or more generally it may indicate a scattered rather than dense distribution (hence pragmatically  infrequent, rare, occasional, here and there ). For other numerals  2 to  10 , the relevant classifier (animate, inanimate) is present on the first occurrence of the numeral. Inanimate ye requires the lexical {H} or {HL} tone on the immediately following numeral, while animate a and bo require a low-toned numeral. The second occurrence of the numeral is low-toned in either event. (127) gloss inanimate/counting animate  2 yeno:no: a/bono:no:  3 yeta:nduta:ndu a/bota:nduta:ndu  4 yec[zTc[zT a/boc[zTc[zT  5 yenumnum a/bonumnum  6 yekulekule a/bokulekule  7 yesT/[:sT/[: a/bosT/[:sT/[:  8 yesa:gesa:ge a/bosa:gesa:ge  9 yetT/a:tT/a: a/botT/a:tT/a:  10 yepiyelpiyel a/bopiyelpiyel An example with a noun is (128). Note that  cows takes the same form (with low-toned animate plural mu) as before other cardinal numerals. (128) na:mu ano:no: Lwo cow-AnPl An-two-two Lcome.Perf-3PlS  The cows came two by two. With plural pronouns, the classifier is optionally omitted. In this case the two occurrences of the numeral show lexical tones. For example,  we two by two (= two of us at a time ) is ye ta:nduta:ndu, or with the classifier as ye nota:nduta:ndu Especially after L-toned prefix ye- or without a prefix, the first occurrence of the numeral may have a higher pitch than the second (for distributives from 2 up). However, I do not mark this in transcriptions. After a H-toned prefix, the first occurrence is itself phonetically downstepped, as noted earlier, and in this case there is no noticeable pitch difference between the first and second occurrences. Ordinal adjectives See also aKa-n[ ~ aKay-no  how-many-eth? (French quantime) in 13.2.2.6.  First (c[w) and  last (ida) The modifying adjective  first is c[w, with animate plural c[wmu. The context is usually definite so these forms are followed by a definite morpheme, as in na:L c[w g[  the first cow and na:L c[wmu wo  the first cows .  Last, final is ida. Examples: na: L ida g[  the last cow and na: L idamu wo  the last cows . Other ordinals (suffix no ~ n[) Other ordinals are formed by adding no ~ n[ to the numeral, whose tones are dropped. The stem for  2 takes an irregular form nozu before no, and a similar irregularity occurs in  20 . The choice between no and n[ is interesting. It can be viewed either in terms of a cardinal cut-off point, with no confined to  2nd through  5th and n[ used for higher values, or in terms of assimilation to the [round] feature of the final vowel of the stem, so that -no is associated with u and -n[ is associated with {ie[a}. Rounding assimilation is likely the historical source of the split, but the difference in ATR values suggests that it is not a low-level phonetic phenomenon. muzon[  thousandth is the one case where the two conditioning factors diverge, and suggests that the cardinality cut-off is now the determining factor. One of two assistants tended to fluctuate between no and n[ (and probably -ne) in repetitions of some of the forms, while the other assistant was more consistent. A similar fluctuation is observed in stem-final vowels in verbs. (129) form gloss a. single-digit numeral nozuno  second ta:nduno  third c[zuno  fourth numno  fifth kulen[ ~ kulo-n[  sixth sT/[:n[  seventh sa:gen[  eighth tT/a:n[  ninth piyeln[  tenth b. decimal pT:nuno  twentieth pTta:nduno  thirtieth siKn[  eightieth c. decimal plus single-digit numeral piyeltumasin[  eleventh d. hundred t[m[d[r[n[  hundredth muzon[  thousandth e. hundred plus  1-99 numeral (two levels) t[m[d[r[ mi! pT:nuno  hundred and twentieth In (129c), the combination of the decimal term ( 10 ) and the single-digit term is subject to tone-dropping as a unit. In (129e), however, the numeral contains elements from different orders (here, hundreds and 1-99), and the tone-dropping applies only to the latter numeral (and to the conjunction mi!). Fractions and portions The noun p[j[r[  half, fraction can be used to denote any representative fractional share of a larger quantity. Other than French loanwords (like quart quarter) there are no fractional expressions based on numerals. Nominal and adjectival compounds Nominal compounds Noun-noun and similar compounds are classified into types based on tonal changes in the initial or the final, as in (130). In the symbols, n means no tonal change (lexical tones appear), n means tone-dropped, n means {H}-toned, n means {HL}-toned. (130) pattern comment a. no tonal change in initial or final (nn) rare b. only initial has a tonal change (nn) initial tone-dropped; common c. only final has a tonal change (nn) final raised to {H} (nn) final tone-dropped d. both initial and final have tonal changes (nn) initial tone-dropped, final with {HL} Ambiguous tone-defined compound types There are many lexically {L}-toned nouns, and for these we cannot distinguish n (lexical tone) from n (tone-dropping). There are similar, though in practice less difficult, issues involving lexically {H}-toned stems vis--vis n, and lexically {HL}-toned stems vis--vis n. Examples of ambiguity patterns are in (131). The most common source of problems is the type in (131a). (131) a. (nn) or (nn) or (nn) with initial and final lexically {L} jenju-bTrT  blood vessel jenju  blood , bTrT  sack numa-kTlT  wrist numa  hand , kTlT  neck b. (nn), (nn), or (nn) with initial lexically {L} and final lexically {H} numa-cinda  palm of hand numa  hand , cinda  heart c. (nn) or (nn) with final lexically {HL} kTKT-t[mb[  mountaintop kTKT  mountain , t[mb[  above inju-ulT  geyser inju  water , ulT  spring Compounds of type (n n) In this type, neither the initial nor the final undergoes a tonal change. A clear case would be one where both the initial and the final have at least one lexical Htone element, and this element appears audibly in both parts of the compound. This type is not clearly attested in Yanda Dom. A possible example is sagu-sT :rT  type of meal (with ground millet) , cf. sagu  pounded millet grain (before sifting) . Especially given the unusual tones of the final, this compound may be a borrowing from Jamsay. Compounds of type (nn) In this pattern, the initial is a noun that drops its tones to {L}, while the final retains its tones. Typically the initial functions as a modifier, cf. English brick house. Because Yanda Dom has many {L}-toned nouns, it can be difficult to distinguish this type from the possessive-type compound described below (5.1.5-6). However, the (nn) type is indicated when the initial would otherwise have at least one Htone but appears in all Ltoned form (132a). There are many other possible examples, but those in (132b) could also be (n n) and those in (132c) could also be (nn). (132) (nn) compounds compound gloss components samal-bid[  day labor samal  day labor , bid[  work(n) yu:-pur a  millet flour yu:  millet , pur a  flour, powder ba-ur a  mist, fog ba  cloudy weather , ur a  dust (in the air) sira-sumzu  wad of tobacco sira  chewing tobacco , sumzu  saliva The verbal-noun compounds in the following section, and the agentive compounds in 5.1.7, below, are special cases of this (n n) construction. Compounds with final verbal noun, type (n VblN) A verbal noun readily combines with a {L}-toned form of a noun as initial. The noun denotes a generic object, or some other entity type associated with the action. The default initial is the corresponding cognate nominal. The verbal noun form used is normally that with suffix -u ~ -y and other allomorphs (4.2.2). The compound verbal noun may be homophonous with a corresponding agentive compound (5.1.7, below). (133) Compound verbal nouns compound gloss components Ylo-[Tnz-u]  house-building Ylo  house , TnzT  build ezu-[ma-y]  waterjar-making ezu  waterjar , ma :  shape The initial may also be a simple PP including a common noun. In an independent PP, either the noun or the postposition has a Htone, since {L}-toned nouns require a Htoned postposition (134a). In the corresponding compoun, the overlaid {L} compound-initial contour applies to the noun-postposition sequence (134b). There is accordingly always an audible tonal difference between the independent and compounded forms of the PP. (134) a. [time na] ya Yl[-( [tree in] Real go.up.Perf-3SgS  He/She went up into (a) tree. b. [time-na]-[Yli-(] [tree-in]-[go.up-VblN]  (act of) going up into trees In other cases, the verbal-noun compound does not denote an action or other abstraction. Instead, the verbal noun functions like a modifying adjective. The compound as a whole denotes a subset of the set denoted by the initial that has undergone a process denoted by the verb. Compare English baked fish, roast(ed) potatoes. For example, [g[l[  peanut (or groundnut) occurs with an ordinary adjective in [g[l[ L ba n  peanut (ba n  red ) or in [g[l[ L kolo  raw peanut , and with adjective-like verbal nouns in (135a-b). By contrast, compound final pag-u from pagu  tie up has abstractive sense in (135c), denoting an action type rather than a subtype of  mouth . (135) N+Adj gloss verb a. [g[l[ L an-u  roasted peanut(s) anu  cook lightly [g[l[ L kabul-u  shelled peanuts kabu-l[  separate b. [ma pag-u  sorghum bundle  sorghum tied compound gloss literal sense c. mbo-[pag-u]  fasting  mouth tying The other verbal noun form in suffix -le is less common, in general and in these compounds. It was, however, possible to elicit examples such as Ylo-[TnzT-le]  house-building . Possessive-like compounds of type (nn) This compound type has tones resembling those of alienable possessor-possessed combinations with {L}-toned possessed noun. We clearly have a (nn) compound when the initial preserves a lexical Htone, and when the final is {L}-toned in the compound but appears elsewhere with a different tone melody, as in (136a). The (nn) type is also indicated when the initial preserves its lexical tones including a Htone, while a lexically {L}toned final remains unchanged (136b). I can cite no example of this, however, so there may be a correlation between (nn) and underlying non-{L}-toned finals. (136) Compounds of type (nn) compound gloss final element a. final audibly drops tones satara-e:-mu Lko-badu  youth leader ko-badu  leader (older man who represents young men at meetings) [r [ Lza  soda-ash meal za  meal poruba Lbid[  collective work bid[  work(n) [d[-mu LYlo  chicken(s) coop Ylo  house inju LTmT  source of water TmT  place b. final is already lexically {L}-toned, initial has an Htone [no examples known] The compounds in (136) take Ltoned definite morphemes, since the compound as a whole always contains a H-tone: poruba Lbid[ wo  the collective work . When the initial element is {L}-toned, there is an overt distinction between (nn) compounds and corresponding possessives. This is because a possessed noun takes {H} overlay after a {L}-toned possessor, as in (137b). No such process affects compound-finals (137a). (137) a. p[:-na: ( wo) sheep-foot (Def.InanSg)  (the) sheep s-foot b. p[: Hna: (wo) sheep Hfoot (Def.InanSg)  (the) foot of a sheep Possessive-type compounds of type (nn) In this type, the initial keeps its lexical tones, and the final shows {H} tones. This pattern is tonally like that of a possessor-possessed combination when the possessor is not determined or quantified (6.2.1.1). Since compound initials are normally generic, the connection with possessives is meaningful here. I will therefore write these compounds with a space rather than a hyphen separating initial from final. In (138a) we can hear the tone change in the final. In (138b) the final is already {H}-toned, but the fact that the initial does not drop to {L} strongly suggests that the (n n) pattern is again at hand. The only other possibility, (n n), is not a well-established compound type. (138) Possessive-type compounds (nn) compound gloss final element a. final changes from {L} etc. to {H} sTK-tiy Hgon  loom gon  gear guzu HciK  skin disease ciK  disease [ma HgT/a:  sorghum granary gT/a:  granary gTru Hwel  knee tendon wel  tendon aKga Hin  molar tooth in  tooth [ma HkTnzT  sorghum beer kTnzT  beer b. final already lexically {H}-toned, initial has a Htone inju Hozu  aesophagus ozu  road c. final already lexically {H}-toned, initial is {L}-toned izige-[tumo-K]  sunrise tumo-K  (sun s) rising izige-[pilo-K]  sunset pilo-K  falling Agentive compounds of type (x v) In this type of compound, a noun-verb sequence is converted into a  deerslayer type agentive with incorporated object. The initial appears in unaffixed form, and drops to alllow tones. The final agentive element is also Ltoned. It takes an agentive form with final -y (monosyllabics), -i (the three marginally bisyllabic stems of shape nCv or YCv) or -u (other nonmonosyllabics). The final /u/ is subject to apocope after an unclustered sonorant other than a rhotic or r. The agentive has the same form as one of the regular verbal noun formations (4.2.2). In both, the predominent -u suggests a comparison with the Ustem that occurs in a class of u-final verbs (3.5.1). For verb stems of two or more syllables, the vocalism is that of the Ustem. That is, the final vowel is replaced by /u/, not only in verbs that use the Ustem in place of the bare stem, but also for all other verbs. The stem-final /u/ on the verb is audible when preceded by a consonant cluster (139a) or by a consonant (such as an obstruent) that does not permit the /u/ to be deleted (139b). These examples also show that the incorporated noun may be a cognate nominal (139a) or another noun that denotes a prototypical object type (139b). The plural is with low-toned mu, as in ko:[dumu  braiding ladies . (139) Agentive compounds N+V gloss compound gloss a. c[mna c[mn[  have fun c[mnac[mnu  one having fun zamna zamn[  commit theft zamnazamnu  thief b. saK pide  shut door saKpidu  door-shutter za manu  cook meal zamanu  cook (chef) ko: [d[  braid head ko:[du  braiding lady The /u/ is deleted by regular phonological rule after an unclustered sonorant (for details see 3.6.3.2), as in (140a) with cognate nominals and (140b) with more descriptive incorporated nouns. (140) N+V gloss compound gloss a. gTlT gTl[  do farm work gTlTgTl  farmer nuKa nuKT  sing a song nuKanuK  singer b. yu: gTlT  do farm work yu:gTl  millet-farmer kTnzT niy [  drink millet beer kTnzTniy  beer-drinker Verbs of the shape Cv or Cv: take the form Cvy in agentive compounds (141). Arguably the y represents underlying /yu/ but this cannot be demonstrated. (141) N+V gloss compound gloss ja: je  dance a dance ja:[jey]  dancer marba ta:  shoot rifle marba[tay]  rifle-shooter temben ma :  make bricks temben[may]  brickmaker sumzu to:  spit sumzu-[to-y]  spitter For the noun-verb combination yaK y[  weep , I recorded yaKyi  weeper, crybaby . The lexicalized agentive dana  hunter can be used by itself, and when it does have an incorporated nominal it does not change its shape: weldana  gazelle-hunter (wel). Compounds with -e: or -(i)ye ( child, fruit, blade, &  ) The noun  child with human reference is ene, irregular plural ene. For further tonal irregularities see 4.1.2, above. For  juvenile, young (animal) the form used without a compound initial is iye. As a compound final, there are two forms. Both are of type (nn), i.e. with {L}-toned initial. In one variant, -e: follows the initial, with no phonological interaction (in particular, no contraction with a stem-final vowel). This form is probably related to the noun ene. There is also a more contracted variant (i)ye. The i replaces a stem-final short vowel (if any), but is usually omitted after a consonant, though the Htone is realized at the end of otherwise {L}-toned initial. Typical manifestations of this variant are Cv C-ye, Cv -yye, CvCvC-ye, and CvC-iye (from /CvCv-iye/) This type is probably related to the noun iye, and indeed it is especially common with animal names as initials.  X-child compounds have a wide range of senses, ranging from young (animal), to fruit (or other useful part) of (plant), to blade of (tool), to a small object that is paired with a larger object (e.g. the small round grinding stone that one holds in ones hand to grind with, versus the large flat stone that one grinds on), to various other small items that are parts of or auxiliaries to a defining object, to a more or less pure diminutive. Examples are in (142). Note the homonyms na -yye  calf and  toe (the latter can also appear as na:-e:). (142)  X-child compounds compound gloss initial a. human s[la-e:  bastard child s[la  concubine c[K[r [-e:  circumcised child c[K[r [  circumcision b. animal na -yye  calf na:  cow p[ -yye  lamb p[:  sheep Yn-iye  goat kid Yn[  goat [d-iye  chick [d[  chicken c. body part numa-e: ~ numa-ye  finger numa  hand na -yye ~ na:-e:  toe na:  foot kombil-ye  (finger-/toe-)nail  gid-iye  eye gide  eye, eyes d. plant products yu:-e:  millet grain spike yu:  millet plant iza-e:  millet grain  mTlT-e:  pit of wild date mTlT  wild date tree (Balanites) koko-e:  coconut  anzu-e:  roselle seeds anzu  roselle gaw-e:  onion bulb ga w  onion plant c[r-iye  cotton seed c[r[  cotton plant e. other inanimate auxiliary sembe-e:  spike for cotton sembe  cotton-spinning stick daba-e:  daba (hoe) blade daba  daba (hoe) Yra-e:  pawn in board game Yra  native board game marba-e:  bullet marba  rifle bon-iye  tapstick for tomtom bon  tomtom ku n-ye  pestle (for mortar) kun  mortar no m-ye ~ nom-iye  small grindstone num ~ nom  flat stone on which one grinds f. diminutive cin-iye  pebble cin  stone tan-iye  twig, small stick tana  stick, staff A semantically specialized case is TgT-e:  wealth, riches or  rich person , cf. TgT  chief, Hogon . There are a few kin terms containing a more or less segmentable ye, e.g. saye  sister s child from sa:  sister . See 6.2.3.5 for a list and for fuller analysis. In kinship terminology, sa-ye  sister s child is a frozen derivative of sa:  sister , and likewise sezi-ye  grandchild from sezu  grandmother . These frozen compounds do not show the usual H-tone element preceding the final. In some cases the initial is not elicitable separately. Such forms are probably segmentable when they fit the semantic patterns seen in the clearly segmentable cases. Examples: lal-iye  kidney , alm[t-iye (French allumettes)  matches , pejiye  insect gall (on tree) . Frozen diminutives in fauna terms are: ara pul-iye  yellow wagtail , sakolol-iye  weaver or sparrow , p[zuma gombil-iye  hedgehog . Plants: sil-iye  tree sp. (Anogeissus) , gTg-iye  neem tree , zind-iye  shrub sp. (Feretia) , and possibly (but with the wrong tone contours) sateliye  tree sp. (Bauhinea) , simpaliye  tree sp (Boscia angustifolia). There are also some fauna terms that may contain an archaic diminutive iya. These are sa: ziya  piapiac (magpie) , gorombiya  bunting (Emberiza) , and sandiya  starling .  Man (an),  woman (y[) For the simple human nouns an  man and y[  woman , see 4.1.2, above. Both of these may also function adjectivally, e.g. with animal terms. Thus Yn[  goat , Yn[ an  billygoat , Yn[ y[  nannygoat . These could also be analysed as (nn) compounds, which have an {L}-toned initial. In their own {L}-toned forms, these stems occur in a range of noun-adjective combinations and compounds.  Woman shows no irregularities: y[ p[y  old woman , y[ kanda  newlywed bride , y[-bidu  betrothal at birth .  Boy is regular ene an, literally  child male .  Girl is the slightly irregular en-iye. Compounds with badu  owner badu or baKa  owner, master occurs as final in a few compounds (143). (143) a. (nn) l[b[-badu  owner of the sacrificial altar (l[b[) TmbTlT-badu  owner of an idol (fetish) (TmbTlT) b. (nn) Ylo badu  house owner Senses like  hunchback are usually not expressed as  owner of compounds, rather with Characteristic derivational suffix -ji (4.2.1). For  owners functioning somewhat like a relative head (with unspoken  who said and an overt quoted clause), see (780) in Text 1. Loose and tight compounds with ni:  mother (entire plant) ni:  mother can be used as a compound final with e.g. flora terms, to denote the entire tree or herb as opposed to just its fruits or other focal part. However, this compound final competes with time  tree in these cases. Thus maKgoro-time or maKgoro-ni:  mango tree. I am not aware that mother is used as compound final in the sense true X or primary/focal X (as opposed to false X or secondary X). False X (hyenas X, slave of X) For false/secondary X denoting a species similar to a more focal species X, a possessor denoting an animal, a child, or the like can be added: ta:-c[lba  hyena-eggplant is Solanum incanum, a plant with poisonous fruits; ta:-elem  false jujube (Ziziphus mucronata) is opposed to true jujube (Z. mauritiana); Yn[-kile-mu Lkuda  goatherds wild grape is the liana Ampelocissus africana whose berries resemble those of wild-grape tree (Lannea microcarpa); cenju-mu LkTdT  agama lizards calabash is water lettuce Pistia stratiotes; cenju-mu Lkambe  agama lizards zaban fruit is the inedible wild melon Cucumis melo; antumulu-bi:  dwarf-Sclerocarya is the tree Commiphora africana (smaller than Sclerocarya birrea); ga: -[g[l[  cat-peanut is a leguminous herb Crotalaria podocarpa. The compound type [X-guno]  slave of X for a similar species associated with that denoted by X is attested in [ya:du-kuma]-guno  slave of Hibiscus longisepalus , denoting another bush of the same botanical family (seen planted in a village), Abutilon pannosum; in pal-guno  sesame-slave for Ceratotheca sesamoides; in taba-guno  tobacco-slave for the weedy herb Blumea axillaris (whose young leaves resemble those of tobacco); and in lol-guno  nr-slave for Acacia amethetophylla, smaller and less important than nr tree (Parkia biglobosa). I have only one case where an adjective with a sense like  false is added to the species term X. This is [ma L salala  false sorghum , denoting the sorghum-like weed Sorghum arundinaceum. salala is not used in other combinations. Nominal compounds with medial linking element ma (na) The element ma occurs in a few XmaX compounds denoting caterpillars and small plants (144a). The first X and the linking ma are low-toned, the second is {HL} toned. soye means  larva, grub, caterpillar . There is a tonally similar nonreduplicative example with ma in (144b), and one with na in (144c). Nonbiological compounds with ma are in (144d). (144) a. soye L danmadan  hairy caterpillar (family Arctiidae) ~ soye L danumadanu soye L pegumapegu  sheath-carrying caterpillar ay[doKmadoK]  herb sp. with burrs b. bulTmata: ~ -ta:  spreading grass sp. (Cynodon) c. golonaam(e)le  bush with hairy leaves (Waltheria) d. begumabegu  hiccup (noun, used with verb bege) soye L danmadan is thought to be connected to da n  sour , alluding to the hairs that can stick in a person s skin. soye L pegumapegu is based on pegu  hitching post (a small post to which animals are tied with a looped rope. ay[doKmadoK] is said to be (partially?) from Tommo So (ay  mouse ), alluding to the practice of putting a stem with burrs into mouseholes. bulTmata: contains bulT  kinsman, relative and (despite the opaqueness of ta: ) is understood by natives to mean something like  have several kin (alluding to the plant s putting down roots at stem nodes). golonaamle is understood to mean  in-law of fire , cf. amle  in-law and golo  fire . Similar terms for this species (Waltheria indica) occur widely in northern Mali. Another term, aran L bir[madTK  white-billed buffalo weaver (with aran  bird ) contains the compound bir[madTK  hard worker , which is also used for people. Since the Yanda noun bid[  work has d rather than r, this phrase may be a foreignism, cf. Jamsay bir[ (ma is the possessive linker in Jamsay). Instrumental relative compounds ( oil for rubbing ) The examples in (145) involves an inanimate singular imperfective relative verb form with K, see 14.1.7.2. This construction is used when the function of the noun can be expressed by a simple verb (rather than a verb plus noun complement). The nouns in (145) are inju  water , na:  cow , and ni:  oil, butter . (145) a. inju L niy aK waterL drink-Impf.Rel.InanSg  water for drinking b. inju L diyaK waterL bathe-Impf.Rel.InanSg  water for bathing c. na: L zi -K cowL take.away-Impf.Rel.InanSg  ox (as beast of burden) (zi n  take away ) d. ni: L YraK oilL eat-Impf.Rel.InanSg  oil for eating (cooking) e. ni: L padiyaK oilL rub.on-Impf.Rel.InanSg  oil for rubbing (verb padiy[) When the function requires both a verb and an object, as in  meat-cutting knife , different constructions are used. First, the object is compounded with the verb in the form of a verbal noun. This compound may then appear as a preposed possessor, as in (146). In these examples, the final noun raises its tones. (146) a. as[g[-[sem-(] Hpol animal-[slaughter-VblN] Hknife  knife for slaughtering animals (sem[, pol) b. nama[cez-u] Hpol meat-[cut-VblN] Hknife  meat-cutting knife (cezo, pol) c. kTdT-[sTb-u] Hc[m calabash-[pierce-VblN] Hawl  awl for piercing calabashes (c[m) Or the verbal noun compound may follow the head noun as a kind of adjective (147). (147) a. mana L aran-[ta-y] plasticL bird-[shoot-VblN]  slingshot (ta:  shoot ) b. c[m L kTdT-[sTb-u] pointL calabash-[pierce-VblN]  awl for piercing calabashes (c[m) c. m[nzina L bTrT-[piy-(] needleL grain.sack-[sew-VblN]  needle for sewing grain sacks (m[nzina, bTrT, piy[) Adjectival compounds Bahuvrihi ( Blackbeard ) compounds Bahuvrihi compounds (cf. black-hearted, two-fisted, butterfingers, Blackbeard) can function as adjectives or nouns. The compound as a whole has its grammatical number and animacy determined by the referent. The tones are distinct from those of other compounds. Bahuvrihi (n/n  a) with adjectival compound final The nominal initial denotes a body part. Initials that already have a H-tone are unchanged, but {L}-toned initials shift the final syllable (the final mora of Cv:) to H-tone. The adjective drops its tones to {L}. (148) bahuvrihi gloss components a. initial is monosyllabic {L} becomes {H} in-kosi:  buck-toothed in  tooth , kosi:  oblique in-ray  buck-toothed in  tooth , ra y  oblique (synonyms) {L} becomes {LH} na :-zala  long-legged na:  leg , zala long b. initial is bisyllabic {H} unchanged c[n[-bin  big-mouthed c[n[  buttocks , bi n  small {LH} unchanged dumoc[m[  small-buttocks dumo  buttocks , c[m[  small {L} becomes {LH} b[d[bin  big-bellied b[d[  belly , bi n  big, stout b[d[c[m[  small-belly b[d[  belly , c[m[  small guzujem[  black-skinned guzu  skin , jem[  black guzupil[  white-skinned guzu  skin , pil[  white cinzabin  big-nosed cinza  nose , bi n  big, stout kTlT-zala  long-necked kTlT  neck , zala  longt c. initial is trisyllabic {LHL} unchanged [gid-iye]bin  big-eyed gid-iye  eye(s) , bi n  big, stout As in several other Dogon languages there are bahuvrihi-like compounds for two large bird spp., but with different tone contours. Large bustards such as Neotis denhami are called jide-pil[  eye white , and the huge Abyssinian ground hornbill is called gide-jem[  eye-black , cf. gide  eye(s) , pil[  white , jem[ (~jim[)  black . Bahuvrihi (n num) with numeral compound final The available examples are shown in (149). In the productive type (149a), the nominal initial preserves its lexical tones except that {L} is raised to {LH}, while the numeral is tone-dropped. In (149b), for which I have only one example, the numeral has {HL} tone. This form, mbo-no:  two-mouthed (149b), is in use in the sense  double-barreled (rifle) , while near-synonym k[n[-[ye-no:]  two-mouthed is used for anything else (e.g. a travel bag with two openings). (149) bahuvrihi gloss components a. numeral is tone-dropped initial contains a H-tone, preserves its tones in bahuvrihi [gid-iye]tuma!  one-eyed gid-iye  eye(ball) , tuma!  one [gid-iye]ta:ndu  three-eyed gid-iye  eye(ball) , ta:ndu  three ko:-[ye-no:]  two-headed ko:  head , ye-no:  two k[n[-[ye-no:]  two-mouthed k[n[  mouth , ye-no:  two initial is lexically {L}-toned, shifts to {LH} na :-[ye-kule]  six-footed na:  foot , ye-kule  six b. numeral has {HL} overlay mbo-no:  two-mouthed mbo  mouth (i.e. barrel, of gun) , (ye-)no:  two In (149a) but not (149b), the ye- classifying prefix is usually retained in the final numeral (from  2 up). This is not the case with  three-eyed , where however the initial happens to end in ye, so haplology or resegmentation may have been at work. Noun Phrase structure Organization of NP constituents Linear order The elements in a NP are usually linearized as in (150). However, under some conditions numerals can also precede adjectives or follow postnominal possessors. (150) NP possessor or inalienable pronominal possessor noun (head of entire NP) modifying adjective(s) cardinal numeral postnominal alienable possessor pronoun determiner (demonstrative pronoun or definite morpheme) universal quantifier (all) Definite morphemes, especially animate plural wo, may alternatively cliticize to the last occurrence of animate plural suffix -mu in the preceding NP. This may involve jumping over a numeral; see 6.5.3. The tightest unit is noun plus modifying adjective(s), i.e. the core NP. kama  each follows nouns (only two combinations are attested). It is omitted from (150) because its linear position vis--vis other postnominal elements is moot. Examples showing the normal ordering, pair by pair, are in (151). (151) a. sa ydu LYlo Poss-N S Lhouse  Seydou s house b. Ylo L jem[ N-Adj houseL black  a black house c. Ylo L jem[ yeta:ndu N-Adj-Num houseL black Inan-3  three black houses d. Ylo L jem[ naK N-Adj-Poss houseL black 3Sg-Poss.InanSg  his/her black house e. na:mu ano: miy[mu N-Num-Poss cow-AnPl An-two 1Sg-Poss.An-AnPl  my two cows f. na: miy[ g[ N-Poss-Def cow 1Sg-Poss.An Def.AnSg  my cow (definite), the cow of mine g. cin g[ c[m N-Def- all stone Def.InanSg all all the stones Adjective-Numeral Inversion The sequence N-Adj-Num is optionally inverted to N-Num-Adj under some conditions. In effect, the stem-class distinction between adjective and numeral, which is elsewhere quite sharp in the syntax, is suspended or at least blurred, with the numeral being treated (for purposes of linearization) as a second adjective. The order of two ordinary modifying adjectives is variable in the absence of idiomatic collocations (examples are given below). Therefore if the numeral is treated as an adjective for purposes of linear ordering in the presence of another adjective, an optional inversion is expectable. Instead of formulating this as an actual inversion, one could therefore imagine a rather abstract stem-class conversion that then allows alternative linearizations. However, I will refer to the process as inversion. Usually the inversion is licensed (i.e. allowed, but not required) by the co-presence of a demonstrative or a possessor, or when the NP in question is head of a relative clause. In other words, licensors are those elements external to the N-Adj-Num sequence that restrict reference. In the absence of an external licensor, (152a) is clearly preferable to (152b). The ordering in the latter was never given spontaneously by informants in elicitation or recorded texts, and was disapproved of or accepted unenthusiastically when presented to them. I therefore flag (152b) with a question mark. The remaining examples in (152) involve an additional external licensor: a postposed pronominal possessor in (152cd), a preposed nonpronominal possessor in (152e-f), a relative clause in (152g-h), and a demonstrative in (152i-j). A postposed pronominal possessor can also participate in the reordering, so (152c-d) have further variants. The tonal transcriptions reflect my second informants usual pronunciation discerned in repeated elicitation. Where the numeral stem is tone-dropped, as in a-ta:ndu L, the H-toned animacy prefix is sometimes also heard as L-toned (such variants are not shown here). Additional variants involving alternative placement of animate plural -mu are not directly relevant and are omitted here. (152) a. na: L jem[-mu a-ta:ndu cowL black-AnPl An-three  three black cows b. ? na:-mu a-ta:ndu L jem[-mu cow-AnPl An-threeL black-AnPl [=(a)] c. na: L jem[-mu mi-y [-mu a-ta:ndu cowL black-AnPl 1SgP-An-AnPl An-three  my three black cows d. na:-mu a-ta:ndu L jem[-mu mi-y [-mu cow-AnPl An-threeL black-AnPl 1SgP-An-AnPl [=(c)] further variants of c-d, with the possessor relocated, are: na: L jem[-mu a-ta:ndu mi-y [-mu na: L mi-y [-mu L jem[-mu a-ta:ndu na:-mu a-ta:ndu L mi-y [-mu L jem[-mu na:-mu mi-y [-mu a-ta:ndu L jem[-mu na:-mu mi-y [-mu jem[-mu a-ta:ndu e. sa ydu L[na: jem[-mu] a-ta:ndu S L[cow black-AnPl] An-three  Seydou s three black cows (tonosyntactic bracketing) f. sa ydu Lna:-mu a-ta:ndu L jem[-mu S Lcow-AnPl An-threeL black-AnPl [=(e)] (tonosyntactic bracketing of  three ambiguous) g. [na: jem[ a-ta:ndu] L pile-zo-mu [cow black An-three]L fall-Perf2-AnPl  the three black cows that fell h. [na:-mu a-ta:ndu jem[-mu] L pile-zo-mu [cow-AnPl An-three black-AnPl]L fall-Perf2-anPl [=(g)] i. [na:-mu a-ta:ndu jem[] L Tmiy [ [cow-AnPl An-three black]L Prox.AnPl  these three black cows j. [na: jem[-mu a-ta:ndu] L Tmiy [ [cow black-AnPl An-three]L Prox.AnPl [=(i)] These examples show that a numeral is tonosyntactically independent of the adjective in the standard sequence NL-Adj-Num, as in (152a,d), but that a numeral (like a noun) is tone-dropped when it precedes the adjective in the sequence [N-Num]L-Adj, as in (152d,h,i). This tone-dropping usually does not affect a H-toned animacy prefix on the numeral. The morphological effect of inversion relates to animate plural suffix mu. Where it is semantically appropriate, mu follows an unmodified noun (N-mu) or a N-Adj combination (N Adjmu). The suffix is also common (though optional) after the noun in a N-Num sequence (Nmu Num) and after the adjective in a N-Adj-Num sequence (N Adjmu Num). This difference between numerals and adjectives is maintained under Adjective-Numeral Inversion, so that mu is often (though not obligatorily) present on the noun in inverted N-Num-Adj sequences (Nmu Num Adj). Therefore numerals do not completely merge with adjectives in the inversion construction. When two regular adjectives modify the same noun, they may occur in either order (unless one of them forms a tight, lexicalized unit with the noun). So (153) varies with (153b). (153) a. [na: daga(-mu)] L pil[-mu [cow small(-AnPl)]L white-AnPl  small white cows b. [na: pil[(-mu)] L daga-mu [cow white(-AnPl)]L small-AnPl [= (a)] When a numeral is added to two adjectives in an NP also including an inversion licensor, all six possible orders are acceptable. Factoring out the alternative ordering of the two regular adjectives by arbitrarily placing small before white, the numeral may occur before, between, or after the adjectives (154ac). The bracketing is tonosyntactic. (154) a. [na:-mu a-ta:ndu daga(-mu) pil[-mu] L Tmiy [ [cow-AnPl An-three small(-AnPl) white-AnPl]L Prox.AnPl  these three small white cows b. [na: daga(-mu) a-ta:ndu pil[-mu] L Tmiy [ [cow small-AnPl An-three white-AnPl]L Prox.AnPl [= (a)] c. [na: L daga-mu pil[-mu a-ta:ndu] L Tmiy [ [cow small-AnPl white-AnPl An-three]L Prox.AnPl [= (a)] The final demonstrative has broad tonosyntactic control over the postnominal modifiers in the most fluent pronunciations, which are given in (154). However, elicitation of tone patterns in such complex sequences is always difficult, and pronunciations based on narrower groupings were also heard, especially when the slightest hesitation or prosodic break was present. Further examples in (155) show a lexically {H}-toned noun Yn[  goat instead of  cow which appeared in the preceding examples.  Goat is part of the tone-dropping domain controlled by the adjective in (155ab) and by the demonstrative in (155cd). (155) a. [Yn[-mu a-ta:ndu] L jem[-mu mi-y [-mu [goat-AnPl An-three]L black-AnPl 1SgP-An-AnPl  my three black goats [compare (152d)] b. Yn[ L jem[-mu a-ta:ndu mi-y [-mu goatL black-AnPl An-three 1SgP-An-AnPl  my three black goats [cf. (152c)] c. [Yn[-mu a-ta:ndu] L Tmiy [ [goat-AnPl An-three]L Prox.AnPl  these three goats d. Yn[-mu L Tmiy [ goat-AnPlL Prox.AnPl  these goats Order of numeral versus postnominal possessor When a postnominal pronominal possessor is present, unmarked order is N-Adj-Num-Poss, with the possessor following the numeral (156a). However, I have occasional examples of the numeral following the possessor (156b). It is unclear what syntactic or semantic conditions are involved. Since numerals and postposed possessors are not tonosyntactic controllers, the linear variation has no tonosyntactic consequences. (156) a. na:(-mu) a-ta:ndu mi-y [-mu cow(-AnPl) An-three 1Sg-Poss.An-AnPl  my three cows b. na:mu miy [mu bota:ndumu=wo cow-AnPl 1SgP-An-AnPl An-three-AnPl=Def.AnPl  my three cows Examples (152cd) in 6.1.2 above are repeated here as (157a-b) since they bear on this point. When an adjective and a numeral can occur in either normal or inverted order, an accompanying postposed pronominal possessor follows the adjective. (157) a. na: L jem[-mu mi-y [-mu a-ta:ndu cowL black-AnPl 1SgP-An-AnPl An-three  my three black cows b. [na:-mu a-ta:ndu] L jem[-mu mi-y [-mu [cow-AnPl An-three]L black-AnPl 1SgP-An-AnPl [=(a)] c. [na:-mu L a-ta:ndu mi-y [-mu] L jem[-mu [cow-AnPl An-three 1SgP-An-AnPl]L black-AnPl [=(a)] Headless NPs (absolute function of demonstratives, possessors, etc.) A nonpronominal NP is normally headed by an overt noun stem, but the noun may be omitted (if obvious, unimportant, or unknown) under certain conditions. This gives the appearance of another word in the NP functioning as the head noun. Examples show (apparent) absolute functions of adjectives (158.a), numerals (158b), pronominal possessors (158c), nonpronominal possessors (158d), demonstratives (158e), and the universal quantifier (158f).  __ shows where the noun would have been. (158) a. [ __ ba n wo] miy ndi [ __ red Def.InanSg] 1Sg-Acc give.Imprt  Give me the red one (e.g. stone)! b. [ __ yenum] miy ndi [ __ Inan-five] 1Sg-Acc give.Imprt  Give me five (of them)! c. [ __ oK wo] miy ndi [ __ 2SgP-InanSg Def.InanSg] 1Sg-Acc give.Imprt  Give me yours-Sg! d. [[zomT K] __ wo] na [[hare Poss] __ Def.InanSg] in  in Hare s (field) (excerpt from (835) in Text 4)] e. [ __ y[ :] miy ndi [ __ NearDist.InanPl] 1Sg-Acc give.Imprt  Give me those! f. c[m miy ndi all 1Sg-Acc give.Imprt  Give me all (of it)! The definite morphemes cannot be used in this way; they must follow some other nonzero constituent within the NP. For fuller discussion of the genitive construction with K as in (158d), see 6.2.1.2. Bifurcation (in relatives) The head NP of a relative clause is (seemingly) bifurcated into a possessed or unpossessed N(-Adj)(-Num) sequence that appears internally within the relative clause, and a NP coda consisting of determiners, non-numeral quantifiers, and discourse-function elements (also, Topic, etc.) which appear after the verb. For examples see 14.1.9-10. Internal bracketing and tone overlays This is a schematic summary. Examples and further details are given in various other sections of this chapter. The elements that control tone-dropping to their left, prototypically on an adjacent noun that heads the NP, are those in (159). (159) Right-to-left controllers, impose tone-dropping on preceding word(s) a. adjective (controls a preceding noun or adjective) b. kama  each or  (not) any (controls a preceding noun) c. demonstrative (controls a preceding noun, adjective, numeral) d. relative clause (controls the head NP) For adjectives, see 6.3.1. tuma!  one (4.7. 1.1) and gambul[  a certain one (6.3.2) are treated as adjectives. For kama  each , which occurs with only a few nouns, see 6.6.2. For demonstratives, see 6.5.2. For internal head NPs in relative clauses, see 14.1. Numerals, postposed pronominal possessors, definite morphemes, universal quantifiers (all), and discourse-function morphemes do not control tone overlays on other words. Definite morphemes and postposed pronominal possessors do not affect tones of other words in the NP. Preposed possessors (all nonpronominal possessors and some pronominal possessors) also control tones, left-to-right, on the following possessed noun. For nonpronominal possessors, the overlay is either {H} or {L} prior to Rhythmic Tone-Raising, depending on whether the possessor does or does not contain a H-tone, see (162) below. Preposed pronominal possessors, which occur with kin terms (inalienables), impose either {H} or {LH} depending on the kin term, see (178-9) below. Competition between two or more right-to-left controllers is difficult to analyse. In sequences like N-Adj-Dem, N-Adj-RelS (with a relative clause), N-Dem-RelS, and N-Adj-Dem-RelS, where all nonfinal elements are tone-dropped, we can get the same result by cyclical tone-dropping by each controller in turn, or by single-step tone-dropping on the entire string controlled by the rightmost element. In elicitation, numerals and especially their H-toned animate classifying prefixes often retain lexical tones in tone-dropping environments. When a numeral surfaces with a H-tone, it also blocks the potential controller from going past them to control a targeted word or string on the opposite side. That is, a non-tone-dropped numeral is a barrier to further tonosyntactic control. See 6.1.2 and 6.4. Postposed pronominal possessors are likewise resistant to tone-dropping in elicited utterances involving a potential tonosyntactic controller. Most such postposed possessors are internally complex (4.3.3). Competition between possessor-controlled (left-to-right) and any right-to-left controller is more transparent and revealing. There are two issues: a) does the left-to-right or right-to-left controller dominate, by successfully targeting the noun? b) does the domain of control of the dominant controller also extend beyond the noun to words on the other side of the noun? In (160), the various combinations involving a preposed nonpronominal possessor (Poss) and a composite alienably possessed NP are set out. In the output column (phonetic, if you will), tones overlaid on a word are marked by subscripts to the right. In the analysis column (phonological, if you will), the overlay is marked as a superscript, is on the side pointing toward the operative controller, and can apply to a bracketed phrase or to a single word. (160) Alienable possession sequence output analysis Poss-N Poss NL Poss LN Poss-N-Adj Poss NL AdjL Poss L[N Adj] Poss-N-Dem Poss NL Dem Poss LN Dem Poss-N-Num Poss NL Num Poss LN Num Poss-N-all Poss NL all Poss LN all For alienable possession (by a preposed possessor), the possessor is the dominant controller. This is ambiguous in Poss-N-Dem, since both the possessor and the demonstrative are tonally free, and since the {L} overlay on the noun could be due to either as controller. However, in Poss-N-Num and Poss-N-all, the possessor clearly controls tones on the noun (though not on the numeral or quantifier), since numerals and all are not tonosyntactic controllers. Moreover, in Poss-N-Adj, the possessor controls tone-lowering on the entire N-Adj sequence, so that even a {H}-toned adjective is dropped to {L} along with the preceding noun. The outputs shown in (160) are subject to subsequent adjustments by Rhythmic Tone-Raising, which raises the tones of the possessed noun to {H} when the entire possessor NP is {L}-toned, as when this possessor is an undetermined {L}-toned noun or an undetermined N-Adj combination with a {L}-toned adjective. The (phonetic) outputs are then Poss NH AdjL, Poss NH Dem, Poss NH Num, and Poss NH all. The symbol  placed at the left edge of the tone-raised word expresses this in the analytical formulae, e.g. Poss L[N Adj], where by convention it is understood that the overlay {L} applies before Rhythmic Tone-Raising, and that tone-raising is limited to one word whereas {L} here affects the two-word bracketed string. Inalienable possession is always pronominal in form, since even a preposed nonpronominal possessor must be resumed by a 3Sg or 3Pl pronominal, which functions as the immediate possessor. In (161), the nonpronominal possessor is assumed to be singular, so it is resumed by 3Sg na. The tonosyntax is clearest for inalienably possessed nouns (kin terms) that take {LH} rather than {H} as the possessor-controlled overlay, since the {LH} overlay is audibly distinct from the {L} overlay imposed by right-to-left controllers. Inner brackets show controller-target pairs. (161) Inalienable possession, with {LH} as possessor-controlled overlay sequence output analysis a. no modifiers Poss 3SgP-N Poss na NLH Poss [na LHN] b. noun is tonosyntactically controlled by the modifier Poss 3SgP-N-Adj Poss na NL Adj Poss [na [NL Adj]] Poss 3SgP-N-Dem Poss na NL Dem Poss [na [NL Dem]] c. noun is tonosyntactically controlled by the possessor Poss 3SgP-N-Num Poss na NLH Num Poss [[na LHN] Num] Poss 3SgP-N- all Poss na NLH  all Poss [[na LHN]  all ] In (161), we see that the inalienable possessor controls its {LH} overlay on the possessed noun only when there is no right-to-left controller, i.e. when the noun is unmodified or when it is followed only by a numeral or quantifier (the latter do not control tones). When there is a right-to-left controller, viz., a modifying adjective or a demonstrative, the right-to-left controller is dominant, and imposes its {L} contour on the noun. The domain of control, however, does not extend across the noun to the possessor itself, which remains tonally free. Possessives A distinction is made between alienable and inalienable (kinship) nouns. For inalienables see 6.2.3, below. Among alienables there is a further syntactic distinction between inanimate and animate possessed nouns, but only when the possessor is a pronoun. Alienable possession with noun-headed NP possessor There are two ways to combine a preposed nonpronominal alienable possessor X with a possessed NP Y. One is by juxtaposition: X Y. The other involves an intervening possessive morpheme K, hence X K Y, cf. Jamsay ma and Tommo So mT. In both constructions, the possessed NP is subject to a tone overlay. Construction [X Y] without intervening K When an alienable (or for that matter inalienable) noun is possessed by a nonpronominal NP, the order is possessor-possessed. The possessor has the form, tonally and otherwise, of a normal NP. It may have, for example, its own definite morpheme. There is no genitive morpheme. However, the lexical tones of the possessed noun (including the plural suffix, if present) are erased, being replaced by a tone overlay, either {H} or {L} melody. The choice between the two overlays correlates (for alienable possession) with the tones of the possessor. If the latter is entirely {L}-toned, the possessed noun gets {H} overlay. This is possible when the possessor is an undetermined {L}-toned noun, or a N-Adj combination with lexically {L}-toned adjective. All possessors containing a H-tone, including all definite NPs, control {L} overlay on the possessed noun. Because there is a clear phonological basis for the choice among alienable possessor-controlled {H} and {L}, one is sorely tempted to handle this by Rhythmic Tone-Raising (3.8.4.2). The idea would be that {L} is the only possessor-controlled overlay, and that its output is subject to subsequent tone rules. However, Rhythmic Tone-Raising normally affects only the first syllable on the second of two consecutive {L}-toned words, while the possessor-controlled {H} overlay continues to the end of the stem of the possessed noun. Furthermore, if the noun is followed by an adjective, the {H} overlay is realized as HN LAdj. This suggests that the {H} overlay is just an abbreviated form of {HL}. I will therefore recognize {L} and {HL}, the latter frequently truncated to {H}, as true tonosyntactic overlays for alienably possessed NPs, though the choice between them requires reference to the tones of the possessor. We will see later that inalienables (kin terms) have their own rather different tone overlays, including {LH}. (162) possessor overlay on possessed noun is is entirely {L}-toned {H}, reduced from {HL} contains a H-tone {L} Examples with simple singular and animate plural noun possessors are in (163). The possessed nouns are Ylo  house , aKa y  manner , and kodu  weeping, cry . The possessors have their regular tones. In (163a), the possessed noun has {H} contour throughout. The possessed noun is {H}-toned after {L}-toned na:mu  cows (163c), but {L}-toned after plural nouns containing a H-tone either on the stem ( sheep-Pl ) or on the animate plural suffix ( cows ) (163b). (163) a. possessor is {L}-toned singular noun p[: HYlo  a sheep s house na: HYlo  a cow s house p[: HaKay  a sheep s manner na: HaKay  a cow s manner p[: Hkodu  a sheep s cry na: Hkodu  a cow s cry b. possessor is {L}-toned plural noun na:-mu HaKay  cows manner na:-mu Hkodu  cows cry na:-mu HYlo  cows house c. possessor is {L}-toned N-Adj sequence na: L p[y HaKay  old cow s manner Yn[ L p[y Hkodu  old goat s cry p[: L p[y HYlo  old sheep s house d. possessor is singular noun containing a H-tone Yn[ LYlo  a goat s house Yn[ LaKay  a goat s manner Yn[ Lkodu  a goat s cry e. possessor is plural noun containing a H-tone p[:-mu LYlo  sheep-Pl s house Yn[-mu LYlo  goats house p[:-mu LaKay  sheep-Pl s manner Yn[-mu LaKay  goats manner p[:-mu Lkodu  sheep-Pl s cry Yn[-mu Lkodu  goats cry Examples of more complex possessors are in (164). A NP containing a definite morpheme always contains a H-tone, since if the rest of the NP is {L}-toned the definite morpheme becomes H by Rhythmic Tone-Raising (164a-b). Possessor NPs containing postnominal modifiers other than adjectives also have at least one H-tone, as with the demonstrative in (164c). This is also true of possessor NPs that are themselves alienably possessed NPs, as in (164d). Therefore the following possessed noun gets the {L} overlay when the possessor is any of these NP types. (164) a. [y[ g[] LYlo [woman Def.AnSg] Lhouse  (the) house of the woman b. [p[: g[] LYlo [sheep Def.AnSg] Lhouse  (the) house of the sheep-Sg c. [an L TKg[] LYlo [man Prox.AnSg] house  (the) house of this man d. [sa ydu LYlo wo] Ld[bu [S house Def.InanSg] roof  (the) roof of Seydou s house The possessed forms of a wider range of nouns are shown in (165). Note that even multisyllable possessed nouns have the full {H} and {L} contours. (165) Forms of possessed nouns gloss noun {H}-toned {L}-toned a. noun is {H}-toned  liver cinda Hcinda Lcinda  millet yu Hyu Lyu  house Ylo HYlo LYlo b. noun is {HL}-toned  money bu:du Hbu:du Lbu:du c. noun is {LH}-toned  work bid[ Hbid[ Lbid[  daba wala Hwala Lwala d. noun is {LHL}-toned  brick temben Htemben Ltemben  calf na -yye Hna-yye Lna-yye  cart wogotoro Hwogotoro Lwogotoro e. noun is {L}-toned  gear gon Hgon Lgon  cow na: Hna: Lna: The {H} overlay applies only to the first word of a multi-word possessed NP. In particular, a following adjective is {L}-toned whether the preceding noun shows the {L} overlay, as in (166a), or the {H} overlay, as in (166b). This brings out the underlying {HL} quality of the apparent {H} overlay in (166b). (166) a. [y[ g[] L[Ylo pil[ wo] [woman Def.AnSg] L[house white Def.InanSg]  the white house of the woman (Ylo, pil[) b. y[ HL[Ylo pil[ wo] woman HL[house white Def.InanSg]  the white house of a woman The {H} overlay on possessed nouns following {L}-toned possessor allow us to distinguish  possessive compounds of type (nn) from true possessed NPs; see 5.1.5. Genitive construction [[X K] Y] and definite [[X nr[] g[] The genitive construction [[X K] Y] has an overt morpheme K between the possessor X and the possessed NP Y. When Y is filled by an overt NP, the genitive morpheme is uncommon, but it is attested in texts in a few examples with referentially specific possessors. It cannot be used in the inalienable possessive construction, which has a resumptive pronominal pronoun preceding the possessed NP, as in [X [Pron Y]]. When Y is blank (i.e. in a headless possessed NP), the genitive morpheme is obligatory: [[XK]__]  X s__ . Since K always co-occurs with a non-null possessor, but may co-occur with a null possessed noun, it is bracketed with the possessor. (167) a. [ni: gay] [[zomT K __ wo] na], [now Topic] [[hare Gen __ Def.InanSg] Loc], & [[lali-y[ L na] tiKa-m ni] & [[expel-MPL Purp] cross-Impf intending]  Now, they were about to cross over to Hare s (side) in order to drive (butterflies) away. (excerpt from (835) in Text 4) b. [ta: K] Lm[n[ [hyena Gen] Lfield  Hyena s field c. ta: Hm[n[ hyena Hfield  (a) hyena( s) field In (167a), the omitted possessed noun Y is understood to refer to the field (or parcel of a larger field) belonging to Hare, who is a character in a tale. In (167b), an overt possessed noun is present, so the genitive morpheme is optional. The possessor  hyena is another character in a tale. Since  hyena is {L}-toned, K undergoes Rhythmic Tone-Raising to K. Because of this raising, either the possessor NP or K itself will always contain a H-tone, so the following possessed noun must have the {L} overlay. Compare (167c) where bare {L}-toned ta:  hyena is the (semantically nonspecific) possessor, and the possessed noun therefore has the {H} overlay. When the possessed NP (Y) slot is otherwise empty, the genitive-marked possessor is usually followed by a definite morpheme wo (inanimate singular, animate plural) or g[ (inanimate plural, animate singular). The inanimate singular combination is phonologically regular K=wo, with wo cliticizing to K, as in (168). (168) [Ymo wo] pil[=(, [1SgP.InanSg Def.InanSg] white=it.is, [sa ydu K=wo] jem[=( [S Gen=Def.InanSg] black=it.is (Of two stones:)  Mine is white, (whereas) Seydou s is black. [for the predicates see 11.4.2] Before g[, however, a special allomorph nr[ is used. In (169), nr[ g[ is animate singular. (169) [miy [ g[] soKo ya zo(, [1SgP-An Def.AnSg] fat(n) Exist have-3SgS, [sa ydu nr[ g[] soKo zon( [S Gen Def.AnSg] fat(n) have-StatNeg-3SgS (Of two cows:)  Mine has (lots of) fat (=is plump), (whereas) Seydou s has no fat (=is lean). sa ydu nr[ g[ can also be used in inanimate plural sense:  Seydou s (things) . If Seydou has more than one cow, the relevant (animate plural) form is pluralized as sa ydu nr[mu=wo, containing the regular animate plural suffix. nr[ is most likely etymologically composite, containing genitive *K and *y[ animacy-number classifier ( thing-Pl or  critter-Sg ). In the form nr[, this morpheme also occurs optionally in imperfective relative-clause verbs like wa-nr[  see(s) , see (587-89) in 14.1.9. I have one textual example (170a) where a pronoun plus genitive K precedes (!) an alienable noun, which is tone-dropped as after a preposed nonpronominal possessor. sir u-K is already lexically {L}-toned, but I was able to elicit other examples of preposed pronominal possessors followed by an audible tone-dropped possessed noun (170b). Examples like (170a-b) with preposed alienable pronominal possessor never appeared in elicitation. In theory, such examples should reflect stack possession, e.g. [your __ s X]. Both na-K (170a) and T-y [ (170b) were heard with a final falling tone, contrast na-K and T-y [ as postnominal possessors. This suggests an affinity with genitive K used after nonpronominal possessors. (170) a. na-K Lsir u-K [3Sg-Poss Lbe.full(of.food)-Nom  his getting full (of food) (excerpt from (810) in Text 2) b. T-y [ LYlo (g[) 2SgP-InanPl Lhouse (Def.InanPl)  your-Sg houses (< Ylo) See also na-K wo  his (one) with omitted object after preposed pronominal possessor in (835) in Text 4. Alienable possession with pronominal possessor For all alienable possessed nouns, a pronominal possessor is expressed by a possessor complex that normally follows the possessed noun or N-Adj sequence. Most often the possessor also follows numerals (N-Num-Poss), but see 6.1.3 for exceptions. In complex combinations like N-Adj-Num-Poss, the order of the postnominal words becomes freer, since a possessor is a licensor for Adjective-Numeral Inversion and since a pronominal possessor may itself be affected by the reordering; see (156a-b) in 6.1.3. The possessor complex takes different forms for any given possessor pronominal category, depending on intrinsic features (animacy, number) of the possessed NP. The possessor complexes have undergone considerable contraction over time, and their morphological structure is now less than fully transparent. However, most of the forms clearly derive from a possessive classifier construction of the type stone my-thing or cow my-critter, where thing and critter are English renditions of inanimate and animate classifiers, respectively. For the pronominal possessor paradigms, see 4.3.3 above. Examples with animate possessed nouns are in (171). The preceding possessed NP, maximally N-Adj-Num, has its regular tonal form. Determiners and universal quantifiers follow the possessor complex. If the possessed noun is animate plural, suffix mu occurs on the N(-Adj) core and on the possessor complex. (171) a. na: miy [ g[ cow 1SgP-An Def.AnSg  my cow b. na:mu mi-y [-mu=wo cow-AnPl 1SgP-An-AnPl=Def.AnPl  my cows c. na:mu mi-y [-mu bota:ndumu=wo cow-AnPl 1SgP-An-AnPl An-three-Pl=Def.AnPl  my three cows [for this noncanonical linear order, see 6.1.3] d. na:-mu bota:ndu mi-y [-mu wo cow-AnPl AnPl-three 1SgP-An-AnPl Def.AnPl [=(c)] e. [na:mu mi-y [-mu] bota:ndu [cow-AnPl 1SgP-An-AnPl] An-three  three of my (many) cows (partitive) Inanimate singular possessed nouns require a special set of pronominal possessor forms ending in -K, except for irregular 1Sg possessor portmanteau Ymo. For inanimate plural possessed NPs, the possessor has the same form with -y [ as for animate singular possessed NPs. See 4.3.3 for the paradigms. 1Sg possessor for inanimates is illustrated in (172). (172) a. cin Ymo stone 1SgP.InanSg  my stone b. cin miy [ stone 1SgP-InanPl  my stones For the use of the inanimate singular possessor forms as part of reflexives, as in 1Pl koyeK and 3rd person koaK, see 18.1. The combination of a noun (or N-Adj) plus postposed possessor can occur in two syntactic environments conducive to tone-dropping, viz., a) before a demonstrative and b) as internal head of a relative clause. Before a demonstrative, most elicited examples of pronominally possessed alienables do not drop tones, so your house (173a) and your houses (173b) have the same tones they would have without the demonstrative. Here it appears that the N-(Adj-)Poss sequence constitutes a tonosyntactic island, symbol ((. (173) a. (Ylo o-K( ko (house 2SgP-InanSg( NearDist.InanSg  that house of yours-Sg b. (Ylo T-y [( y[ : (house 2SgP-InanPl( NearDist.InanSg  those houses of yours-Sg c. (gT/a: o-K( ko (granary 2SgP-InanSg( NearDist.InanSg  that granary of yours-Sg In the absence of the postposed possessor, there is no island effect, and the noun is systematically tone-dropped by an immediately following demonstrative: YloL ko  that house , YloL y[ :  thoses houses . However, the head NP in a relative clause is usually tone-dropped in elicited utterances even when the head NP contains a pronominal possessor. In (174), the head NP your house or your houses was heard with a flat pitch lower than that of the relative-clause verb fall. (174) a. [[Ylo o-K] L pile-zo wo] [house 2SgP-InanSg]L fall-Perf2.Rel Def.InanSg] amba: bo( where? be-3SgS  Where is your-Sg house that fell? b. [[Ylo T-y [] L pile-zo g[] [[house 2SgP-InanPl]L fall-Perf2.Rel Def.InanPl] amba: bo( where? be-3SgS  Where are your-Sg houses that fell? Rarely, an alienable pronominal possessor precedes rather than follows a possessed noun. In this case, the noun has the same tone overlay as after a nonpronominal possessor. See 6.2.1.2 for examples. Inalienable possession Inalienable relationship terms with preposed pronominal possessor True kin terms and a few other relationship terms (friend) form a morphosyntactically distinct set that I refer to as inalienable nouns. These are usually possessed, but (like other nouns) they can also occur in absolute (unpossessed form), as in I (do not) have a(n) X. The morphosyntax is illustrated in (175). (175) a. ni: zonum mother have-ImpfNeg-1SgS  I do not have a mother. b. mi Hni: 1SgP Hmother  my mother c. o Hni: 2SgP Hmother  your-Sg mother d. sa ydu [na Hni:] S [3SgP Hmother]  Seydou s mother The absolute form (with low-toned noun mother) is seen in (175a). This clause is entirely parallel to e.g. I do not have a house with an alienable noun. The possessed forms, however, are quite different from those of alienable nouns. In (175bc) we see that the pronominal possessor precedes the inalienable noun, and is not coupled with a possessive classifier. In (175d), we see that even a noun-headed NP possessor (Seydou) must be combined with a resumptive pronominal possessor morpheme, here 3Sg. This construction is of the type Seydou [his mother], familiar to readers of English literature from the time of Ben Jonson. The effect is that possessed kin terms are always immediately preceded by a pronominal possessor. Preposed pronominal possessor forms used with inalienables are those of the proclitic series, which are also used as preverbal subject pronouns. See (106) in 4.3.3 above for the paradigm. The tone of the pronouns (usually low, but high for 2Sg o and for logophoric singular a) does not affect the tone of the following kin term. {H} and {LH} on possessed inalienables In the possessed form, inalienable nouns are H-toned if in Cv: form, and either {H} or {LH}-toned (lexical choice) if prosodically heavier. The monosyllabic inalienables known to me are in (176). Animate plural -mu is shown in parentheses. Observe that -mu is included in the domain of the {H} overlay. (176) Cv: inalienable nouns with H-toned possessed form absolute after possessor gloss a. {H} to {H} zu:(-mu) Hzu:(-mu)  neighbor b. {L} to {H} ni:(-mu) Hni:(-mu)  mother de:(-mu) Hde:(-mu)  father sa:(mu) Hsa:(-mu)  sister (of man) Nonmonosyllabic inalienable nouns divide into two primary sets. One is {H}-toned when possessed (177). (177) Nonmonosyllabic inalienable nouns with {H}-toned possessed form absolute after possessor gloss a. {L} to {H} unsegmentable TzT(mu) HTzT(-mu)  younger same-sex sib aza(mu) Haza(-mu)  (man s) friend s wife (and reciprocal) sar a(mu) Hsar a(-mu)  brother (of a woman) s[la(mu) Hs[la(-mu)  concubine sezu(mu) Hsezu(-mu)  grandmother (either side) kumbo(mu) Hkumbo(-mu)  great-great-grandparent amele(mu) Hamele(-mu)  parent-in-law karaga(mu) Hkaraga(-mu)  agemate composite sezi-ye(mu) Hsezi-ye(-mu)  grandchild c. {LH} to {H} composite de:-ne(mu) Hde:-ne(-mu)  father s elder brother iyan[(mu) Hiyan[(-mu)  mother s younger sister Inalienables with {LH} contour when possessed are in (178). Since {LH} cannot be accounted for by tone-raising or by any ordinary phonological process, I recognize a {LH} overlay controlled by the possessor. (178) Inalienable nouns with {LH}-toned possessed form absolute after possessor gloss a. {L} to {LH} lezu(-mu) LHlezu(-mu)  maternal uncle ner a(-mu) LHner a(-mu)  paternal aunt dere(-mu) LHdere(-mu)  elder same-sex sibling ba-ba(-mu) LHba-ba(-mu)  grandfather (either side) nuKT(-mu) LHnuKT(-mu)  husband gala-(mu) LHgala(-mu)  brother-in-law zeKa(-mu) LHzeKa(-mu)  great-grandparent b. {LH} to {LH} dimbu(-mu) LHdimbu(-mu)  concubine Since some inalienables appear with {H} when possessed and others appear with {LH} when possessed, some lexicalization of the possessed forms must be recognized. Lexicalization is common typologically for relationship terms, which are more often possessed than not. So the possessor controls the appearance of some possessed tone overlay, but the pattern itself is a lexical feature of the relationship term. There is one relationship term, borrowed from Fulfulde, that has {HL} tones whether unpossessed or possessed (179). (179) a. tTgTrT  homonym (person with the same personal name) b. mi tTgTrT  my homonym Grammatically specialized noun to:  agemate, peer, counterpart in reciprocal-like expressions, see (735) in 18.3.1, remains L-toned after a pronominal possessor (o to:  your agemate ). Because inalienables can have either {H} or {LH} when possessed, it does not appear to be feasible to account for the tone changes by means of a more general rule raising tones on elements that follow pronominal clitics. This could work for {H} but not for {LH}; see the discussion of Post-Pronominal Tone-Raising (3.8.4.1). I therefore consider the tone overlays to be tonosyntactic (or at least tonomorphological) in nature, and will use the H superscript accordingly. Special vocatives for kin A number of core kin categories have special vocative forms (cf. dad, mom). Most have {LH} or {H} tone patterns suggesting a covert 1Sg possessor. Some are CvCv reduplications. Data are in (180). For mother two forms are in use, ya-ya and iya, both suppletive (cf. ni:  mother ). (180) vocative gloss regular term (unpossessed) a. {LH} toned suppletive and reduplicated ya-ya  mother ni: mbT:  (my) friend lalu-K way  (my) friend lalu-K reduplicated from Cv: stem de-de  father de: preserves reduplicated Cv-Cv stem ba-ba  grandfather ba-ba unreduplicated CvCv sezu  grandmother sezu dere  elder sib dere b. {H} toned TzT younger sib TzT sa:  (man s) sister sa: c. other suppletive iya  mother ni: ba:y  paternal kinsman de:-K (6.2.3.5) irregular na:y  maternal kinsman ni-ye-K (6.2.3.5) Relationship terms with -K in unpossessed form only Distinct possessed and unpossessed forms of two relationship terms also involve segmental differences where a final K appears only in the unpossessed form (181). I hyphenate this as a suffix but it could be considered part of the stem. (181) Inalienable nouns (final nasal dropped) absolute possessed gloss a. {L} to {H} tiye-K(mu) Htiye(-mu)  cross-cousin b. {L} to {LH} lalu-K(mu) LHla l(-mu)  friend, pal See also ni-ye-K  maternal kinsman and de:-K  paternal kinsman in 6.2.3.5 just below. It is likely that  cross-cousin contains -ye  child , though the root #ti- is not otherwise attested in Yanda Dom (but cf. Najamba ti :  cross-cousin ). Compound kin terms with -ye  child In (182) I present several pairs of simple kin terms and compounds with ye or variant, originally a compound final meaning  child , see 5.1.8. For K in the unpossessed forms in (182c-d), see 6.2.3.4 just above. Parenthesized mu or mu is the animate plural suffix. (182) unpossessed  my gloss a. sezu(-mu) mi Hsezu(-mu)  grandmother sezi-ye(-mu) mi Hsezi-ye(-mu)  grandchild b. sa:(-mu) mi Hsa:(-mu)  sister sa-ye(-mu) mi H LHsa-ye(-mu)  sister s child c. ni:(-mu) mi Hni:(-mu)  mother ni-ye-K(-mu) mi H LHni-ye(-mu)  maternal kinsman (for vocative na:y see 6.2.3.3) d. de:(-mu) mi Hde:(-mu)  father de:-K(-mu) mi H LHde :(-mu)  paternal kinsman (unpossessed plural also de:-mu) (for vocative ba:y see 6.2.3.3) e. [bange  friendship between two men ] bar i-y [(-mu) mi bar i-y [(-mu)  father s friend Since de:-K  paternal kinsman is evidently parallel to ni-ye-K  maternal kinsman , it is presumably a deformation of *de:-(i)ye, but segmentation is no longer transparent. Normally L-toned pronominal possessors (1Sg mi, 1Pl ye, 2Pl wo, 3Sg na, bo) are raised to H-tone before the (i)ye compounds in (182b-d) but not before those in (182a,e). This tone-raising allows an audible distinction between mi Hde:  my father and mi HHde :  my paternal kinsman in (182d). mi HHde : is pronounced close to [mi.de:] with downstepped high tone on the second syllable. Senior/junior kin compounds (-diya, -n[) Same-sex sibling terms distinguish senior from junior lexically: dere  elder same-sex sibling , TzT  younger same-sex sibling . However, there is a compound-like senior/junior distinction in terms for same-sex siblings of one s father or mother, and for co-wives of a man, using diya (senior) and -n[ (junior). -diya is a compound-final variant of adjective diya  grown-up, adult . -n[ has no transparent relationship to any adjective (a historical connection to ene  child is questionable). (183) unpossessed  my gloss a. de:(-mu) mi Hde:(-mu)  father de-diya(-mu) mi Hde:-diya(-mu)  father s elder brother de:-n[(-mu) mi Hde:-n[(-mu)  father s younger brother b. iya ~ ya-ya   mother (vocative) iya-diya(-mu) mi Hiya-diya(-mu)  mother s elder sister iya-n[(-mu) mi Hiya-n[(-mu)  mother s younger sister An assistant pronounced -diya with low tones in possessed mi Hde:-diya (183a), but with high tones in mi Hiya-diya (183b). iya-diya and iya-n[ also denote  mother s (senior/junior) co-wife . Since men may have two or more wives, this relationship is common. The seniority relationship among the wives can be important. Because of jealousies among co-wives, each of whom is naturally concerned with protecting their own children,  mother s co-wife corresponds culturally to  step-mother in European societies, especially when one s own mother is deceased. With kin (and other human) terms that do not ordinarily make a seniority distinction, diya  senior and be-bele  small (hence junior) can be added as ordinary adjectives when it is necessary to specify seniority. Note the tones. Examples are y[ L diya  senior woman (=wife) versus y[ L be-bele  junior woman (=wife) , and sa: L diya  older sister (of a man) versus sa: L be-bele  younger sister (of a man) . These combinations are treated tonosyntactically like other N-Adj combinations: inalienable mi sa: L be-bele  my younger sister (adjective controls tones on noun, no possessor control), alienable sa ydu L[y[ be-bele]  Seydou s younger wife (possessor controls {L} on N-Adj combination). Other composite kin terms Above great-great-grandparent, the apical male ancestor (i.e. great-great-great-grandfather) is called suntabule, which is slightly different from (but still transparently associated with) the expression  don t touch (his) ear! , cf. sun  ear and tabu  touch (prohibitive tabu-la). This is because genealogical relationships based on even more distant ancestral relationships are disregarded.  (Woman s) co-wife , i.e. another woman married to the same husband, is expressed by a compound of y[  woman and a variant of laluK  friend, pal , hence unpossessed y[-lal, plural y[-lal-mu. Unlike y[  woman itself, the compound is treated as inalienable. When possessed, the compound initial is H-toned and the final L-toned: mi HLy[-lal  my co-wife . Plural suffix -y[ after some kin terms An unusual plural morpheme y[ may follow certain kin terms, as in lezuy[  (my) maternal uncles . This form, without an overt possessor, may be used as a formal vocative, or in other contexts as an alternative to an overtly possessed (and perhaps definite) form such as mi LHlezumu wo  my maternal uncles . The morpheme y[ is also attested in galay[  brothers-in-law , de-dey[  fathers , ba-bay[  grandfathers , ner ay[  paternal aunts , sezuy[  grandmothers , and the vocative-only mbT:-y[ and way-y[  my friends! . An informant rejected combinations of y[ with sa:  sister (of man) , lalu-K  friend, pal , tiye-K  cousin , ni:  mother , and sar a  brother (of a woman) . One issue with the y[ suffix is the possibility of confusion with a possessed form of y[  woman; wife , which may explain why the suffix y[ is added to the unpossessed form of the kin term; compare lezuy[  (my) uncles with mi LHlezu Ly[  my uncle s wife . Defective and grammatically alienable kin terms No unpossessed form was elicitable for to  agemate , which occurs only in possessed form: mi Hto  my agemate . The synonym karaga can be used in both unpossessed and possessed contexts. Excluded from the inalienable category are nouns whose kinship function is secondary: y[  woman in the possessed sense  wife , ene  child (plural ene) in the possessed sense  child (offspring) . These nouns are treated as regular alienables and take postposed pronominal possessors even in kinship senses (y[ miy [  my wife , ene Ty [ your-Sg child). Treatment of modifiers following a possessed noun Possessor-Noun-Adjective For unpossessed N-Adj combinations, see 6.3 below. In an alienable possessive, the only preposed possessors are nonpronominal. Depending on its tones, the possessor controls either {H} or {L} overlay on the following possessed noun, hence [Poss HN] or [Poss LN]. In either case, a following modifying adjective is {L}-toned, resulting in [Poss HN LAdj] and [Poss LN LAdj]]. This suggests that the apparent {H} overlay is really {HL}, reduced to {H} when it applies only to a noun. We can therefore schematize the two types as [Poss L[N (Adj)]], with a flat {L} overlay extending over the bracketed string, and as [Poss HL[N (Adj)]] with a contour {HL} overlay whose L-component is not always realized. In its full form, [Poss HL[N Adj]] including the adjective, the tone break from H- to L-tone occurs at the internal word boundary, regardless of how many syllables the noun and adjective have. This means that the N-Adj boundary must be accessible to the rules determining the phonological realization of the contour tone overlay. The {L} overlay is illustrated in (184). The adjectives in (184a-d) are all audibly tone-lowered since their lexical forms contain a H-tone. The nouns in (184c-d) are also audibly tone-lowered. Based on these clear cases, I attribute (covert) tone-lowering to nouns and adjectives that happen to be lexically {L}-tones, like cin  stone . (184) a. an L[cin jem[ (wo)] man L[stone black (Def.InanSg)]  the black stone of a man (cin, jem[) b. [y[ g[] L[cin jem[ wo] [woman Def.AnSg] L[stone black Def.InanSg]  the black stone of the woman (cin, jem[) c. sa ydu L[inju Tju wo] S L[water hot Def.InanSg]  Seydou s hot water (inju, Tju) d. sa ydu L[zem[ bin g[] S L[blacksmith fat Def.AnSg]  Seydou s fat blacksmith (zem[, bi n) The {HL} overlay is illustrated in (185). (185) a. y[ HL[cin jem[ (wo)] woman HL[stone black (Def.InanSg)]  the black stone of a woman (cin, jem[) b. y[ HL[inju Tju wo] woman HL[water hot Def.InanSg]  a woman s hot water (inju, Tju) c. y[ HL[p[: Lam g[] woman HL[sheep Lplump Def.AnSg]  a woman s plump sheep-Sg (p[:, am) In inalienable possessives, the sequence Poss-N-Adj with nonpronominal possessor is phrased as [Poss [[na N]L Adj] with resumptive 3Sg pronoun na if the possessor is singular, and as [Poss [[bo N]L Adj]] with resumptive 3Pl pronoun bo if the possessor is plural. The nonpronominal possessor NP and the bracketed possessive are independent of each other in form, so we can disregard the possessor NP. The resulting general formula for an inalienable possessive is therefore [[Pron N]L Adj] with a preposed pronominal as possessor. The noun is {L}-toned, but the adjective has its lexical tones. In the absence of the adjective, the noun has a {H} or {LH} overlay controlled by the possessor. Therefore the {L} overlay on the noun in [[Pron N]L Adj] must be controlled by the adjective, not the possessor. We can bracket this tonosyntactically as [Pron N]L Adj]. Notably, a H-toned pronominal proclitic becomes L-toned in this inalienable construction. We can see this with 2Sg o dropping to oL and 3Logophoric a dropping to a L in (186). This is the basis for the bracketing [[Pron N]L Adj], which shows that the pronoun-noun combination is targeted tonosyntactically as a unit by the adjective. (186) a. [o lezu] L gabu g[ 2SgP uncleL tall Def.AnSg  your-Sg tall uncle (lezu, o lezu, gabu) b. [[a lezu] L gabu g[] wo-m-u wa [LogoSgP uncleL tall Def.AnSg] come-Impf-3SgS say  Hev said that hisx tall uncle is coming. (lezu, a lezu, gabu) Based on the preceding considerations, I apply the same bracketing to inalienable combinations involving pronominals that are already L-toned, like 1Sg mi in (187). (187) a. [mi lezu]L siy[ g[ [1SgP uncle]L good Def.AnSg  my good uncle (lezu, mi lezu, siy[) b. [mi lezu] L sala-mu=wo [1SgP uncle]L bad-AnPl=Def.AnPl  my bad uncles (lezu-mu, mi lezu-mu, sala) c. [mi TzT] L bi n g[ [1SgP younger.sib]L fat Def.AnSg  my fat younger (same-sex) sibling (TzT, mi TzT, bi n) [variant [mi TzT] L bin g[] d. [mi zu:] L siy[ [1SgP neighbor]L good  my good neighbor (zu:, mi zu:, siy[) Adjectives with {LH} lexical melody, like bi n  fat and gabu  tall , are often flattened to {L} in such combinations before a definite morpheme, which then becomes H-toned. This also happens optionally with unpossessed N-Adj-Def sequences, so it can be disregarded here. {H}-toned adjectives like siy[ do not drop to {L}, so this is a more or less phonological (rather than tonosyntactic) issue. (188) a. mi lezu L gabu g[ 1SgP uncleL tall Def.AnSg  my tall uncle (lezu, mi lezu, gabu) b. sa ydu [na lezu L bin g[] S [3SgP uncleL fat Def.AnSg]  Seydou s nasty uncle (lezu, na lezu, bi n] As noted in 6.2.3.5 and 3.8.4.4, a few composite kin terms idiosyncratically raise preceding L-toned pronominal possessors to H-toned. In these cases, when an adjective is added, the possessor remains H-toned. So from miH LHsa-ye  my sister s child we get (189). Here the adjective controls {L} on the kin term but does not affect the pronominal possessor. (189) mi H sa-ye L siy[ g[ 1SgP sister-child(L) good Def.AnSg  my good nephew/niece For a schematic summary of Poss-N-Adj constructions and their tones, see 6.1.6. Possessor-Noun-(Adjective-)Numeral For unpossessed N-(Adj-)Num sequences, see 6.4 below. Numerals are generally resistant to tone-dropping in Yanda Dom, except in relative-clause head NPs. In Poss-N-(Adj-)Num combinations, the numeral retains its tones in my data. Alienable possessives are illustrated in (190). The noun and any immediately following modifying adjective are tone-dropped by the possessor, but the numeral is tonally free (190a-b). When Poss-N-Adj-Num is inverted to Poss-N-Num-Adj, the tonosyntactic grouping appears to be in two blocks: [Poss H/LN] [NumL Adj], as in (190c). (190) a. sa ydu LYlo ye-ta:ndu g[ S Lhouse Inan-three Def.InanPl  Seydou s three houses (Ylo) b. sa ydu Lna: Ljem[-mu a-ta:ndu S Lcow Lblack-AnPl An-three  Seydou s three black cows (na:, jem[) c. sa ydu Lna:-mu a-ta:ndu L jem[-mu S Lcow-AnPl An-threeL black-AnPl  Seydou s three black cows (after Adj-Num Inversion) d. y[ HYlo ye-kule wo woman Hhouse Inan-six Def.InanSg  the six houses of a woman Inalienable examples are in (191). As with alienable possession, the numeral is tonally free. (191) a. se:du [na LHlezu-mu a-ta:ndu-mu=wo] S [3SgP LHuncle-AnPl An-three-AnPl=Def.AnPl]  Seydou s three uncles b. mi Hde:-mu a-ta:ndu 1SgP Hfather-AnPl An-three  my three fathers c. o [lezu-mu bo-kule] L siy[-mu=wo 2SgP [uncle-AnPl An-six]L good-AnPl=Def.AnPl  your-Sg six good uncles (cf. o LHlezu-mu  your-Sg uncles ) A numeral is also unaffected by a following (or preceding) postnominal pronominal possessor (192). This is as we would expect, since postnominal possessors do not normally control tone overlays. (192) a. Ylo ye-ta:ndu mi-y [ house Inan-three 1SgP-InanPl  my three houses b. na -yye bo-kule mi-y [-mu=wo cow-child An-six 1SgP-AnPl-AnPl=Def.AnPl  my six calves Possessor-Noun-& -Demonstrative A demonstrative is not tone-dropped under the control of a possessor. Alienable examples are in (193). In most cases, it is difficult to determine whether the possessor or the demonstrative is responsible for the {L} overlay on the noun (or N-Adj sequence), so as a hedge I put an L diacritic on both edges of tone-dropped word or phrase. However, in (193b) the simple common-noun possessor imposed {H} overlay on the possessed noun, suggesting that immediately preposed nonpronominal possessors trump following demonstratives as controllers. (193) a. sa ydu LYloL Kgo S LhouseL Prox.InanSg  this house of Seydou s (Ylo) b. y[ / an Hp[: TKg[ woman/man Hsheep Prox.AnSg  this sheep of a woman/man (p[:) c. [zem[ g[] Lgula L [ : [blacksmith Def.AnSg] LaxL Prox.InanPl  these axes of a blacksmith (gula) d. sa ydu L[Ylo pil[] L Kgo S L[house white] Prox.InanSg  this white house of Seydou s (Ylo, pil[) Inalienable examples are in (194). The form of the possessor pronoun plus the possessed noun, without the demonstrative, is given in parentheses after the free translation. In Poss-N-Dem and Poss-N-(Adj-)Dem, the demonstrative controls {L} on the possessed noun or N-Adj. The domain of this {L} extends leftward to the possessor pronoun, so 2Sg o drops to oL in (194b). If a numeral is added, the domain of demonstrative control may extends to the possessed noun (194c). Overall, these data show that the preposed pronominal possessor (which occurs in inalienables) has weaker tonosyntactic control power than an immediately preposed nonpronominal possessor (which occurs in alienables). (194) a. sa ydu [na TzT L TKg[] Seydou [3SgP younger.sibL Prox.AnSg]  this younger brother of Seydou s (na HTzT) b. [o de:] L Tmiy [ [2SgP father]L Prox.AnPl  these fathers of yours (o Hde:-mu) c. o [TzT a-ta:ndu] L Tmiy [ 2SgP [sib An-three]L Prox.AnPl  these three younger same-sex siblings of yours-Sg There is likewise no tonal change in a demonstrative due to a postnominal possessor, or vice versa (195). (195) a. Ylo o-K Kgo house 2SgP-InanSg Prox.InanSg  this house of yours-Sg b. p[: T-y [ TKg[ sheep 2SgP-AnSg Prox.AnSg  this sheep of yours-Sg Possessor-Noun-& - all Universal quantifiers c[m and pu!  all are not affected tonally by a NP-initial possessor. This applies to alienables (196a) and inalienables (196b). (196) a. sa ydu LYlo c[m S Lhouse all  all (of) Seydou s houses b. sa ydu [na LHlezu-mu=wo pu!] S [3SgP LHuncle-AnPl=Def.AnPl all] all (of) Seydous uncles Recursive possession Recursive possession ([Xs Y]s Z] is unproblematic. If Z is an inalienable, [Xs Y] (like any inalienable possessor) must be resumed by a 3Sg or 3Pl possessor pronoun preceding Z. Because the inner possessed NP [Xs Y] always contains a H-tone, Z will show the canonical possessed tone overlay, with no complications from Rhythmic Tone-Raising. (197) a. [mi Hde:] LYlo [1SgP Hfather] Lhouse  my father s house (de:, Ylo) b. [mi LHla l] [na LHlezu] [1SgP LHfriend] [3SgP LHuncle]  my friend s uncle (lalu-K, lezu) c. [inj[ miy [] Lko: wo [dog 1SgP-AnSg] Lhead Def.InanSg  my dog s head (inj[, ko:) d. [mi Hde:] Hni: [1SgP Hfather] Hmother  my father s mother (de:, ni:) e. [sa ydu [na Hde:]] Hni: [S [3SgP Hfather]] Hmother  Seydou s father s mother (de:, ni:) Phonetically, the sequence of two {H}-toned possessed inalienable nouns, like father and mother in (197d-e), is articulated with a variable pitch downstep on the second noun. Noun plus adjective Noun plus regular adjective This section discusses the form of simple N-Adj combinations. Representative modifying adjectives were listed in 4.5.1, above. Modifying adjectives immediately follow the modified noun. It is possible for more than one adjective to occur with a noun (198d). The sequence of a noun with any co-occurring adjectives, but excluding any determiners or quantifiers, is here called core NP. A core NP without further morphology can function as an indefinite NP in a sentence. Within a core NP, all nonfinal words are tone-dropped to {L}, while the final word retains its lexical tones. In some cases, like rope in (198cd), the lexical tone contour is already /L/ so there is no audible change. (198) Core NPs a. an L p[y manL old  old man (an) b. maKgoro L gT m mangoL rotten  rotten mango (maKgoro) c. suK L jem[ ropeL black  black rope (suK) For combinations of N-Adj with a preposed possessor, see 6.2.4.1 above. Adjective gambul[(-mu) ~ gambil[(-mu)  certain (ones) The adjective glossed  (a) certain X with a countable singular noun X, or  some (of the) X with a mass noun, is gambul[ ~ gambil[. For animate  certain Xs, some (but not all) Xs with countable plurals, add suffix -mu. Nouns are tone-dropped before gambul[, as before other true adjectives: Yn[  goat , Yn[L gambul[-mu  certain (=some) goats . This adjective selects a specific individual or subset from a larger set. Often it occurs twice in a parallelistic construction that exhaustively partitions the larger set. Free translations of the type  some & , (but/while) others &  are appropriate. (199) ene L gambil[-mu=wo ya b-[:, childrenL certain-AnPl=Def.AnPl Real be-3PlS gambil[-mu=wo ya un-( certain-AnPl=Def.AnPl Real go.Perf-3PlS  Some of the young people are (still) around, (while) some (others) have gone. (ene) Expansions of adjective Adjective sequences Two or more adjectives may co-occur in a NP. The linear ordering of two descriptive adjectives is free. For example,  big and  white can occur in either order (200a-b). Only the final adjective surfaces with its lexical tones. The preceding words are tone-dropped. (200) a. [Ylo pil[] L diya wo [house white]L big Def.InanSg  the big white house b. [Ylo diya] L pil[ wo [house big]L white Def.InanSg [= (a)] c. [suK jem[] L denu [rope black]L short  short black rope (suK, jem[) d [Ylo diya] L jem[ [house big]L black  short black rope (Ylo, diya) Occasionally there is a clear bracketing relationship that forces a particular linear order, as when a N-Adj sequence is lexicalized or when an adjective like gambul[  certain (ones) clearly has scope over the inner N-Adj combination. Adjectival intensification (very ADJ) Some expressive adverbials function as lexicalized adjectival intensifiers. Compare English snow white and the like, but the expressive adverbials are not exemplar nouns as in English, and usually have no phonological connection with any ordinary lexical stems. Many adjectival intensifiers are included in the extensive list of expressive adverbials in 8.4.7.4-5, 8.4.7.7. An adjectival intensifier may be used by itself (201a). When it combines with the associated ordinary adjective, the intensifier follows the adjective. The adjective is often tone-dropped, suggesting that the two combine in a compound-like fashion, with {L}-toned initial. It is possible to elicit NPs with a definite morpheme following the intensifier, showing that the latter can function as part of a NP (201c). Animate plural -mu may be added to the intensifier in this combination (201d). However, the integration of intensifiers into NPs is probably more typical of elicited than of naturally-occurring utterances. (201) a. kusu-kusu bo-( very.black be-3SgS  It is jet black. b. [na: L jem[-[kusu-kusu]] wT=b[-m [cowL black-[very.black]] see=Past-1SgS  I saw a jet-black cow. c. [na: L jem[-[kusu-kusu] g[] wT=b[-m [cowL black-[very.black] Def.AnSg] see=Past-1SgS  I saw the jet-black cow. d. [na: L jem[-[kusu-kusu-mu] bo-no:] wT=b[-m [cowL black-[very.black] Def.AnSg] see=Past-1SgS  I saw two jet-black cows. gir [  very can be combined with any following adjective, in modifying or predicative function. An assistant strongly preferred the extended form of the adjective in this combination (11.4.4). He volunteered that gir [ and lexical intensifiers do not co-occur. (202) a. gir [ gab-i: bo-( very tall-Adj `be-3SgS  He/she is very tall. b. Ylo L gir [ zala-y wo houseL very long-Adj Def.InanSg  the very long house  Good to eat The phrasing that expresses this sense is not an expansion of the adjective, rather it is an adjectival predicate (11.4) with a verbal noun as subject: not  mangoes are [good [to eat]] but rather  [eating mangoes] is good . (203a) is therefore syntactically parallel to (203b). (203) a. [[maKgoro g[] mir [-le] [ l-m bo-( [mango Def.InanPl swallow-VblN] sweet-Pred be-3SgS  Eating mangoes is good. b. [bid[ bid[-le] [ l-m bo-( [work(n) work-VblN] sweet-Pred be-3SgS  Doing work is good. Noun plus cardinal numeral The forms of numerals, including composite numerals, were presented in 4.7, above. This section describes unpossessed NPs of the type N-(Adj-)Num. A cardinal numeral follows the core NP (i.e. the noun plus any modifying adjectives) but precedes any determiners. I refer to the combination of core NP plus a numeral as the NumP (numeral phrase). A numeral from 2 to 10 begins with a classifier, either ye (inanimate plural) or a or bo (animate plural). For the choice between a and bo see 4.7.1.2, above. Animate core NPs have their regular plural suffix mu preceding the numeral. We begin with indefinite NumPs in (204). (204) NumP (indefinite) a. anmu ano: man-AnPl An-two  two men b. [na: L bi nmu] bopiy[l [cowL fat-AnPl] An-ten  ten fat cows c. zamdurumu bota:ndu donkey-AnPl An-three  three donkeys With the irregular noun  child 4.1.2 (singular ene, plural ene), the noun no  person may be added in a quasi-appositional function. It is prosodically grouped with the numeral and here functions as a marginal classifier (205a). A regular construction with a is also possible (205b). (205) a. ene nopiy[l children person-ten  ten children b. ene apiy[l children An-ten  ten children Examples of NumPs with following definite morphemes are in (206). If the noun is inanimate, the regular definite morpheme is simply added to the indefinite construction (206a). If the noun is animate, the one notable detail is that animate plural mu is repeated on the numeral (206b). (206) a. cin yepiyel g[ stone Inan-ten Def.InanPl  the ten stones b. na:mu bopiyelmu=wo cow-AnPl An-ten-AnPl=Def.AnPl  the ten cows For combinations inclusing a preposed possessor, e.g. Poss-N-(Adj-)Num, see 6.2.4.2 above. Noun plus determiner Prenominal definite absent Several Dogon languages allow an inanimate pronoun (ku, ko, etc.) in possessor-like form to precede a NP in strong discourse-definite (that same) function. This construction is not attested in Yanda Dom. Demonstrative pronoun after N(-Adj)(-Num)(-Poss) Forms of demonstrative pronouns are presented in 4.4.2.1. They occur in the position after a postposed pronominal possessor, which in turn follows the NumP (core NP plus numeral). Demonstrative pronouns are tonosyntactic controllers. When directly preceded by a core NP, i.e. N(-Adj), without possessor, the preceding string appears with {L} tones, so the outputs are [NL Dem] and [NL AdjL Dem]. In the latter case, since both adjectives and demonstratives control {L}, we cannot tell whether the tonosyntax is cyclical, as in [[NL AdjL] Dem] or (with first-cycle tonal erasure) [[NL Adj]L Dem], or single-step as in [[N Adj]L Dem]. Numerals are rather resistant to tone-dropping. In combinations like N-Num-Dem, usually either the N-Num string is tone-dropped as a whole, or the numerals retains at least the H-tone on its classifying prefix and also protects the noun from being tone-dropped. The inputs and outputs are schematized in (207). (207) without Dem with Dem a. N NL Dem b. NL Adj [N Adj]L Dem c. N Num [N Num]L Dem d. [NL Adj] Num [N Adj Num]L Dem or: [NL Adj] [Num L Dem] Examples are in (208). Counterparts without the demonstrative are in parentheses after the free translation. The alternatives for (207d) are seen in the variable tonal form of the adjectives in (208de). (208) a. YlT L Kgo houseL Prox.InanSg  this house (Ylo) b. YlT L jem[ L Kgo houseL blackL Prox.InanSg  this black house (YlT jem[) c. Ylo L ye-kule L [ : houseL Inan-sixL Prox.InanPl  these six houses (Ylo ye-kule) d. Ylo L jem[ L ye-kule [ :  jem[ ye-kule houseL blackL Inan-six(L) Prox.InanPl  these six black houses (Ylo jem[ ye-kule) e. Yn[ L jem[ L a-kule L Tmiy [  jem[ a-   goatL black(L) An-six(L) Prox.AnPl  these six black goats (Yn[ jem[ a-kule) f. Ylo L ye-ta:ndu L may[ Ylo ye-ta:ndu  house(L) Inan-three(L) FarDist.InanPl  those three houses For combinations involving both a demonstrative and a possessor, see 6.2.4.3 above. Definite morpheme plus noun The forms are g[ (animate singular, inanimate plural) and wo (animate plural, inanimate singular). Definite morphemes do not control tone-dropping on preceding nouns or other words. The tones of the definite morphemes are raised to g[ and wo after {L}-toned NPs by Rhythmic Tone-Raising (3.8.4.2), see 4.4.1. The  diacritic merely indicates that the H-tone is due to this process and is not lexical. Definite morphemes may occur in the same linear position as demonstratives, i.e. following a numeral one is present. However, wo often cliticizes to a vowel-final word, resulting in contraction. Furthermore, animate plural wo tends to be attracted to the closest word to the left that ends in animate plural suffix -mu. That is, wo optionally jumps leftward over a numeral to cliticize to a noun or adjective with this suffix. (Numerals do not normally end in -mu, but when the optional relinearization of wo does not take place, wo  grows a preceding -mu. The animate plural combination is therefore mu=wo, subject to local tone rules that can raise the tone of one or the other of these morphemes. Segmentally, mu=wo usually contracts to phonetic [mT:], realized tonally as [mT:], [mT:] or [mT :]. This contraction makes segmentation difficult, and the variation in ordering suggests that wo is in the process of becoming a suffix, and of fusing with -mu into a portmanteau. My usual transcription of this combination is mu=wo (i.e. mu=wo, -mu=wo or -mu=wo), using clitic notation. This is less phonetically accurate than mT: would be, but it does make the morphemic structure more transparent. Two ways to say  the two women are given in (209a-b). In (209b), wo has relocated leftward by attraction to -mu. In (209a) this movement does not happen, so the numeral is forced to  grow a -mu suffix that it does not otherwise have. The corresponding indefinite is (209c). (209) a. y[-mu no:-mu=wo woman-AnPl two-AnPl=Def.AnPl  the two women b. y[-mu=wo a-nu woman-AnPl=Def.AnPl An-two  the two women c. y[-mu no: woman-AnPl two  two women (also y[-mu a-no:) Similar cliticization and contraction of wo occurs with ene  children , which irregularly omits animate plural -mu, hence ene=wo  the children , often realized as [eno:]. The syntax is the same as for  the women when a numeral is added. The same two constructions as in (209a-b) are elicitable with inanimate plural g[ (210a-b). However, (210a) seems to be strongly preferred, so I will qualify (210b) with a question mark. (210) a. cin ye-no: g[ stone Inan-two Def.InanPl  the two stones b. ? cin g[ ye-no: stone Def.InanSg Inan-two  the two stones Definite markers follow postnominal possessor pronouns. For animate plural NPs, the possessor ends in animate plural mu agreeing with the noun, so there is no need for definite animate plural wo to jump over a word in order to cliticize to mu. (211) na:-mu o-mu=wo cow-AnPl 2SgP-AnPl=Def.AnPl  your-Sg cows (definite) Universal and distributive quantifiers  All  All quantifiers (c[m, pu!) in NPs c[m  all , which is also found in Jamsay, is the common NP-final universal quantifier. It follows determiners (212a) and numerals (212b). It can be used absolutely, i.e. as a noun  all, everything (212d). However, human  everyone is expressed as the NP no-mo=wo c[m, lit.  all the people . c[m has no effect on the tones of preceding words in the NP, and is itself not subject to tone-dropping controlled by a possessor. (212) a. [Ylo g[ c[m] ya pile( [house Def.InanPl all] Real fall.Perf-3SgS  All the houses fell. b. [anmu ta:ndumu=wo c[m] wob[m [man-AnPl three-AnPl=Def.AnPl all] see-Past-1SgS  I saw all three (of the) men. c. [yu wo c[m] ya ubiy[( [millet Def.InanSg all] Real spill.Perf-3SgS  All the millet (was) spilled. d. c[m ya niy [( all Real drink.Perf-3SgS  He/She drank everything. The regionally ubiquitous (Fulfulde, Jamsay) emphatic universal quantifier is also found, in the form pu! with variant fu!. It may be substituted for c[m in the preceding examples, but note no pu!  everyone . pu! may also follow c[m (213). (213) [yu wo c[m pu!] ya ubiy[( [millet Def.InanSg all all] Real spill.Perf-3SgS  All the millet (was) spilled. In the high-frequency combinations izen c[m and (synonymous) izenL pu!  every day , the noun izen  day drops its tones. However, tone-dropping is not regular in other combinations: ci pu! or (synonymous) ci c[m  every thing Postpositions and the accusative suffix i: ~ y, if present, follow c[m or pu!, showing that these quantifiers are within the NP, even though they sometimes seem adverbial (like floating all in English). An example with pu! is (214). (214) [no pu!](-y) ya dem[( [person all](-Acc) Real hit.Perf-3SgS  He/She hit all the people.  All quantifiers with pronouns Both c[m and pu! may combine with pronouns. The pronominal forms used are the nonsingular  all/together forms (4.3.1.1). (215) category with c[m with pu! a. 1Pl ya: c[m ya: pu! 2Pl wa: c[m wa: pu! LogoPl a: c[m a: pu! b. 3Pl bo c[m bo pu! Examples are in (216). (216) a. yey ya dem[( 1Pl-Acc Real hit.Perf-3SgS  He/She hit us. b. [ya: c[m] ya dem[( c[m]-i: [1Pl all](-Acc) Real hit.Perf-3SgS  He/She hit all of us. kunu  entire, whole, intact The adjective kunu is used with nouns denoting bounded entities: ciL kunu  (the) whole thing , damaL kunu  (an/the) entire village , zTgTL kunu  (an) intact (uncut) watermelon . The phrases in (217) consist of a noun denoting a time interval plus another  all quantifier kunu. In (217a), the nouns are denuK  day (entire daytime period) , variant der (i)K, and its antonym nayK  night (entire nighttime period) . Contrast izen  day (as temporal locator) and denda:  night (general term). (217) a. denuK L kunu  all day (long) nayKL kunu  all night (long) b. sT/a: L kunu  all month (long) ar aguzuL kunu  all year (long)  Each (kama, pu!) kama  each is sometimes distributive as in noL kama  each person (also no L kama c[m with the addition of c[m  all ) and ciL kama  anything, whatever . For the latter, see (780) in Text 1. An informant rejected combinations with other common nouns such as #anL kama  each man . kama is more often used in negative-polarity contexts: noL kama  (not) anyone, nobody , ciL kama  (not) anything, nothing , TmTL kama  (not) anywhere (786), dom L kama  (not) a word (235a). no  person and dom  talk, speech, word(s) are lexically L-toned (in part, see 4.1.2), but ci  thing and TmT  place contain H-tones, so the L-tones in ciL kama and TmTL kama indicate that kama controls tone-dropping. Syntactically it is adjective-like, as shown especially by its behavior in relative clause internal heads (14.1.10). For other nouns, a distributive sense is expressed (loosely) by a universal quantifier pu!  all , following a noun or pronoun that is marked for plurality where morphologically possible: anmu pu!  all (of the) men; each man ; ya: pu!  all of us; each of us . The noun or pronoun has its usual tonal form. The distributive sense may be expressed by an iterated distributive numeral elsewhere in the clause (218a), or by distributive tumay-tumay ~ tu-tumay  one by one within the quantified NP itself (218b). (218) a. [ya: pu!] [t[m[d[r[ yeno:no:] b[lamiy [1Pl-all all] [hundred Inan-two-two] get-Impf-1PlS  We will all get two hundred each (riyals, i.e. 1000 CFA). b. [y[ L tumay-tumay pu!] p[: nda-m-[ [womanL one-one all] sheep give-Impf-3PlS  They will give a sheep to each/every woman. Universal and distributive quantifiers with negation Under negation, kama  each, any has wide scope while c[m  all has narrow scope. Emphatic pu! is not ordinarily used under negation. (219) a. [ci L kama] Yra-li-( [thingL each] eat.meal-PerfNeg-3SgS  He/She didn t eat anything. b. [nama wo c[m] kubo-lu-m [meat Def.InanSg all] eat.meat-PerfNeg-1SgS  I didn t eat all the meat. Example (219a) can be paraphrased as  for each X, not [he/she ate X] . (218b) can be paraphrased as  not [for all X [I ate X]] .  (Not) at all forms that can be added to emphasize negation include the interjection-like f[y (< Fulfulde) and the adverb kuwo. The widespread Arabic loan abada  never or  absolutely not is also in use. Accusative suffix (i: ~ y) The accusative suffix (or clitic) behaves like a postposition in being added once, at the end of a NP. It occurs primarily with definite animate direct objects, and animate recipients with the verbs give and show. It is very common after animate pronouns, optional and noticeably less common after nonpronominal animate NPs. It is uncommon with inanimate NPs though it is possible when the reference is definite. It does not occur with inanimate pronoun ko. Compare locative adverb koy just over here (4.4.3.1). Segmentally, the suffix appears as i: after a consonant, but desyllabifies to y after a vowel. The tone is low, except when raised to high after a {L} toned noun or adjective by Rhythmic Tone-Raising: az[g[-y  animal , na:-y  cow . Animate plural -mu assimilates, resulting in -mi-y (subject to tone rules): pula-mi-y  Fulbe(s) , p[:-mi-y  sheep-Pl , na:-mi-y  cows . Before -y, pronouns take the same proclitic form they have as subject pronominals in nonsubject relatives, so most of them are L-toned, but 2Sg and logophoric singular are H-toned. Here -y is always H-toned, showing that Post-Pronominal Tone-Raising is at work: 3Sg na-y, 1Pl ye-y, 2Sg o-y, 3Logophoric a-y (4.3.1). Examples of direct objects are in (220). In (220a) and similar examples, accusative i: ~ y after the pronoun is regularly heard in freely elicited examples, but an informant accepted a version without i: ~ y. In (220b) and similar examples with nonpronominal animate objects, i: ~ y is usually absent in freely elicited examples, but an informant accepted versions with i: ~ y. In (220c) and similar examples with inanimate objects, i: ~ y is absent in freely elicitable examples, but an informant accepted versions with i: ~ y in special contexts. In (220c), for example, he stated that the i: ~ y might be used in a context involving an otherwise stoneless area where the presence of one stone stood out. (220) a. [[ba na] oy wT=b[m [market Loc] 2Sg-Acc see=Past-1SgS  I saw you-Sg in the market. b. sa ydu(y) walum S(-Acc) see-PerfNeg-1SgS  I didn t see Seydou. c. [cinL tuma!(y)] wT=b[m [stoneL one-(Acc)] see=Past-1SgS  I saw one stone. The indirect object of  show and  give (i.e. the recipient) is treated morphologically as a direct object. This NP is ordinarily animate. In freely elicited examples, i: ~ y is rather common with nonprominal animate NPs. In (221b), the tones in underlying /LHla li:/ are realigned (as the result of resyllabification of the medial l) to result in lali:. (221) a. sa yduy izo ya damd[m SAcc fish Real show.Perf-1SgS  I showed (a) fish to Seydou. b. [mi LHlal]i: bu:du ya nd[m [1SgP LHfriend]Acc] money Real give.Perf-1SgS  I gave money to my friend. (mi LHla l) c. arani: yu ya nd[m birdAcc millet Real give.Perf-1SgS  I gave (some) millet (grain) to a bird. d. toli: yu ya nd[m pigAcc millet Real give.Perf-1SgS  I gave (some) millet (grain) to a pig. e. [ma nay ya nd[m sorghum 3SgDat Real give.Perf-1SgS  I gave him/her (some) sorghum. When present in a multi-word NP, the accusative suffix appears at the end of the phrase. For example, definite na: g[  the cow has accusative form na: g[y, and with universal quantifier c[m we have accusative na:mu wo c[mi:  all the cows (after resyllabification of /c[mi:/). Coordination NP coordination NP conjunction ( X and Y ) (mi!  and ) The conjunctive particle mi! follows both coordinands in a parallel structure. It is related to instrumental (and comitative) postposition mi (8.1.2). The high-toned form mi! occurs after a low-toned constituent. However, the actual pitch is strongly influenced by intonation, so the first mi! has relatively high pitch (nonterminal intonation) and the second has low pitch (terminal intonation). Thus in (222a), the (phonologically) high-toned mi! at the end is usually lower-pitched than the (phonologically) low-toned mi! in the middle. (222) a. [anmu mi!] [y[mu mi!] [man-AnPl and] [woman-AnPl and]  men and women b. [p[:mu mi!] [Yn[mu mi!] [sheep-AnPl and] [goat-AnPl and]  sheep-Pl and goats c. [p[: g[ mi!] [Yn[ g[ mi!] [sheep Def.AnSg and] [goat Def.AnSg and]  the sheep-Sg and the goat d. [iye mi!] [[w mi!] bidamiy [today and] [tomorrow and] work-Impf-1PlS  We will work today and tomorrow. The series may expand to three or more conjuncts (223). (223) [p[:mu mi!] [Yn[mu mi!] [na:mu mi!] [sheep-AnPl and] [goat-AnPl and] [cow-AnPl and]  sheep-Pl, goats, and cows Conjunction of pronouns When one or both of the coordinands is a personal pronoun, it takes the same proclitic form as a pronoun used in preverbal subject function and in inalienable-possessor function (4.3.1). That is, the pronoun is low-toned for 1Sg, 1Pl, 2Pl, 3Sg, and 3Pl, but high-toned for 2Sg and for 3Logophoric. 3Logophoric also merges singular with plural in this series. mi! has its tone raised by Post-Pronominal Tone-Raising. (224) category independent preverbal subj  and&  1Sg mi mi mi Hmi: 2Sg o o o Hmi! 1Pl ye ye ye Hmi: 2Pl wo wo wo Hmi: 3Sg na na na Hmi: 3Pl bo bo bo Hmi: 3LogoSg a a a Hmi! 3LogoPl amu a a Hmi! An example of two conjoined pronouns is (225). (225) [o Hmi!] [mi Hmi!] [2Sg Hand] [1Sg Hand]  you-Sg and I The preferred construction, however, is one that consists of or ends in a summarizing pronoun (226) that contains a quantifier. The pronominal person is 1Pl if the speaker is included, otherwise 2Pl if an addressee is included, otherwise 3Pl. The forms for  X-two are slightly irregular, with nu (cf. no: as regular numeral). Combinations involving other specific numerals sich as  three are regular in form, but usually when the total number of individuals is three or more we get a generalized form with a: that is here glossed  X-all although it is unrelated in form to the normal universal quantifiers. The third person forms are based on the stem a. It was noted in 4.7.1.2 that a or bo is often prefixed to numerals with animate plural reference, so we should not jump to the conclusion that a in (226) is specifically anaphoric in nature. (226) category  X-2  X-3  X-all a. 1Pl yenu yeta:ndu ya: b. 2Pl wonu wota:ndu wa: c. 3Pl anu ata:ndu a: The summarizing quantified pronoun may be combined with a single preceding coordinand that denotes one element of the whole (227). (227) a. [o Hmi!] yenu [2Sg Hand] 1Pl-two  you-Sg and I =  the two of us-Inclusive b. [wo Hde: mi!] wa: [2Pl Hfather and] 2Pl-all  you-Pl and your-Pl father (addressed to two or more siblings) The  X-all forms are of historical linguistic interest since they resemble ordinary plural pronouns in some other Dogon languages (e.g. Nanga, Ben Tey). Ordering of coordinands Since pronouns are preferably conjoined using a summarizing quantified pronoun (preceding section), the issue of preferred linear order among pronominals is of little significance. When both component pronouns are overtly presented, an informant preferred the order 3rd-2nd-1st. An example of 2nd-1st ordering is you-Sg and I (225) in 7.1.2, above.  Conjunction of verbs or VPs Verbs and VPs are not conjoined in the fashion of NPs and pronouns. Instead, they are combined by chaining mechanisms described in Chapter 15. Disjunction (ma!  or ) The  or particle is ma!, becoming falling-toned ma! after a low-toned constituent. An example is maKgoro ma! papay  mangoes or papayas. NP disjunction The particle may follow both coordinands (228a), or it may occur once, between them (228b). In the latter case it is difficult to justify bracketing the particle with the left or right coordinand, since its prosodic grouping is variable in this case. Note also that (228b) is literally four or three, showing that numeral disjunctions with approximate sense do not have to follow an ascending sequence. (228) a. [izen L pu(] [[p[: ma!] [Yn[ ma!] s[mam( [dayL all] [[sheep or] [goat or] slaughter-Impf-1SgS  Every day I slaughter (either) a sheep or a goat. b. [[balege c[m] [market-day all] [p[:mu boc[zo ma! bota:ndu] doram( [sheep-AnPl An-four or An-three] sell-Impf-1SgS  Every (weekly) market day I sell three or four sheep. Pronominal disjunction One or both of the disjunctive elements may be a pronoun. The pronoun takes regular (high-toned) independent pronoun form, not the proclitic pronoun series that is used in pronominal conjunction. Thus 1Sg mi ma!, 1Pl ye ma!, and 2Pl wo ma!. For logophoric, a is used for singular or plural reference. Since the pronouns are H-toned, the  or particle is not tone-raised. (229) a. [o ma!] [mi ma!] [2Sg or] [1Sg or]  you-Sg or I b. [a ma!] [ye ma!] [Logo or] [1Pl or]  (hex said:) hex or us  (theyx said:) theyx or us Clause-level disjunction Clause-level disjunction is difficult to distinguish from juxtaposition of two polar interrogatives that are offered as alternatives to choose from. In those cases where the translation is clearly a noninterrogative disjunction, the first clause ends in the or particle. The second clause may occur without the particle (230a), with a clause-initial low-toned particle, usually after a prolonged pause (230b), or with a clause-final instantiation of the particle (230c). (230) [izen L pu!] [gT/a: na] yu: gondomiy ma!, [dayL all] [granary Loc] [millet take.out-Impf-1Pl or, a. [[ba na] [bami b. ma! [[ba na] [bami c. [[ba na] [bami ma!  Every day we (either) take millet out from the granary or we buy (some) in the market. An assistant rejected disjunctive combinations of imperatives (Eat, or go!). These were rephrased as indicatives (You will eat, or you will go). Postpositions and adverbials Yanda Dom has a number of postpositions. The monomorphemic postpositions have forms beginning with a high tone when the preceding NP or pronoun is low-toned, and all-low toned forms when the NP or pronoun contains a high tone. There are no tonal locatives of the Jamsay variety. About X in context of the topic of discussion is not expressed by a postposition, rather as a compound with dom  talk . (231) timedom damamiy tree-talk speak-Impf-1PlS  We will talk about trees. Dative and instrumental Dative (ber a) The recipient of  give or  show is treated morphologically as a special case of direct object; see accusative i: or y (6.7). For the indirect object of  speak, tell , one possibility is instrumental-comitative mi and variants (see the immediately following section). A specifically dative postposition used with  speak, tell is ber a (232a). It is tone-raised to Hber a after proclitic pronouns and after {L}-toned NPs. The basic form ber a is heard after nonpronominal NPs containing a H-tone. In other words, ber a is treated tonally like a possessed noun. This postposition is also regular with verbs like  send (232b). In other words, the notion of conveying a commodity (whether physical or abstract) is a necessary condition for using ber a. (232) a. nar a [mi Hber a] Ldam[( truth [1Sg HDat] Lspeak.Perf-3SgS  He/She told me the truth. b. bu:du [o Hber a] tT/am( money [2Sg HDat] send-Impf-1SgS  I will send you-Sg (some) money. c. bu:du [sa ydu ber a] tT/am( money [Seydou Dat] send-Impf-1SgS  I will send Seydou (some) money. d. bu:du [sa ydu Hber a] tT/am( money [Seydou HDat] send-Impf-1SgS  I will send Seydou (some) money. See also beneficiary postposition K (8.3). Instrumental-comitative (mi ~ mi: ~ mi) The instrumental-comitative postposition appears as high-toned mi: (less often mi) after a {L}-toned NP and after pronouns. After NPs containing a H-tone, the postposition is low-toned mi. The tonal variants usually correlate with differences in vowel length. The variant mi: is distinct from 1Sg independent pronoun mi. (For mi!  and see comments below.) Before the postposition, pronouns take proclitic form, like preverbal subject pronouns in relative clauses. In the proclitic series, 2Sg o and logophoric a are H-toned, while other pronouns are L-toned. Examples are 2Sg o Hmi:  with you-Sg and mi Hmi:  with me . This postposition is used in prototypical instrumental contexts (using a tool or similar object in a purposeful activity). It is also used for means of transportation (233c). In such instrumental examples, the NP in question is in practice always inanimate. (233) a. [s[w mi] te: ya deKem [ax Instr] wood Real chop.Perf-1SgS  I chopped the wood with an ax. b. [izil mi!] s[mbam( [broom Instr] sweep-Impf-1SgS  I will sweep (up) with a broom. c. [bamba na] [mo(m)bil mi] ur um( [Bamba Loc] [vehicle Instr] go-Impf-1SgS  I will go to Bamba (village) by motor vehicle. The same postposition is used in comitative (accompaniment) sense. Here the NP is frequently human, indicating joint activity (234), but any form of accompaniment (as in  He went away with the keys ) can be considered comitative. (234) ye [sa ydu mi] bidamiy 1Pl [S Comit] work-Impf-1PlS  We work with Seydou. Another function of mi is to indicate what in English would be the indirect object of the verb dama  speak, tell . For other indirect objects, see the dative (8.1.1). (235) a. [[y[ g[] mi] [dom L kama] damalum [[woman Def.AnSg] to] [talkL any] speak-PerfNeg-1SgS  I didn t say anything to the woman. b. [mi Hmi] [dom L kama] damali( [1Sg Hto] [talkL any] speak-PerfNeg-3SgS  He/She didn t say anything to me. The instrumental postposition mi is related to conjunction mi!  and , which however is intonationally prolonged (7.1). Spationtemporal postpositions Locative, allative, and ablative functions In the various locational postpositions described below, there is no distinction between static locative (in, at, etc.), allative (to), and ablative (from). Directionality is indicated by verbs like go in and go out, which are commonly chained with other verbs. Simple and complex PPs As in many languages, in addition to the simple postpositions there are several complex (composite) postpositions of the type in front of X or at the back of X. These have (or had) the structure [[X NOUN] Loc], where X is the possessor of NOUN (usually a body part term), and the resulting possessed noun is followed by a locative postposition. The formula [[X NOUN] in] should be understood as subsuming cases where X is a pronoun, in which case it follows the possessed noun, as in [[NOUN my] Loc]. The noun-like elements in complex postpositions are mostly {L}-toned bisyllabics. Some but not all of them still behave tonally as possessed nouns, i.e., they have a word-level {H} overlay after a {L}-toned NP. Their basic {L}-toned form can therefore also be attributed to a possessor-controlled {L} overlay. The noun-like elements that escape these overlays are subject merely to Rhythmic Tone-Raising of their initial syllable after a {L}-toned NP. Elicitation from one assistant produced the split in (236). I suspect that there is much itner-speaker variation in this respect. (236) postposition gloss after {L}-toned NP (a granary) a. not treated as possessed [X ber a] na  inside X [gT/a: ber a] na [X dar a] na  on X [gT/a: dar a] na [X jide] na  in front of X [gT/a: jide] na [X t[mb[] na  above X [gT/a: t[mb[] na [X tiKa] na  toward X [gT/a: tiKga] na b. treated as possessed [X ara] na  beside X [gT/a: Hara] na [X tunu] na  behind X [gT/a: Htunu] na c. monosyllabic, possessed status unclear [X du] na  under X [gT/a: du] na Simple locative na and ba  in, at, on The simple locative postpositions are na and ba. H-toned na and ba occur directly after nouns and adjectives, except those with & HL tones, which require an L-toned postposition (237c). The H-toned postposition in (237b) is due to Rhythmic Tone-Raising. Unusually, these postpositions also carry over a final lexical H-tone on a preceding unpossessed noun or adjective (237a), but not after a possessed word with a {H}-toned overlay (237d). The examples in (237) involve na ~ na, but ba ~ ba variants have the same distribution. (237) locative gloss a. H-toned after unpossessed noun or adjective with final H-tone Ylo na  in a/the house dama na  in a/the village inju na  in (the) water ko: na  in/on a/the head Ylo pil[ na  in a white house b. H-toned after noun or adjective with all-low tones bT:rT na  in a sack ezu na  in a/the waterjar oy na  in (the) outback time na  in a/the tree T/a: na  in (the) grass Ylo p[y na  in an old house c. L-toned after noun or adjective with {& HL} contour b[d[ na  in/on (the) highway lasa:zu na  in a rifle d. L-toned after possessed noun with {H} overlay y[ HYlo na  in a woman s house L-toned forms of the postpositions occur after all NP elements other than nouns and adjectives: numerals, determiners, postposed possessors, each and all quantifiers (238a-d). We also get L-toned forms after nouns with {L}-toned overlay after a preposed possessor (238e). The data in (238) are therefore compatible with recognition of L-toned na and ba as basic, since Rhythmic Tone-Raising cannot apply to particles following such elements. (238) locative gloss a. locative follows a numeral Ylo ye-ta:ndu na  in three houses b. locative follows a determiner (demonstrative or definite) [Ylo L ko] na  in that house (near-distant) [Ylo wo] na  in the house c. locative follows a postposed possessor [Ylo o-K] na  in your-Sg house [Ylo Ymo] na  in my house d. locative follows an  each or  all quantifier [Ylo c[m] na  in each/every house [Ylo g[ pu!] na  in all the houses [ci L kama] na  in everything/anything e. [sa ydu LYlo] na  in Seydou s house [y[ LYlo] na  in a woman s house To summarize the tonology: if we posit na and ba as basic, we can account for all of the L-toned outputs, and for the H-toned outputs in (237b). However, the H-toned outputs in (237a) cannot be explained by the regular phonology. Semantically, na is the most general locative, and it is common in examples like (239a). The alternative (239b), with ba, can be used to index a spatial displacement from  here (compare English over before a locational), and might occur in a conversation that takes place outside the village. ba can also suggest a more vaguely defined location, cf. 4.4.3.2. (239) a. [dama na] ya kun( [village Loc] Real be.in-3SgS  He/She is in (the) village. b. [dama ba] ya kun( [village Loc] Real be.in-3SgS  He/She is (over) in (the) village.  He/She is (somewhere) in (the) village. In compound postpositions like  behind X and  in front of X (see sections below), na regularly occurs when the reference point X (expressed as a possessor) is first person, as in [[tunu Ymo] na]  behind me . [[tunu Ymo] na] is said to be possible only to denote a vague location  somewhere behind me . With second or third person reference point, ba is more easily used: [[tunu o-K] ba] alongside [[tunu o-K] na]  behind you-Sg . Prototypically the focal object (trajector) is enclosed in a bounded three-dimensional space, i.e. in a container (240ac). It may also be immersed in a medium like  water with no well-defined boundary. (240) a. [Ylo na] ya kur [: [house Loc] Exist be.in3PlS  They are in(side) the house. b. [[dama wo] na] ya kur [: [[village Def.InanSg] Exist be.in-3PlS  They are in the village. c. yu: [gT/a: na] ya kun-dem millet [granary Loc] Real put.Perf-1SgS  I put (the) millet in (the) granary. d. [inju na] ya nT/[( [water Loc] Real go.in.Perf-3SgS  He/She went into the water. The focal object may also be  on a surface. The relationship to a horizontal or vertical surface is instead expressed by the following (intransitive or transitive) verb, as in (241). (241) a. [na: Ymo] [teba na] ya na:-nd[m [foot 1SgP.InanSg] [wood on] Real pass-Tr-Perf-1SgS  I put-Past my foot (up) across the wood. b. cenju [lotunu na] tada( agama.lizard [wall on] be.on.wall.Stat-3SgS (The) agama lizard is on the wall. As some of the above examples show, a contextually appropriate definite morpheme is sometimes omitted in these locative PPs (compare English in town), especially when it is obvious which container or surface is involved. There is no restriction against definite morphemes before na, which can be added to any NP if the semantics permit. There are no irregular morphophonological interactions between na and definite or demonstrative morphemes.  Night and  daytime , and time-of-year expressions like  rainy season , are used adverbially without a locative postposition (242). (242) a. denda: womu night come-Impf-3SgS  He/She will come at night. b. zer a cilemu [waju na] unm[ rainy.season herder-AnPl [far Loc] go-Impf-3PlS  In the rainy season (the) herders go far away. In parsing texts, care must be taken to distinguish locative na and variant na from the homophonous 3Sg pronouns na and na. Locative na and ba with place names Locative na or ba are frequently used with place names. na is far more common. (243) [bamba na] bom [B Loc] be-1SgS  I am in Bamba (village). Likewise moti na  in Mopti , yanda na  in Yanda , bamakT na  to Bamako . Textual examples are in (785).  Inside X, in the interior of X ([X ber a] na/ba) A more explicit indication that the focal object is enclosed in a bounded space is with the complex postposition [[X ber a] na, literally  in (the) middle/interior of X , cf. noun ber a  middle, interior, inside . An informant rejected #[[X ber a] ba, another accepted it in specialized senses involving multiple interiors. (244) no-mo [[Ylo ber a] na] ya kur [: person-AnPl [[house interior] Loc] Exist be.in-3PlS  (The) people are inside the house. Unlike dative ber a, which is treated like a noun tonally with  possessed form Hber a, ber a in the  inside X phrase is not subject to a word-level {H} overlay. It therefore remains {L}-toned in (245a). Instead, it is subject to Rhythmic Tone-Raising after a {L}-toned NP, affecting just its first syllable (245b). (245) a. [ko ber a] na [InanSg interior] in  inside that, therein b. [gT/a: ber a] na [granary interior] in  inside a granary  On (the head of) X, above X ([X dar a] na/ba) There is no highly grammaticalized  on [the head of X] construction of the Jamsay type, though such a combination can be constructed compositionally where literally appropriate. There are two nouns meaning  head , dar a and ko:, and the former is generally used in this context (246). An examples with ko: is in (813) in Text 3. (246) yendu [[dar a Ymo] na] naKa( basket [[head 1SgP] Loc] be.up.on.Stat-3SgS  (The) basket is (up) on my head. The construction in (246), or a similar expression  on my neck with kTlT  neck , can be extended to describe more abstract burden (e.g. of feeding dependent children). [X dar a] na can also mean  above X, over X , though this sense is more usually expressed by [X t[mbe] na.  Next to, beside X ([X ara] na/ba) The noun ara  side is the basis for a postpositional expression  next to X or  beside X . The noun is possessed (by the reference entity), and the resulting NP is followed by locative na or ba. (247) a. [[sa ydu ara] na] bom [[S side] Loc] be-1SgS  I am next to Seydou. b. furno: [[ara Ymo] na] d[-da burner [[side 1SgP.InanSg] Loc] set-Tr.Imprt  Set-2Sg the burner (down) next to me! If the reference entity is unspecified, we have adverbial  to the side (i.e.  nearby ). This can be expressed as ara na, or as ara ba.  In front of X ([X jide] na/ba) In the context  in front of (person, vehicle) or  in front of (vehicle) , the phrasing is  in (the) eye (of)&  , using either [[X jide] na] or [[X jide] ba], cf. jide or jidiye  eye (248). I have also heard [[X jido] na] and [[X jido] ba], and variants with g instead of j. (248) a. [[no-mo jide] na] Ldam[( [[person-AnPl eye] Loc] Lspeak.Perf-3SgS  He/She spoke in front of (the) people. b. tana [[mombil jide] ba] dun-do stick [[vehicle eye] Loc] set.down-Tr.Imprt  Put down (=lay) a log in front of (the) vehicle. As an adverb  in front, ahead , I recorded jide ba. By contrast,  in front of (house) is expressed as  in (=at) (the) door. (249) [[umbul wo] na] ya Yra( [[door Def.InanSg] Loc] Real stop.Stat-3SgS  He/She is stopped (=standing) at the door (=in front of the house).  Behind/after X ([X tunu] na/ba)  Behind X in the spatial sense is [X tunu] na or [X tunu] ba, literally  at the back of X , with noun tunu  back (body part) . A pronominal example is [tunu Ymo] ba  behind me . The expression [Ylo tunu] ba  (over) behind the house(s) denotes the area at the edge of the village where people go to defecate. An adverbial phrase is tunu ba  behind, in the rear .  Over X, at the top of X ([X t[mb[] na/ba) The noun (or adverb) t[mb[  above, top , as in adverbial t[mb[ ba  above, overhead , is part of the complex postpositions [X t[mb[] na and [X t[mb[] ba  on top of X, over X, above X . The form with na suggests a precise location (at a summit, or directly overhead the reference object), while that with ba is more diffuse. (250) aran [[t[mb[ Ymo] na] kiliyem bo( bird [[top 1SgP.InanSg] Loc] fly-Impf be-3SgS  (The) bird is flying (directly) over me.  Under X, below X, at the bottom of X ([X du] na/ba) The noun du  bottom, base , as in adverbial du ba  below, underneath, at the bottom , is part of the complex postpositions [X du] na and [X du] ba  under X, below X, at the bottom of X . In (251a), the focal object is directly under the reference object (house). In (251b), its location is defined as (approximately)  at the base of the reference object. This  at the base of X sense is possible when the reference object is a large object with a well-defined top, side, and bottom. (251) a. [[[Ylo wo] du] na] nay Lbezo [[[house Def.InanSg] bottom] Loc] 3Sg-Acc Lbury.Perf-3PlS  They buried him/her under the house. b. [[[koKo wo] du] na] [[[mountain Def.InanSg] bottom] Loc] Ylo TnzTz[: house build-Perf2-3PlS  They (have) built a house at the base of the mountain. This construction is not used in the literal sense  beside (someone) . However,  X is under Y can be said of two persons when X has a serious grudge against Y and is likely to do harm to (up to and including killing) Y.  Toward ([X tiKa] na\ba, [X ara] na\ba)  Toward X can be expressed by a compound postposition based on either of the nouns tiKa (roughly:  destination ) or ara  side , followed by na or by ba. In the combination involving ara, it is understood that the protagonist is heading for a location in the general vicinity of the named location. (252) a. [[bamba tiKa] ba] ur [( [[B destination] Loc] go.Perf-3SgS  He/She went toward Bamba (village). b. [[bamba Hara] ba] ur [( [[B Hside] Loc] go.Perf-3SgS  He/She went toward (=in the general direction of) Bamba. The oldest generation still uses the verb phrase [tiKa na] tiK[] in the sense  go on a trip, travel . Younger speakers say [dama na] un, literally  go to (a) village , perhaps calqued on Jamsay.  Between ([XY ber a] na/ba)  Between X and Y with both coordinands expressed is exemplified in (253a). The alternative is to use a single NP with plural reference (253b). The noun ber a  middle; interior is used, and the construction is identical in form to that meaning  in the interior of X, inside X . (253) a. [[[o Hmi!] [mi Hmi!]] ber a] na [[[2Sg Hand] [1Sg Hand]] middle] in  beteween you-Sg and me b. [ye-nu ber a] na [1Pl-two middle] in  between us  From X to Y (ba !, hale, fo!)  He/She ran from Bamba to Koro can be expressed as (254), literally  running in (=from) Bamba, he went until in Koro. The particle ba !  until, all the way to follows the second locational expression. (254) [[bamba na] zTbTy] [[B Loc] run-untill.SS] [[kTrT na] ba !] Lur [( [[K Loc] until] Lgo.Perf-3SgS  He/She ran from Bamba to Koro. The regionally widespread clause- or phrase-initial particle hale  as far as, all the way to, even can also be used in this context (255). See 19.2.1 for more on hale. (255) [na: mi!] [hale bamba na] Lsuwo-m-iy [foot Inst] [until B Loc] Lgo.down-Impf-1PlS  We will go (down) on foot all the way to Bamba (village). fo!  to such an extent (with intonational prolongation) has a sense similar to hale, but is associated with  and then VP combinations, see (799), (827), and (828) in the texts. Temporal and Adverbial (ga) Nouns denoting temporal locations, such as times of day and seasons of the year, optionally occur with a postposition ga in adverbial function. In all attested examples ga is added directly to the noun stem, and an informant rejected combinations of ga with a quantifier or determiner on the noun. After an {L}-toned noun, ga undergoes Rhythmic Tone-Raising to ga. (256) a. wa: ga  in the morning b. denda: ga  at night c. izubar a ga  in the hot season d. zer a ga  in the rainy season The noun may also be used adverbially without ga, e.g. wa:  (in the) morning . ga is also used in some other adverbial phrases. For dey ga  separate, apart see 8.4.7.2. For siy[ ga  well (opposite of  badly ), see 8.4.4.1. For tumay ga  together (in one place) , see 18.3.2. Purposive-causal suffixes and postpositions Beneficiary (K) The suffix K occurs in alienable possessor pronominals in the series that follows inanimate singular nouns, as in cin oK  your-Sg stone (6.2.2). Another K is an imperfective relative verb suffix (14.1.7.2). In this section another function of K is described. It occurs with nonpronominal NPs as well as with pronouns, to indicate the (intended) beneficiary of an action. For pronouns, the forms are the same as the possessors (6.2.2), e.g 2Sg oK and irregular 1Sg Ymo. After a noun, the tone follows the usual tonal pattern for suffixes, high-toned after a {L} toned noun (or adjective), otherwise low-toned: y[K  for a woman , mi Hde:K  for my father . After a Cfinal noun, an epenthetic u is heard if the consonant is a nasal (anuK  for a man ), and optionally if the consonant is l (mi LHla lK or mi LHlaluK  for my friend ). In (257a),  my friend is a noun-headed NP. In (257b), 2Sg oK follows the direct object NP. This linear ordering can lead to parsing problems, but in (257b) the presence of a demonstrative pronoun modifying the direct object clarifies the bracketing. If the sense were  I heated [this your water] (=this water of yours) , the demonstrative would follow the NP-internal pronominal possessor: inju oK Kgo. (257) a. [[mi LHla l]K] Lbid[m [[1SgP LHfriend]-Benef] Lwork.Perf-1SgS  I worked for my friend. (also pronounced laluK) b. [injuL Kgo] oK LTjum[m [waterL Prox.InanSg] 2Sg-Dat Lbe.hot-Caus.Perf-1SgS  I heated this water for you-Sg. Purposive or causal (dan) A postposition with high-toned form dan after {L} toned noun, adjective, or pronoun, otherwise low-toned dan, denotes the (prospective) purpose of an action. This includes the common expression  for the sake of God describing unselfish good deeds not performed for profit (in this lowly world). The postposition may also be used for a (retrospective) causal force (258d). (258) a. [amba dan] [ene g[] LkT/[m [God Purp] [child Def.AnSg] Lraise.Perf-1SgS  I raised the child for God (=as an act of charity). b. ga w [bu:du dan] gTlamiy onion [money Purp] farm(v)-Impf-1PlS  We grow onions for money (=as a cash crop). c. [simo: dan] Lwo [cement Purp] Lcome.Perf-3PlS  They have come for (=to take) the cement. d. [[za K wo] dan] [dama aK] LdTga [[fight Def.InanSg] Purp] [village 3Refl-P] Lleave.Perf-3PlS  They have abandoned their village because of the fight. ko dan  for that (reason/purpose is a common summarizing adverbial phrase. For ciYre dan  for what? =  why? , see 13.2.2.2. For dan  than (X) in comparatives, see 12.1.1. Other adverbs (or equivalents) Similarity (y[K ~ y[y  like ) The postposition y[K ~ y[y  like, similar to , which follows a pronoun or a nonpronominal NP (or adverb), creates adverbials of comparison. The tone shifts to high after a pronoun, or by Rhythmic Tone-Raising after a {L}-toned NP. Pronominal examples: mi Hy[K  like me , o Hy[K  like you-Sg . An example with a noun is (259). (259) bid[ [zamduru y[K] bidamu work(n) [donkey like] work-Impf-3SgS  He/She works like a donkey (=works hard). y[K readily combines with noun-like adverbs, as in iye y[K  like today and Kgi y[K  like here . Kgo y[K  like this, thus can accompany a visual demonstration. KKTy  thus, like this is probably a contraction of this combination. Similarly, an expected ko y[K regularly contracts to kTy  thus, like that . Another  thus adverb is ja : ni, used in the context  saying thus (i.e. as just quoted) , see (847) in Text 5. For the use of y[K in the sense  approximately see 8.4.3.1. Extent ( a lot ,  a little ) say!  a lot (distinct from say  only ) may be incorporated into a larger NP (though it does not control tones on the noun), or it may be absolute. In absolute function it may function as a NP argument of a verb, or it may be adverbial, e.g. with an intransitive verb (260b). In cases like (260a) and (260b), say! could be bracketed with the preceding common noun to form an NP, but an adverbial interpretation cannot be ruled out. For more on the syntax of say!, see 8.4.7.11. (260) a. bid[ say! Lbida work(n) a.lot Lwork.Perf-3PlS  They worked a lot. (= They did a lot of work.) b. say! zTbamu a.lot run-Impf-3SgS  He/She runs a lot. c. nama say! Lkubem meat a.lot Leat.meat.Perf-1SgS  I ate a lot of meat. An alternative expression is diya ga  a lot, greatly , consisting of diya  big and adverbial postposition ga. Adjective  many, numerous is segu or extended form seg-i: . For intensification of adjectives ( very ADJ ), see 6.3.3.2.  A little is expressed as cem!, optionally expanded as cem! say with the  only particle. For more on the syntax of cem!, see 8.4.7.11. (261) a. bid[ cem!(say) Lbida work(n) a.little Lwork.Perf-3PlS  They worked a little. (= They did a little work.) b. cem!(say) zTbamu a.little run-Impf-3SgS  He/She runs a little. c. nama cem!(say) Lkubem meat a.little Leat.meat.Perf-1SgS  I ate a little meat. Two alternative  a little expressions are based on the adjective daga  small, little , antonym diya  big . These are daga-m and daga-ma, the latter functioning as a relative-clause head ( the little that&  ,  what little&  ). An informant commented that cem!  a little and say!  a lot are preferred by younger speakers, while older speakers prefer the forms based on adjectives  big and  small . Specificity In addition to the constructions below, see also 4.4.3.2 on demonstrative adverbs ( right here ,  around here ).  Approximately (y[K ~ y[y ) y[K ~ y[y  like (8.4.1) can be used to indicate approximate quantity. (262) [p[:mu pTlTnum y[K] L[bam( [sheep-AnPl 10-5 like] Lbuy-Impf-1SgS  I will buy approximately 50 sheep. For  somewhere around here etc., see 4.4.3.2.  Exactly (one) (leK! ~ loK!, sezele) tuma!  one can be emphasized as tuma! leK! (variant loK!) or as tuma! sezele, both meaning  exactly one (pragmatically often  just one ).  Exactly  (dTK) A more general  exactly adverb, used with quantity terms, is dTK. (263) p[:-mu pTlT-num dTK L[ba-m-( sheep-AnPl 10-5 exactly Lbuy-Impf-1SgS  I will buy exactly fifty sheep. c[w  all can also be used in similar contexts.  Exactly (equal) ,  right at (a time) (c[wc[w) c[wc[w, the reduplication of c[w  all , can be used to indicate exact equality by some yardstick, as in (264). (264) [ene wo] ano: indu c[wc[w bo( [children Def.AnPl] An-two height all-all be-3SgS  The (two) children, both are (of) exactly the same height. c[wc[w is also used to specify exact time. (265) [mombil wo] [salbana mi] c[wc[w LnaKamu [vehicle Def.InanSg] [2PM.prayer at] all-all Lpass-Impf-3SgS  The vehicle will pass by (here) right at the 2PM prayer.  Exactly ,  specifically (te!) Adverbial te!  exactly (note the intonational prolongation) can be used by itself to confirm or agree with another speaker s statement. This adverbial can also be added to a NP constituent in a clause (266). (266) [p[:mu pTlTnum te!] L[bam( [sheep-AnPl 10-5 exactly] Lbuy-Impf-1SgS  I will buy exactly 50 sheep. This adverbial can also be used to single out a referent from a larger set. Here it is best translated  specifically or (for a human)  personally . (267) [ye dTgTmu] te: [ba=boy, [1Pl Dogon-AnPl] tea want-be-1PlS, ga: [mi te!] te: [bu=lam but [1Sg exactly] tea want=not.be-1SgS  We Dogon (in general) like tea; but I personally (=specifically) don t like tea. Evaluation  Well and  badly (adverbial ga) Adverbial  well is siy[ ga, compare adjective siy[  good . ga occurs in a few combinations, converting an adjective into an adverbial phrase. (268) [siy[ ga] Ldamamu [good Adv] Lspeak-Impf-3SgS  He/She speaks well.  Badly is gTmT ga, cf. gTmT  bad . Another adverbial phrase with ga is diya ga  in large amounts , cf. adjective diya  big . There are also a few temporal adverbial phrases with ga (8.2.15). However, such adverbial phrases compete with alternatives where the adjective modifies a noun. This phrasing is favored when an appropriate noun, for example a cognate nominal, is available. (269a) literally means  He/She farms (i.e. does) [good farming]. (269b) is a similar case with  bad . (269) a. [gTlT L siy[] LgTlamu [farmingL good] Ldo.farm.work-Impf-3SgS  He/She farms well (=works well in the fields). b. [dom L gTmT] damamu [talk(n)L bad] speak-Impf-3SgS  He/She speaks badly.  Proper, right (za: ) The noun-like element za: is used as a predicate with bo  be , and is negated by stative negative n. It denotes behavior that is (socially) normal, customary, expected, or proper (right). The subject is a nonreferential 3Sg. A direct object may be added to denote the (expected) agent of the behavior. (270) a. [bid[ L Kgo] miy za: =bo( [workL Prox.InanSg] 1Sg-Acc proper=be.3SgS  This work is proper for (=expected of) me. b. wa:-gidenu za:n( morning-sleep(n) proper-StatNeg-3SgS  Sleeping in the morning (=daytime) is not right. The form is also attested as an adjective, with rising tone: gon L za : wo  the appropriate (necessary) gear . Manner English manner adverbial phrases may be translated either by specialized adverbials (271a), instrumental or other postpositional phrases (271b), or by adding a modifying adjective to a direct object or cognate nominal (271c). See also  like phrases (8.4.1). (271) a. bid[ Tji! Lbidam( work(n) fast Lwork-Impf-3SgS  He/She works fast. b. [paKa mi!] [cin wo] Ljize( [strength Instr] [stone Def.InanSg] Lthrow.Perf-3SgS  He/She threw the stone with force (=hard). c. [za L siy[] Lmanamu [mealL good] Lcook-Impf-3SgS  He/She cooks well , lit.  cooks good meal(s) gide and aKay are nouns meaning  manner, way (of doing or being) . They can function as heads of manner adverbial relative clauses (15.4.2), but headless versions also occur. Spatiotemporal adverbials Temporal adverbs Some of the major temporal adverbs are in (272). Regarding (272b), the traditional market-week cycle in the area was six days, versus five days in Sangha. (272) a. iye  today; nowadays niKa:  yesterday; formerly, in the old days iye deme ta:ndu  day before yesterday nim[m  now ni:  now , often as topic ni: kay b. (days of the traditional 6-day week) [w  tomorrow; in the future [wder [  day after tomorrow der [kuru  second day after tomorrow (third from today) kurumjimb[  third day after tomorrow (fourth from today) ba:na y  fourth day after tomorrow (fifth from today) c. gol  last year nT/a  this year bago/e:  next year Most of these adverbs (those except nim[m  now ) are morphologically nouns. In adverbial function (setting a time frame for a predication), the nouns may occur in their simple form, as given above. Those denoting prior time spans may be expanded by adding the temporal postposition ga (8.2.15), as in niKa: ga  yesterday and gol ga  last year . An assistant rejected ga with the nouns denoting contemporaneous or subsequent time spans, but the nominal quality of most of the stems can be brought out by adding definite wo (iye wo  today , nT/a wo  this year , [w wo  tomorrow ). nim[m  now is a particle that does not pattern as a noun and cannot be followed by definite wo. For [w  tomorrow the regular expansion of the simple form is [w de, literally  if tomorrow . For  next year , the parallel expansion with de  if requires unpacking the morphology and rephrasing as a verb: ba ya go de  if time (ba) goes out . For more on ba see 11.1.4.  First (ti!) As in Jamsay, ti! is used as an adverbial meaning  firstly , i.e. first in an ordered sequence, with various pragmatic extensions. (273) ti! injudom na m=bo( firstly water-talk difficult=be-3SgS  Firstly (=above all) the issue of water is difficult. (inju) Spatial adverbs Some basic adverbs are in (274). (274) a. t[mb[ na  above, top, summit du na  below, bottom, down b. tumo-K  east , cf. verb tumo  (sun) rise pilo-K  west , cf. verb pile  fall; (sun) set dudaga  east/northeast (along base of cliffs) t[Kdaga  south , cf. Tengou (Dogon group) muzudaga  (far) south , cf. Mossi (ethnic group) c. tunu ba  in the rear jide ba  forward; in front tones With numa  hand , we have numa L Yr[  right hand (cf. verb Yr[  eat ) and numa L nanda  left hand . Likewise na: L Yr[  right foot and na: L nanda  left foot . There are no spatial adverbs  on/to the left (or right) . Expressive adverbials and onomatopoeias Expressive adverbials (EAs) correspond to so-called ideophones in many African and other languages. Syntactically, they may function as adverbial phrases with no specific thematic function, or they may be made predicates by adding an inflectable predicator. They do not normally form part of NP constituents, although the combination of an adjective and an associated intensifier can be phrased as a compound (6.3.3.2). A morpheme ni is optionally added to any EA, in adverbial or predicative function; it becomes ni after a {L}-toned EA. I will gloss it as  Adv in interlinears. (275) c[n[ [ka ! (ni)] bo-( mouth [gaping (Adv)] be-3SgS  The mouth is wide open. Some additional mini-adverbial phrases can be created using postposition ga after an adjective. Such adverbials behave syntactically like EAs and like spatial PPs. The inflectable predicators used in EA predicates are the same as those used with spatiotemporal and manner PPs. A state or activity may be predicated with bo-  be (somewhere) or its negation onu-  not be (somewhere), be absent . Inchoative predicates are produced using biy[-, which elsewhere means  stay, remain (somewhere) . These predicates are illustrated in the following section, with dem!  straight . Actions and abrupt events can be phrased with kan  do or some other verb (e.g. a verb of motion).  Straight (dem!) As in several other Dogon languages, adverbial  straight is expressed by the adverbial dem!. It can be applied to a trajectory, a path, or an object such as a stick. Predicative examples were give at the beginning of 8.4.7. In (276) it functions as an adverbial phrase. (276) [dem! (ni)] [bamba na] unmiy [straight (Adv)] [Bamba Loc] go-Impf-1PlS  We ll go straight to Bamba (village). dem! is a positive stative predicate in (277a) with bo-  be (somewhere) , the corresponding negative stative predicate in (277b) with onu-  not be (somewhere) , and an inchoative predicate in (277c) with biy[-  stay . (277) a. [ozu wo] [dem! (ni)] bo-( [road Def.InanSg] [straight (Adv)] be-3SgS  The road is straight. b. [ozu wo] [dem! (ni)] onu-( [road Def.InanSg] [straight (Adv)] not.be-3SgS  The road isn t straight. c. [dem! (ni)] ya biy[-( [straight (Adv)] Real stay.Perf-3SgS  It has become straight. The adverbial can be iterated (without the intonational prolongation) as demdem, which has the same syntax.  Apart, separate (dey ga) The parallel construction [X [dey ga] bo, Y [dey ga] bo], including an inflected form of bo  be , is used to indicate the physical separation of two entities, or their essential differentness (nonidentity). (278) p[:mo: [dey ga] b[:, sheep-AnPl-Def.AnPl [apart Adv] be-3PlS, Yn[mo: [dey ga] b[: goat-AnPl-Def.AnPl [apart Adv] be-3PlS  Sheep-Pl and goats are separated (or: distinct). The reduplication dey dey is also available, and is necessary in negative contests where the parallelistic construction would not work (279). (279) [[p[:mu mi!] [Yn[mu mi!]] [[sheep-AnPl and] [goat-AnPl and]] dey dey oniy[ apart-apart not.be-3PlS  Sheep and goats are not separated (or: distinct).  Always (asu!),  never (abada)  Always is expressed by the adverbial asu!. Alternatives are  all (=every) day expressions izen L pu! and ballege pu! (cf. ballege  day ). Its negation can be expressed using the experiential perfect negative verb form, or more directly as the regionally ubiquitous adverb abada  never (of Arabic origin). (280) a. asu! [bid[ L Kgo] bid[: [ba=bom always [workL Prox.InanSg] work-and.SS want=be-3SgS  I want to do this work always (=permanently). b. [izen L pu!] Tr[-y bo( [dayL all] be.tired-Past.and.then be-3SgS  He/She is always (=every day) tired. c. abada gTlT [bu=lam never farming want=not.be-1SgS  I don t ever want to do farm work. d. gTlT gTlT=t[ralum farming do.farm.work=ExpPf-PerfNeg-1SgS  I have never done farm work. asu! is rarely predicative but combinations with bo-  be and onu-  not be were elicitable. More simple EAs Some fairly detailed inventories of EAs will be given in this and the following sections. Those in (281) are typical EAs with no internal segmentation (except as described below). They are organized by syllabic shape. All can occur with bo-  be and its negation onu-  not be , so they pass the test for EA-hood. Most, but not quite all, are characterized by prolongation of the final segment (vowel or sonorant), indicated by !. Phonological vowel length cannot be distinguished in this context. Those glossed with  very ADJ are adjectival intensifiers (compare brand new, dead drunk). (281) Simple EAs a. Cv! po! (bo/onu)  wide open, gaping (doorway, mouth, sack) s[ ! (bo/onu)  looking straight (at sth) (with tig[  look ) m[! (bo/onu)  knocked flat on the ground bT ! (bo/onu)  reddish, off-red , hence more specifically  chocolate colored ,  reddish (bloodshot eyes) ,  weak light (small or dying fire) bu ! (bo/onu)  very long b. Cwi! swi! (bo/onu)  full of smoke (kitchen, motor) swi! (bo/onu)  sunken (eyes) gwi! (bo/onu)  having big eyes twi! (bo/onu)  (plants) in full bloom, flowering kwi! (bo/onu)  very short bwi ! (bo/onu)  feeble light (e.g. distant campfire, pre-dawn glow) ;  ripening (red fruits, mango or wild grape) c. CvC! (with final sonorant) dam! (bo/onu)  completely blind dem! (bo/onu)  straight dim! (bo/onu)  motionless or  piled up, heaped ka y ! (bo/onu)  wide open (eyes) ,  bared (teeth) ta y ! (bo/onu)  tasty (salted) ,  hot (sun, temperature) t[ y ! (bo/onu)  getting better, recovering (from illness or binge) or  tasty, adequately salted or sugared j[ y ! (bo/onu)  slender (person) c[ w ! (bo/onu)  very small, tiny, undersized (anything) ga w ! (bo/onu)  conspicuously visible (rock, horns) b[m! (bo/onu)  (millet or sorghum grain head) completely covered with fuzz (flowers) leK! (bo/onu)  sole, just (one) , often followed by say  only k[ y! (bo/onu)  sticking out (slightly) le m! (bo/onu)  (object) resting on a surface (head, palm of hand, table) or  very clean d. CvC (no prolongation) k[l (bo/onu)  (door) flush to the frame, shut all the way e. CvCv! mar i! (bo/onu)  sticky (clayey soil, chewing gum) or  having an ugly face sari! (bo/onu)  sticking way out, jutting, projecting out doge! (bo/onu)  walking with head high (not looking down) bTbu! (bo/onu)  very fat (person) bobu! (bo/onu)  pot-bellied (person) d[bu! (bo/onu)  covering mouth , see (790) pede! (bo/onu)  very full (container, of liquid or grains) p[t[! (bo/onu)  flat-topped (head, hat), flat (lips) pata! (bo/-onu)  flat and wide (buttocks, feet) muy a! (bo/onu)  (large person or animal) facing off, posing menacingly (facing an enemy) f. Cv:Cv! g[: li! (bo/onu)  ajar, slightly open g. CvCCv! jembe! (bo/onu)  projecting out overhead h. CvCvC! yagaw! (bo/onu)  very lightweight (and fairly big) y[g[w! (bo/onu)  very lightweight sim[y ! (bo/onu)  walking with one s head bent forward pudum! (bo/onu)  lots of dust or ashes or  (plant) covered with flowers ondom! (bo/onu)  oversized, swollen (pregnant woman, bowl) TndTm! (bo/onu)  shady (tree) i. CvCCvC! and CvCCvC kendem! (bo/onu)  (person, place) silent (after being noisy) c[nz[y ! (bo/onu)  lean, emaciated , cf. c[nz[m-b[l[y! j. trisyllabic and longer with prolongation jembili! (bo/onu)  teetering, at risk of falling off without prolongation raKalam (bo/onu)  very rough, coarse ra :pindiya (bo/onu)  enormous ra :pindu (bo/onu)  enormous Most of the forms are not closely related to any non-EA stem. They are therefore generally unsegmentable. One can sense vaguely segmentable final y ~ i: and m in some of the nonmonosyllabic forms; note especially c[nz[y ! and synonym c[nz[m-b[l[y! (281i). Compare the adjectival extension -i: and variants, and suffix -m in various predicates (adjectival before bo-, imperfective, stative, progressive). ra :pindiya and ra :pindu in (281j) are regionally widespread borrowings from Songhay (Humburi Senni), where they parse as  mother( -s)-buttocks . The Cwi! shape in (281b) does not match a #Cwi stem type in non-EA vocabulary. It likely reflects resyllabification of *Cuy! as the prolongation of the *y lead to desyllabification of the *u. Most EAs contain at least one H-tone, but some are {L}-toned. In this case bo-  be becomes bo- by Rhythmic Tone-Raising. Iterated EAs without vowel change The stems in (282) are transparently iterated. In a few cases, the uniterated stem also exists as a non-EA stem, in which case iteration is a derivational device to produce EAs. Many, however, are suppletive. Many adjectival intensifiers (glossed  very ADJ ) are iterated, especially CvC-CvC and CvCv-CvCv. (282) Iterated EAs without vowel shift a. Cv:-Cv: c[: -c[: (bo/onu)  very green p[:-p[: (bo/onu)  (breeze) blowing lightly di:-da: (bo/onu)  sprawling (vegetation), much-branched (tree) or  (clouds) overcast b. CvC-CvC cey -cey (bo/onu)  very hard gay -gay (bo/onu)  very full, expanded to the maximum (stomach, sack) tay -tay (bo/onu)  very tight (rope, garment) pal-pal  very hot (object) ga y -ga y (bo/onu)  (door) tightly closed pey-pey (bo/onu  very unripe da y -da y (bo/onu)  very red se y-se y (bo/onu)  (cleaned) completely ta y-ta y (bo/onu)  (cleaned) completely ,  completely used up (money, food, etc.) n[ K-n[ K (bo/onu)  very sweet y[ y-y[ y (bo/onu)  falling exhausted to the ground (weak animal, defeated wrestler) yaw-yaw (bo/onu)  (bird) taking off, flapping wings ready to fly (also kan),  fast-growing (erect plant) c. CvCv-CvCv oro-oro (bo/onu)  (head) completely clean-shaven ar a-ar a (bo/onu)  scattered, here and there sebu-sebu (bo/onu)  very tall and thin (e.g. antenna) s[bu-s[bu (bo/onu)  liquid seeping in (footsteps in mud near water, mouth salivating before vomiting) t[K[-t[K[ (bo/onu)  very fine (powder) , expandable as t[K[-t[K[ kTru with kTru  burnt-bone powder as exemplar pula-pula (bo/onu)  brand (new) pula-pula (bo/onu)  steaming hot (food or liquid right off the fire) bTdu-bTdu (bo/onu)  very soft, very supple bTzu-bTzu (bo/onu)  very wet biru-biru  (fire) flaring up, having long flames biru-biru(-biru)  (sb) absorbed in work, working with great concentration wil[-wil[ (bo/onu)  flapping, dangling (also kan) reKe-reKe (bo/onu)  very sharp (point, blade) peru-peru ~ paru-paru (bo/onu)  very white pisu-pisu (bo/onu)  hopelessly lost c[r [-c[r [ (bo/onu)  very thin ceru-ceru (bo/onu)  (moonlight) shining brightly kusu-kusu (bo/onu)  very black gazu-gazu (bo/onu)  (milk, cream of millet) separating into layers when boiled or  (unripe millet grains) oozing latex tagu-tagu (bo/onu)  spotted (kan  become ) daye-daye (bo/onu)  wave (hand) (also kan) t[gu-t[gu (bo/onu)  trembling, quaking biru-biru (bo/onu)  (wounded bird, animal after throat is cut) flopping around tomu-tomu (bo/onu)  having gaps (e.g. ear of corn), widely spaced, well spread out , hence  occasionally (verb tomo  be isolated ) d. CvCCv-CvCCv tombu-tombu (bo/onu)  (infant, drunk) walking clumsily ,  speaking clumsily (not making much sense) e. CvCvC-CvCvC [l[m-[l[m (bo/onu)  lightly sugared or salted ([ l  sweet ) kerem-kerem (bo/onu)  very tight (rope) korom-korom (bo/onu)  fit, in good shape dar ay -dar ay (bo/onu)  very sour (da n) beley -beley (bo/onu)  (fire, airplace, firefly) flickering, glimmering f. Cv:CvC-Cv:CvC bT :rTm-bT :rTm (bo/onu)  soft, not firm (overripe fruit, partially disinflated ball) g. trisyllabic and longer zaraga-zaraga (bo/onu)  dangling or quivering in the air (e.g. small live prey in predator s mouth) kologo-kologo (bo/onu)  loose-fitting, oversized (shoes, hat) gagile-gagile (bo/onu)  fidgeting (while seated) or  (person, donkey) rubbing one s body against a wall [tabi-y[]-[tabi-y[] ~ [tabi-y[]-[tabi-y[] (bo/onu)  pushing off with one s hands (e.g. climbing) (verb tabi-y[) pubulT-pubulT ~ pubulT-pubulT (bo/onu)  rubbing , hence  (blind person) groping (with hands) (verb pubulT) The last two examples in (282g) are straightforward derivational iterations of input verbs. I found some fluctuation between HLL-HLL and HHH-LLL tones in these cases. Given the stress attack on the first syllable of HHH and of LLL words, HLL-HLL and HHH-LLL are difficult to distinguish. In (283a), the iteration is not complete, and the initial looks more like a Cv- reduplication. In (283b), the iteration is of an adjective with the -i: extension, though in the case of [Tk-i: ]-[Tk-i: ] the corresponding uniterated adjective (#Tku, #Tk-i: does not exist). The base in (283c) can be doubled or tripled, more or less onomotopoeically. (283) a. s[ -s[: (bo/onu)  newborn b. [Tk-i: ]-[Tk-i: ] (bo/onu)  walking fast, striding (strong word) [Tj-i: ]-[Tj-i: ] (bo/onu)  fast, rapidly (adv) (Tju  hot, fast ) [b[d-i: ]-[b[d-i: ] (bo/onu)  (villages, houses, trees) closely spaced, in sight of one another ;  from time to time, occasionally c. kim-kim(-kim) (bo/onu)  shivering with cold or  trembling, quaking Iterated EAs with vowel shift to a In a few cases, a once-doubled (iterated) base shifts one or more vowels to a in the second occurrence. In (284b), the iteration is optional. In (284c), the vowel shift is not consistent. (284) Iterated EAs with vowel shift to a in second occurrence a. wilil-walal (bo/onu)  having roots spreading at base (tree) or  (wires, cords, hairs) spreading out b. sT: (bo/onu)  oily, dripping with oil sT: -sa: (bo/onu)  oily, dripping with oil c. mur unu-mur unu ~ mur unu-mar unu (bo/onu, or with un  go )  (snake) slithering along slowly d. c[bi-cabi-c[bi-cabi-c[bi  with short quick steps , see (781) In EAs with the base tripled rather than just doubled, the shift to a is very common. It applies to the medial occurrence, which is also tone-dropped. If the base is nonmonosyllabic, the shift to a occurs in the first syllable, and extends to later syllables where the base has T (but not u). The tripling of the base is generally iconic, as most of these EAs denote gaits characterized by multiple repetition of an awkward movement. (285) Twice-iterated EAs with shift to a and {L}-tone in medial occurrence a. Cv:-Ca:-Cv: ti :-ta:-ti : (bo/onu)  struggling to walk or run z[:-za:-z[: ( bo/onu)  swaying slowly from side to side (like hawk gliding) zi:-za:-zi: ( bo/onu)  lurching from side to side b. Cv(C)Cu-Ca(C)Cu-Cv(C)Cu etc. jibu-jabu-jibu (bo/onu)  staggering or stumbling along gundu-gandu-gundu (bo/onu)  swaying, lumbering (like elephant walking) tombu-tambu-tombu (bo/onu)  staggering or stumbling along c. CT:CT(C)-Ca:Ca(C)-CT:CT(C) nT:gT-na:ga-nT:gT (bo/onu)  walking with body lurching forward & backward (e.g. animal with long legs or long neck) bT :rTm-ba:ram-bT:rTm  over-ripe and soft (fruit) , variant of bT :rTm-bT :rTm d. CvCuCu-CaCuCu-CvCuCv p[mburu-pamburu-p[mburu (bo/onu)  (tall person) walking stiffly (with legs rubbing) Iterated EAs with multiple final Cv reduplication Another fairly common type of EA involves a CvCv base whose final Cv is repeated two or three (occasionally more) times, in some cases with a consonantal alternation involving liquids (r /n, r/d, r/l, nd/l). Some examples are derived from adjectives and function as intensifiers. Others are unrelated to any other stem. This type of EA has a strong sensory bias. It is popular with smell categories, with visual gestalts (repetitive visual patterns, conspicuous size), and to a lesser extent taste. (286) Multiple Final Reduplication a. deadjectival, from bisyllabic base [l[-l[-l[-l[ (bo/onu)  very sweet ([ l) gala-la-la-la (bo/onu)  very bitter (gal) pelele(le) (bo/onu)  very tasty (adjective pele l) b. deadjectival, from trisyllabic base Tr TnTnT (bo/onu)  very smooth (Tr Tndu) c. illumination dazazaza (bo/onu)  bright light aimed in a direction (headlights, flashlight) bozozozo (bo/onu)  bright (point of light, e.g. start) wezezeze (bo/onu)  bright, well-illuminated (space) wazazaza (bo/onu)  bright, well-illuminated (space) [wider space] d. visible characteristics s[r [n[n[n[ (bo/onu)  straight-nosed subububu (bo/onu)  very tall pun TrTrTrT(rT) (bo/onu)  having lots of flowers danalalala (bo/onu)  wide, round space (e.g. for playing or a site for a new house) ayayaya (bo/onu)  conspicuously visible (body of water) ararara (bo/onu)  very large (animal, e.g. elephant, python) yaralalala (bo/onu)  (planted crops) sprouting well all over yagaralala (bo/onu)  running at top speed tendelelele (bo/onu)  running at top speed (cf. adj tel) surududu (bo/onu)  sth long and thin (rope, snake) landing on the ground after jumping or falling or  (grain) being poured into a sack m[ :r [m (bo/onu)  (door, hole, sack opening) tightly closed e. smell and taste k[m[m[m[ (bo/onu)  foul-smelling (urine) kuzazaza (bo/onu)  foul-smelling (animal secretions) golololo (bo/onu)  acrid-smelling (fresh onions or cow-peas) gTmTmTmT (bo/onu)  rotten-smelling, very rotten amamama (bo/onu)  foul-smelling (rancid but not yet rotten meat), foul-smelling (fart) samamama (bo/onu)  smelling like fresh fish, meat, or milk (noun samamu) Composite EAs Most EAs are unsegmentable, except for iterations and reduplicative syllables. A few appear to be marginally composite, either on grounds of prosodic appearance or because one element is attested elsewhere (287). Some others are used with a body-part term (partonym), which may be incorporated as a compound initial or may be separate (287c). (287) Composite EAs a. phrased prosodically like compounds erege-de w! (bo/onu)  everything, totally orogo-do w! (bo/onu)  completely clean-shaven , cf. synonym oro-oro b. initial also occurs separately c[nz[m-b[l[y! (bo/onu)  emaciated (cf. c[nz[y ) bTbu-tTrT (bo/onu)  very thick, massive (cf. bTbu!) bTr T-zTy (bo/onu)  reddish (ripening fruits) (bTr T noun  reddish color of gravel or  suffering due to sickness ) sim ba ! (bo/onu)  towering (tall as a palm tree) (sim  borassus palm c. with partonym gid-iye j[ y ! (bo/onu)  small-eyed, narrow-eyed dime gombu! (bo/onu)  (forehead) protruding (with eyes recessed) dime jembe! (bo/onu)  (forehead) protruding (with eyes recessed) gide da:-da:, gid-iye [da:-da:] ( bo\onu)  having poor vision (but not blind) dumo ka: -ka: -ka: (bo/onu)  walking with legs widely separated (after being circumcised) numa [daye-daye] kan  wave hand (as a signal) EAs not attested with bo- and onu- Some expressive adverbials are not attested as simple predicates with bo-  be and onu-  not be . Some are used with kan  do, make (288a), and others are attested only with (intransitive or transitive) motion verbs (288b). (288) a. with kan  do, make kak kan  (stop) still m[m[l[m kan  go out of sight (hidden behind sth) woyow! kan  (bird, tree) landing with a thud bTbu kan  (mango, toad) plopping, hitting the ground hard na: t[y ! kan  (monkey) stick out foot b. with motion verb with  chase away y[ y-y[ y lali-y[  shoo flies away with  pass by p[lum na K  pass by with a swoosh with  go in mele m nT  run headling into (also kan) m[r [m nT  burst in with  go out sari! go  stick way out pwi go  go out abruptly (also kan) with  go surudu-surudu un  (cripple) drag self along, (snake) move fast kan  do, make is also regular with nonce onomatopoeias, manual gestures, etc. Compare English go X as in it went  kerplop . Iterative EAs Some expressive adverbials are iterative in form. Simple iterations with no phonological difference between the two parts are in (289a). The first two examples in (289a) show that different EAs can be differentiated by vowel symbolism. The EAs in (289b) are tripartite and shift the vowel of the medial occurrence to a. (289) a. simple kayaw-kayaw (kan)  sound of crunching (e.g. carrot, cassava, kola) koyow-koyow (kan)  sound of crunching (dry food, e.g. dried fish or meat, bread, dog crunching a bone) raKam-raKam (bo/onu)  sound of chomping (on meat) suyaw-suyaw (bo/onu)  crunching, rustling (walking through dry grass) sagu-sagu (kan)  swallowing sound toy-toy (kan)  (dog) crunching (e.g. a bone) b. tripartite with medial a kolo-kala-kolo (bo/onu)  sudden noise, hubbub, mle ho:-ha:-ho: (bo/onu)  loud chatter dim-dam-dim (bo/onu)  sound of footsteps Borderline or aberrant EAs The expressive adverbials in (290) are somewhat idiosyncratic in form or in syntax. (290) EA gloss (and comment) a. ti!  at first, firstly (not predicative; can be treated as a noun or adjective: ti! wo  the first [one] , izenL ti! wo  the first day ) b. te!, te:-te: (bo/onu)  precisely (usually follows NP, pronoun, or adverb: na te!  precisely him/her , tol g[ te!  precisely the pig , kTy te:-te: bo  it s precisely thus ; occasionally incorporated into NP with following definite morpheme, but no tonosyntactic effect on preceding word: na te!/te:-te: g[  precisely him , tol te! g[  precisely the pig ) c. j[Ka -K (bo/onu)  tilted (cf. also j[K ga bo) j[n-j[-y ( bo/onu)  tilted d. cem! (bo/onu)  a little (8.4.2) say! (bo/onu)  a lot (8.4.2) Other iterative adverbs For the forms of distributive numerals ( one by one =  one at a time , etc.), see 4.7.1.6. These numerals can be used adverbially in contexts like like  (they came) two by two and  (I gave them candies) two apiece .  Scattered, here and there (TmTTmT) The noun TmT  place can be reduplicated to form the distributive adverb TmTTmT  in places, here and there , suggesting a sparse and scattered distribution.  Occasionally (legelege) The noun lege  day (also ballege  day ) forms a reduplicated adverb legelege  (on) some days, i.e. occasionally, from time to time. Verbal derivation The productive suffixal derivations (stem to stem) for verbs are the reversive (un-) and the causative. Some verbs occur with either of two endings, mediopassive and transitive. Adjectives have corresponding intransitive (inchoative) and transitive (factitive) verb forms, but these are in most cases not directly formed from the adjective by adding a suffix. Reversive verbs (lv) The reversive suffix is -lv-, realized as {-l[ -le -lT -lo} depending on the vocalism of the input stem. Reversive derivatives can often be translated with English un- verbs, intransitive or transitive. Reversive -lv- in Yanda Dom is clearly distinct from transitive -dv-, unlike the case in some other Dogon languages where the two derivations are often homophonous. A reversive derivation may be followed by further suffixes (mediopassive, causative). However, the reversive derivation itself puts clear restrictions on the form of input stems. The attested output shapes are Cvl-lv-, CvCv-lv-, and CvCCv-lv-. Most of the known examples are CvCv-lv- from CvCv- inputs. As with other trisyllabics (except causatives), the vowel of the second syllable from the left appears as a high vowel i or u (often fluctuating). Examples are in (291). (291) Reversive CvCi/u-lv- from CvCv input gloss reversive gloss namu  step on namul[  take foot off kTmT  tie kTmulT  untie tim[  put lid on timil[  take lid off muno  tangle munu-lo  untangle m[n[  fold m[ni-l[  unfold diK[  tie (knot) diKil[  untie (knot) sTgT  loop sTgul[  unloop l[g[  insert l[gu-l[  remove (sth inserted) p[g[  button up p[gil[  unbutton tag[  put on (shoes) tagil[  take off (shoes) pagu  tie pagul[  untie dagu  lock dagil[  unlock There are a few cases of CvCCv-lv- where the CC is a homorganic nasal-stop cluster (292). The reversive sometimes reveals a CvCCv stem shape, and a lexical tone contour, that is concealed in the corresponding nonreversive form due to Syncope ( uncover ). (292) Reversive CvCCi/u-lv- from CvCCv input gloss reversive gloss mTndT  seal up mTndul[  unseal yam-d[  cover (sb) yambu-l[  uncover Cvlv, Cvdv, Cv:dv, and Cvr v (presumably also Cvrv) stems combine with the reversive suffix as Cvl-lv. This requires Syncope (3.6.3.3) followed by assimilation of d or a rhotic to the following l. (293) Reversive Cvl-lv- input gloss reversive gloss from Cvlv mile  braid (rope) mille  unbraid (rope) from Cvdv tadu  be affixed tall[  (sth affixed) be removed gid[  immobilize gill[  un-immobilize, remove immobilizing object from pide  shut (door) pille, pil-lo  open (door) budT  bury bul-lT  disinter from Cv:dv d[:d[  extend (e.g. arm) d[l-l[  pull back, retract (extended arm) from Cvr v ma n  seal (with mud) mal-l[  unseal (< /mar v-/) other goj-jo  be inserted gol-li-ye  be dis-inserted go:-do  insert gol-lo  dis-insert (remove) In the next-to-last example (mal-l[), an alternative (not favored here) would be to first delete the medial syllable (Medial Cv-Truncation, 3.6.4.7), then double the suffixal l (Lateral-Doubling, 3.6.4.2). This seems rather like taking two steps forward and one step back. In either case, the first-syllable vowel must be shortened (vShortening, 3.6.3.4). See also gol-lo  take off hat in the next set below. Another such case is kTl-lT  unhook (sth hanging) , but this is complicated by the fact that the corresponding verb kTr-dT  hook (sth) up has dissimilated from underlying /kTdu-dT/, compare mediopassive kTdi-yT  be hung up . For some verbs such as those denoting putting on garments, the distinction in nonreversive contexts between dressing oneself (mediopassive) and dressing another (transitive) is neutralized in the reversive. Therefore the mediopassive suffix is normally omitted in the reversives in (294) even when (as usual) the reference is to undressing oneself rather than another person. (294) Mediopassive omitted in reversive input gloss reversive gloss tTbiyT  roll turban tTbulT  unroll turban nun-j[  put on (clothes) nuKulT  get undressed godiyo  put on (hat) gollo  take off (hat) The mediopassive suffix is also absent from another case, but for a different reason. Mediopassive din-je  (flour) stick to mortar refers to the fact that some grain pounded in a mortar remains stuck to the inside of the mortar when the rest is removed. The corresponding reversive is the transitive diKi-lo  remove (grain stuck in mortar) . Here the real-world context requires agency only in the reversive. The restrictions on the prosodic shape of the reversive are clearly at work in the irregular cases in (295). (295) Prosodic mismatches from underived to reversive stem input gloss reversive gloss a. da :  cover opening dal-l[  uncover opening ko:  cover with hide kollo  remove hide covering from b. ba:-nd[  hide (sth) baKi-l[  uncover, reveal c. nan-j[  be caught naKi-li-y[  become un-caught For Cvl-lv from Cv: in (295a), see Lateral-Doubling (3.6.4.2, above). In (295b), ba:-nd[  hide (sth) is part of a word-family including ban-j[  hide (self) and adjective ba K  secret, hidden . The verbs at least could derive from a theoretical underlying u-final stem /baKu/, but the relationships are synchronically rather opaque. In (295c), nan-j[ is syncopated from *naKgi-y[ (Pergue naKgi-y[, Nanga noKgi-ye, etc.). There are undoubtedly some frozen reversives that do not have a corresponding underived stem, e.g. sTnzulT  undo (braids) . Deverbal causative verbs Productive causative with suffix -m[ ( -mT The productive causative suffix added to verb inputs is -m[ ( -mT. The variant with mT in the bare stem occurs after input stems with a back rounded vowel. The primary allomorph tends to be m[, as can be seen by the [+ATR] stem with me used often (but competing with mo) for verbs with mT in the bare stem. (For a handful of cases where -m[ ( -mT is passive rather than causative, see 9.3.2.) The causative suffix has morphophonological properties quite different from those of other verbal derivational suffixes. The reversive, mediopassive, and transitive suffixes create stems (typically trisyllabic or longer) to which the regular constraints on vocalism and tone contours (re-)apply. This requires raising of the second vowel of CvCv-Cv to i or u, and harmonizing the ATR values of the suffixal vowel with that of the first stem vowel. By contrast, the causative (in its own bare stem and E-stem) is added to the bare stem of the input verb, which often ends in a non-high vowel. The causative suffix inconsistently harmonizes with the stem vowels in rounding, shifting to mT, as in un-mT  cause to go and kudu-mT  cause to be undiluted . However, the suffix does not harmonize its ATR value, so [ATR] suffix -m[ readily co-occurs with [+ATR] or [ATR] stem vowels. The stem preceding the causative suffix retains a lexical tone in some but not all cases. The entire stem-suffix sequence is subject to tone-contour effects imposed by a AMN suffix following the causative suffix, such as perfective negative or imperfective negative. (296) gives examples of causatives from monosyllabic inputs. (296) Causative from monosyllabic verb input gloss causative gloss a. Cv {H}/{H} nT  go in nTmT  put in tT  slash (earth) tTmT  cause to slash (earth) zo  bring zom[  cause to bring {H}/{L} becoming {H}/{L} je  dance jem[  make dance y[  weep y[m[  make weep nT  hear nTmT  cause to hear b. Cv: {H}/{H} p[:  become old p[:-m[  cause to be old [:  become hard [: -m[  cause to be hard {LH}/{L} becoming {H}/{L} ma :  make (bricks) ma:-m[  cause to make (bricks) {LH}/{LH} becoming {H}/{L} na :  spend night na:-m[  have (sb) spend the night Where the input stem is {LH}/{L} or {LH}/{LH}, the causative is {H}/{L}. Although  put in and  cause to hear are indistinguishable in the bare stem and several other forms, nTmT  put in is {H}/{H} while nTmT  cause to hear is {H}/{L}. The perfective negative forms are therefore nT-ma-li-  did not put in and nT-ma-li-  did not cause to hear . A Cv :-m[ causative of a distinct type is zo :-m[, variant of zuwT-m[  introduce (sb, to sb else) reflecting an idiosyncratic contraction, cf. zuwT  know . Causatives from bisyllabic inputs are in (297). (297) Causative from bisyllabic verb input gloss causative gloss a. marginally bisyllabic {H}/{H} Yl[  become ripe Yl[m[  cause to ripen Yr[  eat (meal) Yr[m[  feed, nourish [d[  braid [d[m[  have (sb) braid {H}/{L} nd[  give nd[-m[  cause to give Yl[  go up Yl[m[  cause to go up b. CvCv, not u-final {H}/{H} kubo  eat (meat) kubomT  give meat to piy[  sew piy[m[  have (sb) sew {H}/{L} w[j[  give change w[j[-m[  make give change {LH}/{L} niy [  drink niy [m[  give drink to zTbT  run zTbTmT  make run, drive {LH}/{LH} niy e  sleep niy e-m[  put to sleep lele  make mistake lele-m[  cause to err c. CaCu (u-final) {H}/{H} adu  suckle adu-mT  give suck to kagu  be charred kagu-m[  char (sth) kan  do, make kan-m[  cause to do or make am  be good-sized am-m[  keep (animal) good-sized {LH}/{L} wazu  be left over wazu-m[  cause to be left over da m  speak damm[  make speak za K  study zaK-m[  teach ba n  become red banm[  make red {LH}/{LH} namu  step on namu-m[  cause to step on The causative suffix may be added to longer stems than those illustrated above. It is generally possible to elicit it with any input stem, transitive or intransitive, though stems with a transitive suffix -dv or -ndv that is used in causative sense are in practice not used with the regular causative suffix. Some examples of longer stems are in (298). The causative suffix may be added to stems that already include one or more other derivational suffixes, including reversives (untie), mediopassives (-yv), and deadjectival inchoatives. (298) Long causatives input gloss causative gloss a. CvCCv tombo  jump tombo-m[  cause to jump kunzT  become coarse kunzT-m[  make coarse b. trisyllabic iKgil[  get up iKgil[-m[  cause to get up [li-y[  escape [li-y[-m[  allow to escape badiy[  become big badiy[-m[  make big c. quadrisyllabic dembili-ye  become wide dembili-ye-m[  make (sth) wide dum-di-yo  become short dum-di-yo-m[  shorten (sth) wagi-ndi-y[  go far away wagi-ndi-y[-m[  take far away kTmu-l[  untie kTmu-l[-m[  cause to untie Causatives have full AMN paradigms, and undergo the usual tonal and vocalic modifications in the various stem shapes, as exemplified in (298). Note that zTbTmT  make run follows the usual pattern whereby the A/Ostem changes stem-final (here, suffix-final) {[T} to a, and the [+ATR] stem changes [ to e and T to o. (299)  make run  make lie down category stem a. zTbTmT biyom[ bare stem bare zTbTm[ biyom[ perfective E b. zTbTma biyoma imperative A/O zTbTmali biyomali perfective Neg A/O c. zTbTmenan biyomenan- imperfective Neg [+ATR] [or: zTbTmonan] Syncope and truncation of the final syllable of the stem is not usual in this causative derivation. However, I can cite two cases, one of which is properly a deadjectival factitive (300). (300) input gloss causative gloss a. syncope sir e  be full (eating) sin-m[  make (sb) full b. truncation wa:-ndi-y[  become wide wa:-n-m[  widen (sth) Minor causative suffixes Some verbs involving  transitive suffix function as causatives. This is especially the case when a transitive verb with suffix -dv, -nv, or -ndv is paired with an unsuffixed intransitive verb (9.3.1.3). Passive and transitive Mediopassive yv (-jv) and transitive dv (-rv) The mediopassive (MP) suffix is yv (becoming -jv after a nasal or stop, following syncope), with variant -yyv after Cv(:)- stems (pa-yy[  be joined from pa:, kT-yy[  be raised from kT). The Tr[ansitive] suffix is dv, rarely rv, and (especially in contracted forms) -nd[. Many verb stems occur in mediopassive/transitive pairs, with no unsuffixed form. Other stems occur in an unsuffixed form and one or both suffixal derivatives. There are many stems that look like mediopassive verbs (i.e. trisyllabic with final yv) but that do not contrast with unsuffixed or transitive stems. Mediopassive yv (-jv) paired with transitive dv (-rv) There are numerous alternations between a mediopassive in yv (becoming -jv after a nasal or stop, following syncope), and a paired transitive in dv (rarely rv). The mediopassive is often syntactically intransitive, with the transitive functioning as a simple causative. The mediopassive is sometimes syntactically transitive (hold), in which case the transitive derivative is doubly transitive (cause/help to hold). Typical semantic domains are physical position including stance, wearing garments, and holding or carrying. The mediopassive often occurs in stative form (not shown here). Derived mediopassive and transitive forms often show phonological changes in the stem involving syncope (CvCv- to CvC-) or truncation (CvCv- to Cv:- or Cv-). For syncope see 3.6.3.3, for truncation see 3.6.4.7. Syncope can lead in turn to consonant-cluster simplification processes (3.6.4.1-5). When syncope or truncation results in a nonmonosyllabic stem with initial heavy syllable, a {LH}-toned stem shifts to {H}-tone by Initial-Heavy-Syllable to H Flattening (3.8.3.3). (301) Paired mediopassive (MP) -yv and transitive (Tr) -dv MP gloss Tr gloss a. transitive -dv after short vowel Cv- unchanged bi-yo  lie down bi-de  put (sb) to sleep Cv:- shortened to Cv- (3.6.3.4) zi:-ye  flip over [intr] zi-de  flip [tr] Cvdv- or Cvlv- truncated to Cv- (3.6.4.7) d[li-y[  be set d[-d[  set, put down t[di-y[  (mat) be laid t[-d[  lay out (mat) Cvlv- becoming Cvr(v)- (3.6.4.4) bulu-yo  put on pants buru-d[  put pants on (sb) b. transitive -dv after long vowel Cv- lengthened to Cv:- (irregular) di-y[  carry on head du:-d[  have (sb) carry on head Cv:- unchanged se:-ye  flip over [intr] se:-de  flip [tr] Cvjv- or Cvgv- (syncopated CvC-) becomes Cv:- (3.6.4.6) taj-j[  put on shoes ta:-d[  put shoes on (sb) , cf. reversive tagi-l[  take off shoes , noun taju  shoe digi-y[ [archaic] ~ dij-j[  be joined di:-d[  join, link [tr] poj-jo  (poles) be laid po:-do  lay (thin cross-poles in roof) , noun poju l[j-j[  slip self in l[:-d[  stick/slide (sth) in , synonymn l[g[ goj-jo  be inserted go:-do  insert (calabash) , cf. reversive gol-lo c. transitive -dv after consonant Cv(:)dv- becoming Cvr- (3.6.4.5) godi-yo  put on hat gor-do  put hat on (sb) kTdi-yT  be hung up kTr-dT  hang (sth) up w[:di-y[  learn w[r-d[  teach Cvbv- syncopating to Cvb- obi-yo  sit ob-do  have (sb) sit zibi-yo  gird oneself zib-do  gird (sb) with a wrap tTbi-yo  wrap turban tTb-dT  wrap turban on (sb) ibi-y[  be afraid ib-d[  frighten (sb) Cvmv- syncopating to Cvm- pami-y[  come up beside pam-d[  put beside Cvmbv- syncopating (or truncating) to Cvm- bambi-y[  carry on back bam-d[  have (sb) carry on head yambi-y[  cover (self) yam-d[  cover (sb) irregular y/r gay-y[  lie on back gar-d[  lay (sb) on back It is clear that a transitive of the form Cvdv-dv-, with consecutive dv syllables, is avoided. The table above shows cases of Cv-dv- with the first dv syllable truncated, and of Cvrv-dv- with the first d replaced by r. Another option is to shift the suffixal d to r. This happens in (302), where the cluster in Cvndv- makes the other options phonologically difficult. (302) MP gloss Tr gloss transitive -rv after dv kTndi-y[  be bent kTndi-rT  bend (e.g. stick) Mediopassive paired with transitive -ndv- The examples in (303) involve a suffix -ndv- rather than -dv-, but the phonology is somewhat opaque. (303) Transitive Cv:-ndv paired with mediopassive MP gloss Tr gloss transitive -ndv after long vowel stem with medial nasal, not syncopated in mediopassive i:riy[  (sth) stop i:-nd[  stop (sth) (~ Yriy[) stem with medial nasal, syncopated in mediopassive nun-jT  get dressed nu:-ndT  dress (sb) j[n-j[  be tilted j[:-nd[  tilt (sth) tun-j[  kneel tu:-nd[  cause to kneel ban-j[  hide (oneself) ba:-nd[  hide (sth) stem with medial lateral yu:li-y[  (sb) wake up yu:-nd[  rouse, wake (sb) up The long vowels in the transitive forms in (303) suggest a comparison to the pair taj-j[  put on shoes (syncopated), ta:-d[  put shoes on (sb) , cf. taju  shoe , given above (301b). A reasonable derivation of ta:-d[ would be from /taju-d[/ or /taja-d[/ with the /j/ deleted in intervocalic position and the two adjacent short vowels then contracting to form a long vowel. This does not explain the nasal in -ndv, however. The fact that the deleted medial stem consonant is a coronal nasal or lateral may be connected with the appearance of n in -ndv. However, it is difficult to formalize this, and the Cv:-ndv- shape may have come to be associated templatically with Cvn-jv- and Cv:Cv-yv- mediopassive shapes. Transitive -dv- (-nv-) or -ndv- not paired with mediopassive There are also a number of cases where transitive -dv- or -ndv- has a morphologically simple unsuffixed counterpart without mediopassive -yv. The examples involving allomorph -dv are in (304). Included is one aberrant example with -nv after a nasal. (304) Transitive -dv not paired with mediopassive simple gloss Tr gloss a. transitive -dv after defective stative quasi-verb simple stem is Cvn- kun  be in kun-do  put dun  be piled up dun-do  pile up, set down b. transitive -dv after regular verb Cvgv becoming Cv:- l[g[  insert l[:-d[  insert (as mark) -dv after m da m  speak dam-d[  speak to, address (sb) c. transitive -nv after nasal-final regular verb u-final CvCu becoming CvC in both forms ya m  malfunction yam-n[  ruin (sth) The examples of -ndv (after a long vowel) based on a stem without the mediopassive suffix are in (305). For factitive [:-nd[  tighten (cf. inchoative [: -  become tight ), see 9.5, below. (305) Transitive -ndv not paired with mediopassive Cv stem go  go out gondo  take out Cv: stem ba :  be full ba:-nd[  fill CvCv becoming Cv:- dagu  turn out well da:-nd[  do (sth) well suwo  go down su:ndo  take down na K  go past na:-nd[  cause to go past tiK[  (bride) transfer ti:-nd[  transfer (bride) to husband s house za K  fight za:-nd[  incite (to fight) toKT  [fire] be lit tT:-nd[  light (fire) (cf. also tor T  set torch on fire ) Some further notes on these forms. toKT  (fire) be lit reflects *tTKT, as is shown by its A/O-stem toKa- (and by cognates like Tommo So t[K[), so the [ATR] stem vowel in tT:-nd[  light (fire) is original. za:-nd[ is also attested in the senses  swindle and  rat on, inform on (treacherously) , but this may be a homonym related to zamu  betray rather than to za K  fight . ti:-nd[  transfer (hence also  contaminate ) has a homonym in the phrase (with preceding cognate nominal) ti:nda ti:nd[  give formal counsel , where the verb may have been denominal. Other verbs of the shape Cv:ndv for which no underived counterpart is presently known in Yanda Dom, but which might reflect *CvCv-dv-, include wa:nd[  stir (Tommo So wagi-l[) and t[:nd[  revive (Jamsay t[g[r[). On the other hand, cognates of ni:nd[  accompany (to the door) suggest an etymon already of similar shape (e.g. Tommo So ni:-nd[, Jamsay ni:ne). Mediopassive not paired with suffixed transitive Unpaired mediopassive verbs, i.e. with -yv- added to a morphologically simple transitive verb, are common. The examples in (306) are typical. Note the range of volitionality/agency from coil self up to be pinned. (306) Mediopassive -yv- paired with unsuffixed transitive verb transitive gloss mediopassive gloss ziK[  have (sb) ride double zin-j[  ride double p[nd[  pin (e.g. garment) p[ndi-y[  be pinned muno  coil (sth) muni-yo  coil self up kT  raise (a child) kT-yy[  be raised pa:  put together, associate pa-yy[  be associated Mediopassive -yv- may also be superimposed on a transitive verb with reversive suffix. In (307), both the underived and the derived reversive have mediopassive derivatives. (307) transitive gloss mediopassive gloss simple m[n[  fold (sth) m[ni-y[  fold itself reversive m[ni-l[  unfold (sth) m[ni-li-y[  unfold itself Tone-classes for CvC-jv-, CvCdv-, Cv:dv-, and Cv:ndv- The tone-classes for CvC-jv- (mediopassive) and for CvCdv-, Cv:dv-, and Cv:ndv- (transitive) derivatives are restricted to {H}/{H} and {H}/{L}. If the stem is C-initial, we get {H}/{H} if the initial C is a voiceless obstruent, {H}/{L} if it is a voiced consonant. These restrictions do not apply to suffixal derivatives of other shapes, such as CvCvCv-, which directly carry over the tone-contour class of the input verb. (308) Tone-contour classes a. mediopassive CvC-jv- {H}/{H} {H}/{L} b. transitive CvC-dv- {H}/{H} {H}/{L} Cv:-dv- {H}/{H} {H}/{L} Cv:-ndv- {H}/{H} {H}/{L} Most underived stems with an initial voiced consonant are {LH}/{L} in the underived stem, switching to {H}/{L} in the derivatives in (308). For example, {LH}/{L} ziK[  have (sb) ride double has {H}/{L} mediopassive zin-j[  ride double (perfective negative zin-ja-li-), {LH}L| gogo  be hung has {H}/{L} transitive go:-do  hang (calabash) (perfective negative go:-do-li-), and {LH}/{L} za K  fight has {H}/{L} transitive za:-nd[  incite (to fight) (perfective negative za:-nda-li). Passive suffix -m[ A minor passive suffix -m[, identical in form to the causative suffix (9.2.1), is attested for three transitive verbs of perception. First, t[mb[  find, encounter (by chance) has a passive t[mb[-m[  be found, , in context also  be findable, be available (e.g. for sale in markets) . The other attestations are wT-m[  be seen from wT  see , and nT-m[  be heard from nT/[  hear . The sense can be semelfactive (e.g.  was seen [once] ) as well as habitual. Ambi-valent verbs without suffixal derivation The productivity of the mediopassive, transitive, and causative suffixal derivations means that Yanda Dom does not normally use a verb both transitively and intransitively, in the fashion of zero-passive (unaccusative) verbs like English break (I broke it, it broke). Similarly, transitive verbs in Yanda Dom do not normally omit objects, using at least a default noun (perhaps a cognate nominal) as object. For example, one is eating a meal rather than just eating. Therefore zero-antipassive (unergative) verbs like English eat with unexpressed object (Im eating) are not normal. Many English verbs that are predominantly intransitive, like laugh, similarly translate into Yanda Dom as transitive sequences with conventional or cognate object (laugh a laugh). Deadjectival inchoative and factitive verbs The term deadjectival is used loosely here, since the inchoative (become ADJ) and factitive (make sth ADJ) verbs are not mechanically derived from the corresponding adjective. However, it is reasonable to think of the modifying adjective as the semantic core of each such word family. The factitive is often the -m[ causative of the inchoative. In other cases, the two use the same form. The main issue is therefore the morphological relationship between the inchoative and the adjective itself. The first set of forms are those where the inchoative verb has no apparent suffix as such (309). (309) Unsuffixed inchoatives adjective gloss inchoative factitive a. Cv: inchoative p[y  old p[: p[:-m[ Yy ay  tight [: [:-nd[ ba :  full ba : ba:-nd[ b. CvCv inchoative CvCv with medial sonorant or voiced stop may  dry, hard may [ may [-m[ [mu  narrow [m[ [m[-m[ Yl[  ripe Yl[ Yl[-m[ jem[  black jem[ jem[-m[ pil[  white pil[ pil[-m[ unu  dense uno uno-m[ kolo  ruined kolo kolo-m[ komo  lean komo komo-m[ gT m  rotten gomT gomT-mT yTdu  soft yTdT yTdT-m[ like preceding, but with stem-final u in factitive kudu  undiluted kudo kudu-mT gabu  tall gabu gabu-m[ CaC from /CaCu/ ba n  red ba n (bar a-) ban-m[ am  good-sized am am-m[ CvCv with r/l alternation sere  diluted sere sele-ndo c. CvCCv inchoative kunzu  coarse kunzT kunzT-m[ Other adjectives have an inchoative with one or more suffixes. Those in (310a) have the mediopassive suffix -yv-. Those in (310bc) have this -yv- following another morpheme -ndi- or -di-. The verb in (310d) with just -ndv is isolated. (310) Suffixed inchoatives adjective gloss inchoative factitive a. inchoative with (mediopassive) -yv Tju  hot Tj-j[ Tj-j[-m[ na:r a  easy na:ni-y[ na:ni-y[-m[ ke:zu  cold; slow ke:zi-ye ke:zi-ye-m[ dembul  thick dembili-ye dembili-ye-m[ Tr Tndu  smooth TrTndi-y[ TrTndi-y[-m[ s[m[l[  worn-out s[mili-y[ s[mil[- b. inchoative with -ndi-yv Cv:-ndi-yv from Cvy toy  deep to:-ndi-ye to:-ndi-yo-m[ way  wide wa:-ndi-y[ wa:-nd[ CvCv-ndi-yv with second vowel non-high da n  sour dar a-ndi-y[ dar a-ndi-y[-m[ [n  thin [n[-ndi-y[ [n[-ndi-y[-m[ [ l  sweet [l[-ndi-y[ [l[-ndi-y[-m[ Tl  wet TlT-ndi-y[ TlT-ndi-y[-m[ ga l  bitter gala-ndi-y[ gala-ndi-y[-m[ zala  long zala-ndi-y[ zala-ndi-y[-m[ CvCi-ndi-yv with second vowel high bin  fat bir i-ndi-ye bir i-ndi-ye-m[ wagu  distant wagi-ndi-ye wagi-ndi-ye-m[ CvCi-ndi-yv after reduction of CvnCv to CvCv- m[nzu  slender m[zi-ndi-y[ m[zi-ndi-y[-m[ c. inchoative with -di-yv after contraction of Cvjv- to Cv:- Tju  fast T:-di-y[  after m na m  difficult nam-di-y[ nam-di-y[-m[ d. inchoative and factitive with -ndv si :  sharp si:-nd[ si:-nd[ The unusual morphology for  sharp (310d) probably reflects a constraint against monosyllabic verb stems with high vowels (10.2.1). While -dv or -ndv is generally a transitive suffix, it is used in this case in intransitive (inchoative) as well as transitive (factitive) function. This ambi-valence is also found in some cognates (Ben Tey sim-de, Jamsay si:-ne, Pergue si:-le). Note that Tju has different inchoatives in the senses  hot and  fast . For diya  big , the unusual inchoative badiy[  become big(ger) has a partial phonological overlap. The factitive is badiy[-m[. For be-bele, daga, and kuna  small , the inchoative is suppletive aKili-y[, with factitive aKili-y[-m[. For siy[  good the inchoative is suppletive [zi-ndi-y[  become good , factitive [zi-ndi-y[-m[, and cf. also dagu  turn out well . No morphological inchoative or factitive were elicitable from the following: gTmT, sala, or da:l  bad, nasty , tel  fast , iz[  empty , b[du  near , kanda  new , azala  almost ripe , denele  round , nanay  important , pele l  tasty , or satara  young . Clearly the heavier syllabic shapes are difficult to verbalize, unless their final syllable already sounds like a suffix. In the case of the  bad adjectives, verb shapes gomT  become rotten and sal  coarsely grind are already taken in other senses. Denominal verbs There are no productive denominal verbal derivations.  Become (an) X is expressed with the verb tiK[  become , and  make (sb) become (an) X is expressed with its transitive counterpart ti:-nd[  transform, convert . In the many cases where a verb and a cognate nominal coexist, often together in phrases ( sing a song ,  jump a jump ,  greet a greeting ), one could argue that the verb is secondary. Even better examples are those like noun togu  shed, shelter and verb togo  build (shed) , where the noun seems logically primary. See the list in 11.1.5.1 for other candidates. wezu-gi-ye  become crazy belongs to a word-family with noun weze  crazy person or  craziness . Factoring out mediopassive -yv leaves an archaic verbalizing suffix -gv-. Obscure verb-verb relationships Intransitive kabu  become separated and transitive kabu-l[  separate are among several pairs which seem to involve a derivational suffix, but that do not fit into productive derivational patterns. Verbal inflection Inflection of regular indicative verbs Verbs are inflected for a range of indicative inflectional categories, as well as for nonindicative (deontic) mood categories (imperative, hortative). Indicative verbs in main clauses consist of a verb stem, an aspect-negation (AN) marking usually by a suffix (accompanied by tonal and stem-final vocalic changes), and a final pronominal-subject suffix (with 3Sg expressed as zero, written -(). The perfective differs from other indicative categories in lacking a suffix, but it requires the Estem of the verb. (The imperative is also unsuffixed, with the A/O-stem.) There are also some more complex indicative forms involving an inflectable past clitic =b[-. In verbs in relative clauses, the pronominal-subject suffix is absent, but a version of the AN marking is present. Suffixes versus chained auxiliaries (perfective system) Several of the marked perfective-system forms involve an apparent suffix added to the bare stem, a combination that is susceptible to analysis as a chain of two verbs (main verb and following auxiliary). Dogon languages differ as to the optimal analysis. The key test is whether pronominal-subject proclitics may intervene between the main verb and the suffix in nonsubject relative clauses. In YD, so the suffixal analysis is preferred. In (311a), the 1Sg proclitic precedes the combination of main verb (eat) and recent perfect suffix. In (311b), it precedes the combination of main verb (see) and experiential perfect suffix. In (311c), it precedes the combination of main verb (fall) and perfective-2 suffix. (311) a. izen L za mi Yr[z[ g[ dayL meal 1SgS eat.meal-RecPf.Rel Def.InanPl  the days (when) I finished eating (meals). b. TmT L goy emu mi wTt[r[ wo placeL elephant-AnPl 1SgS see-ExpPf.Rel Def.InanSg  the place where I have (ever) seen elephants. c. [TmT L mi pile-zo wo] [placeL 1SgS fallPerf2.Rel Def.InanSg] wajum bo( distant-Adj be-3SgS  The place where I fell is far away. An informant did accept versions of (311a-b) above that I proposed to him, with the subject pronominal splitting the verb and  suffix. The split forms are (312a-b). The same informant rejected this alternative for (312c). (312) a. izen L za Yr[ mi z[ g[ dayL meal eat.meal 1SgS RecPf.Rel Def.InanPl  the days (when) I finished eating (meals). b. TmT L goy emu wT mi t[r[ wo placeL elephant-AnPl see 1SgS ExpPf.Rel Def.InanSg  the place where I have (ever) seen elephants. Overview of categories The AN categories of indicative verbs are given in (313), organized into systems. Categories not specified as negative are understood to be positive. (313) Indicative verbal categories a. perfective positive system perfective perfective-2 experiential perfect recent perfect b. imperfective positive system imperfective Reduplicated imperfective c. perfective negative system perfective negative experiential perfect negative recent perfect negative d. imperfective negative system imperfective negative e. stative system stative progressive (with an auxiliary verbs) f. stative negative system stative negative The main justification for distinguishing perfective from imperfective systems is that negative counterparts of the various marked AN categories in the perfective system all include the perfective negative suffix, which is distinct from the imperfective negative morpheme. The categories in the stative system do not distinguish perfective from imperfective aspect, and have a distinctive negation. Verb stem shapes Underived verbs have from one to three syllables, with bisyllabic shapes (especially CvCv) favored. Underived trisyllabic stems may have originated as suffixal derivatives of shorter stems. Suffixal derivations (reversive, mediopassive, causative) add a final -Cv- suffix to the underived stem. Multiple suffixation is possible. The term bare stem is used here in a technical sense for the form of a verb used in verb-verb chains, and specifically in the be able to VP construction with final verb b[l[ (also used as the verb  get, acquire ). The bare stem is a good choice for the lexical representation of the stem, especially regarding segments. However, it does not always allow prediction of tonal patterns in the various AN forms, so in the online lexicon I generally include both the bare stem and the perfective negative. Before proceeding to the sections below, readers should review the initial discussions of stem-vocalism classes (3.5) and tone-contour classes (3.8.1.2). Monosyllabic verb stems The monosyllabic verbs known to me are in (314). The forms shown are the bare stem that occurs nonfinally in verb chains, the perfective, and the perfective negative. The shapes Cv, Cv:, and nasalized Cv: are well represented. The distinction between {H}/{H} and {H}/{L} tone-contour classes is audible in the perfective negative for Cv stems, and at least in the bare stem and in the perfective negative of the long-voweled stems. The {H}/{L} class assignment for Cv stems is a proxy for {LH}/{L}, given the inability of Cv verbs to express a rising tone contour. Cv: verbs can express a rising tone, and divide into {H}/{H} and {LH}/{L} classes, with one exception. This is a Cv: verb of the {LH}/{LH} tone-contour class, namely na :  spend night . It is also the only Cv: verb with initial n or l, these being the initial consonants associated with {LH}/{LH}. The most distinctive feature of monosyllabic verbs is the splitting of the stem vowel into two parts, an initial short vowel (or desyllabified semivowel) reflecting the lexical stem vowel quality, and a final short vowel expressing the stem-final vocalism required by the AN category. In (314bd) we see this for Co, Ca: and Co: verbs in the perfective, which requires the Estem ending in e or [. In (314e) we see it in the perfective negative, which requires the A/Ostem, here with stem-final a. In (314b) and (314e) we see it in both the perfective and in the perfective negative. All bisyllabic and longer stems simply modify the stem-final vowel, leaving at least one nonfinal stem vowel intact. (314) Monosyllabic verb stems stem Perf PerfNeg gloss a. Cv- with perfective Ce or C[ {H}/{H} y[ y[ yali  weep (with nominal yaK) ce ce celi  (body part) hurt {H}/{L} as proxy for {LH}/{L} j[ j[ jali  kill ;  chop down (tree) je je jeli  dance (with nominal ja:) wo we woli  come wT w[ wali  see b. Cv with perfective Cwe or Cw[ {H}/{H} nT nT/[ nT/ali  go in kT kT/[ kT/ali  eat (crushed millet) kT kT/[ kT/ali  raise (child) tT tT/[ tT/ali  slash earth (to sow) (with nominal toK) tT tT/[ tT/ali  send tT tT/[ tT/ali  dismantle (house) tT tT/[ tT/ali  (milk) fill up (in breast) {LH}/{L} go go/e goli  go out nT nT/[ nT/ali  hear dT dT/[ dT/ali  insult (with nominal dT/a) dT dT/[ dT/ali  arrive at, reach, approach c. Ca:- with perfective Caye {H}/{H} ka: kaye ka:li  shave ta: taye ta:li  shoot ;  snap fingers against ta: taye ta:li  avoid (taboo) pa: paye pa:li  put up against ha: haye ha:li  rent sa: saye sa:li  answer sa: saye sa:li  (seedling) grow sa: saye sa:li  scoop (from water) a: aye a:li  uproot by hand ta: tay [ ta: li  spread (legs) pa: pay [ pa: li  intersperse (crops) {LH}/{L} wa : waye wa:li  pull up (boubou) ma : maye ma:li  make (bricks) da : daye da:li  cover (mouth) da : daye da:li  endure (e.g. heat) ba : baye ba:li  be enough ,  be equal to ya : yaye ya:li  hold over fire za : zaye za:li  sow in manure pile za : zaye za:li  carve ga : gaye ga:li  harvest (rice) with sickle ga : gaye ga:li  harvest (secondary millet) {LH}/{LH} na : nay e na :li  spend night d. Co: with perfective Cwe {H}/{H} to: to/e: to:li  spit (with sumzu  saliva ) to: to/e: to:li  take, pick up (variant of togo) ko: ko/e: ko:li  cover with hide so: so/e: so:li  dip e. CT: with perfective Cw[ {H}/{H} kT: kT/[: kT/a:li  (wood) be worm-eaten pT: pT/[: pT/a:li  let (earth) ferment sT: sT/[: sT/a:li  peck sT: sT/[: sT/a:li  shovel, scoop sT: sT/[:  sT/a: li  douse (fire) {LH}/{L} bT : bT/[: bT/a:li  unsheathe dT : dT/[:  dT/a: li  put under e. C[: (sometimes from *C[y[) with A/O-stem C[ya {H}/{H} p[: p[: p[yali  get old p[: p[: p[yali  tap; squash t[: t[: t[yali  sprout t[: t[: t[yali  take (action) , with noun dabul c[: c[: c[yali  delouse s[: s[: s[yali  trim (hair) [: [:  [y ali  (woman) marry (man) e. Ce: {H}/{H} ce: ce: ce:li  nibble f. irregular {H}/{H} zo zo/e zoli  bring (see below, 10.2.1.8) In Co/e and CT/[, the diacritic indicates desyllabification of {o T} to a w-like semivowel. One could alternatively transcribe Cwe and Cw[. T/ is distinctly more open than o/, so the transcription I use is phonetically accurate, but since the ATR value is shared with the following vowel it could be allophonic. These transcriptions bring out the ATR-harmony between the adjacent vowels. Before a, there is no audible opposition between [Co/a] and [CT/a]. It is therefore possible to use the simpler transcription with w without neutralizing any oppositions. A significant take-away from the data in (314) is the fact that a-vocalism requires Ca: as opposed to #Ca shape. A second major observation is the absence of high vowels: no #Ci, #Ci:, #Cu, or #Cu: stems. Mid-height vowels occur in both Cv and Cv: shapes. y[  weep Beginning here I present full paradigms for selected verbs. The stem-vocalism class is indicated in the third column. In the fourth column, the stem tone is indicated. The tone-contour class of the verb is abstracted from this set of stem tones, bearing in mind that some AMN categories impose a tone-contour overlay on the stem (and are therefore to be disregarded when determining the lexical tone class. Generally the bare stem and the perfective negative are sufficient to make the determination. All Cv stems have Htoned bare stem, so the choice is between {H}/{H} and {H}/{L}, as usually brought out in the perfective negative. An initial voiceless consonant in a Cv stem requires {H}/{H}, while an initial voiced consonant usually requires {H}/{L}, except that initial n (and l ?) forces a lexical choice. The vowel of the verb  weep alternates between [ (bare stem, perfective with Estem) and a (A/O-stem). (315) Paradigm of y[  weep form category stem stem tones y[ perfective E H y[ bare stem bare H y[zo perfective-2 bare H(?) y[t[r[b[ experiential perfect bare L y[z[ recent perfect bare H y[=b[ past perfect bare H(?) y[zali recent perfect negative bare L y[z[=b[ past recent perfect bare L ya imperative A/O H yamu imperfective 3Sg A/O H yam imperfective before AUX A/O L yam=b[ past imperfective A/O L ya:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL yali perfective negative A/O H(?) y[nan imperfective negative bare L y[la prohibitive bare L y[ma hortative bare L This verb is regularly preceded by cognate nominal yaK  weeping . Since this nominal yaK is L-toned, it induces an initial high tone on a following L-toned word. This complicates the high versus low tonal markings on the stem. The forms shown in the table are based on isolation pronunciations without yaK, but show some mixing of {H}/{H} and {H}/{L} tone-contour types. The categories marked H(?) in the rightmost column are those that should have Ltoned stems if the verb is {H}/{L}. For one informant, the addition of yaK changed the tone of y[t[r[b[ (to yaK y[t[r[b[) but did not affect the tone of y[zali. The verb is probably {H}/{L} at bottom as a proxy for {LH}/{L}, but it shows some {H}/{H} tendencies influenced by its cognate nominal. wT  see The paradigm is uncomplicated. It belongs to the {H}/{L} tone-contour class, as can be seen in the perfective negative and other diagnostic categories (rightmost column) with Ltone. Segmentally, notice that the breaking of C[ into Cw[ or Cwa in certain AN categories has no audible effect since the stem already begins with w. We could, however, consider derivations of w[- and wa- from /wT/[/ and /wT/a/ with the desyllabified T/ absorbed into the w. (316) Paradigm of wT  see {H}/{L} form category stem stem tones w[ perfective E H wT bare stem bare H wTzo perfective-2 bare L wTt[r[b[ experiential perfect bare L wTz[ recent perfect bare H wT=b[ past perfect bare L wTzali recent perfect negative bare L wTz[=b[ past recent perfect bare L wa imperative A/O H wamu imperfective 3Sg A/O H wam imperfective before AUX A/O L wam=b[ past imperfective A/O L wa:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL wali perfective negative A/O L wTnan imperfective negative bare L wTla prohibitive bare L wTma hortative bare L wo  come The tone contours point to {H}/{L} class. The perfective we- could be derived from /wo/e/ with the o/ absorbed by the w. (317) Paradigm of wo  come {H}/{L} form category stem stem tones we perfective E H wo bare stem bare H wozo perfective-2 bare L wot[r[b[ experiential perfect bare L wTz[ recent perfect bare H wo=b[ past perfect bare L wozali recent perfect negative bare L woz[=b[ past recent perfect bare L wo imperative A/O H womu imperfective 3Sg A/O H wom imperfective before AUX A/O L wom=b[ past imperfective A/O L wo:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL woli perfective negative A/O L wonan imperfective negative bare L wola prohibitive bare L woma hortative bare L go  go out The lexical tone-contour class is {H}/{L}. The perfective shows the Estem vocalic split. (318) Paradigm of go  go out {H}/{L} form category stem stem tones go/e perfective E H go bare stem bare H gozo perfective-2 bare L got[r[b[ experiential perfect bare L goz[ recent perfect bare H go=b[ past perfect bare L gozali recent perfect negative bare L goz[=b[ past recent perfect bare L go imperative A/O H gomu imperfective 3Sg A/O H gom imperfective before AUX A/O L gom=b[ past imperfective A/O L go:=bali( past imperfective negative A/O HL goli perfective negative A/O L gonan imperfective negative bare L go-la prohibitive bare L go-ma hortative bare L je  dance or  fart and j[  kill  Dance and  fart are homonyms, with distinct etymologies. In the absence of a preceding Ltoned element, their paradigm is (319). The diagnostic forms point to {H}/{L} tone-contour class. (319) Paradigm of je  dance or  fart {H}/{L} form category stem stem tones je perfective E H je bare stem bare H jezo perfective-2 bare L jet[r[b[ experiential perfect bare L jez[ recent perfect bare H je=b[ past perfect bare L jezali recent perfect negative bare L jez[=b[ past recent perfect bare L jo imperative A/O H jemu imperfective 3Sg A/O H jem imperfective before AUX A/O L jem=b[ past imperfective A/O L jo:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL jeli perfective negative A/O L jenan imperfective negative bare L jela prohibitive bare L jema hortative bare L Both  dance and  fart verbs are associated with Ltoned cognate nominals, viz., ja:  dance [noun] and jiK  fart [noun] . Addition of the low-toned nominal before the verb shifts the initial tone of the verb to high in the diagnostic categories: prohibitive ja: jela  don t dance! , jiK jela  don t fart! , etc. The verb  kill (also  extinguish fire etc.) is j[. The paradigm is (320). It too belongs to the {H}/{L} tone-contour class. (320) Paradigm of j[  kill {H}/{L} form category stem stem tones j[ perfective E H j[ bare stem bare H j[zo perfective-2 bare L j[t[r[b[ experiential perfect bare L j[z[ recent perfect bare H j[=b[ past perfect bare L j[zali recent perfect negative bare L j[z[=b[ past recent perfect bare L ja imperative A/O H jamu imperfective 3Sg A/O H jam imperfective before AUX A/O L jam=b[ past imperfective A/O L ja:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL jali perfective negative A/O L j[nan imperfective negative bare L j[la prohibitive bare L j[ma hortative bare L ce  hurt, be painful This verb can be used with a body part as subject, as in  my foot hurts . In the rightmost column of (321) one immediately notices a much greater density of H-tone than in the verbs discussed in preceding sections, which belong to the {H}/{L} class. The HL-tone of the stem in the past imperfective negative, and its Ltone in the imperfective negative, reflect tonal features of these categories. (321) Paradigm of ce  hurt, be painful {H}/{H} form category stem stem tones ce perfective E H ce bare stem bare H cezo perfective-2 bare H cet[r[b[ experiential perfect bare H cez[ recent perfect bare H ce=b[ past perfect bare H cezali recent perfect negative bare H cez[=b[ past recent perfect bare H co imperative A/O H cemu imperfective 3Sg A/O H cem imperfective before AUX A/O H cem=b[ past imperfective A/O H co:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL celi perfective negative A/O H cenan imperfective negative bare L cela prohibitive bare H cema hortative bare H There is a stative form ceyo  (body part) be hurting . CT verbs with perfective Cw[ The verbs of this type, whose defining feature the occurrence of an onset Cw in some paradigmatic forms, are listed in (322). Like other Cv verbs, they can only be Htoned in the bare stem (and some related forms). This also applies to the Estem. The perfective negative and other diagnostic categories allow us to distinguish the {H}/{H} and {H}/{L} tone-contour classes. As with longer stems, an initial voiceless consonant requires {H}/{H}. The CT stems with initial voiced consonant other than n are {H}/{L}, as a proxy for {LH}/{L}, since a rising tone cannot be expressed on Cv. However, my current tonal data for dT  arrive are somewhat inconsistent. When the first consonant is n (or, in theory, l), the stem has a lexical choice between {H}/{H} and {H}/{L}. In fact,  go in and  hear , both being segmentally nT, differ in tone-contour class (322). (322) CT and perfective Cw[ a. {H}/{H} initial voiceless consonant tT  slash earth (to sow) tT  send tT  dismantle (house) tT  (milk) fill up (in breast) kT  eat (crushed millet) initial n nT  go in b. {H}/{L}, i.e. with low stem tone at least in perfective negative initial voiced consonant (other than n) dT  arrive, reach, approach (but tonal data inconsistent) dT  insult initial n nT  hear tT  send (323) exemplifies the {H}/{H} tone-contour class. The stem is Htoned in most categories, extended to HL in the past imperfective negative, and dropped to L as usual in the imperfective negative. The tT/ onset split is seen in the E and A/Ostems. (323) Paradigm of tT  send {H}/{H} form category stem stem tones tT/[ perfective E H tT bare stem bare H tTzo perfective-2 bare H tTt[r[b[ experiential perfect bare H tTz[ recent perfect bare H tT=b[ past perfect bare H tTzali recent perfect negative bare H tTz[=b[ past recent perfect bare H tT/a imperative A/O H tT/amu imperfective 3Sg A/O H tT/am imperfective before AUX A/O H tT/am=b[ past imperfective A/O H tT/a:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL tT/ali perfective negative A/O H tTnan imperfective negative bare L tTla prohibitive bare H tTma hortative bare H The sample paradigm for the {H}/{L} set is nT  hear (324). As with other monomoraic stems, {H}/{L} is here a proxy for {LH}/{L}. (324) Paradigm of nT  hear {H}/{L} form category stem stem tones nT/[ perfective E H nT bare stem bare H nTzo perfective-2 bare L nTt[r[b[ experiential perfect bare L nTz[ recent perfect bare H nT=b[ past perfect bare L nTzali recent perfect negative bare L nTz[=b[ past recent perfect bare L nT/a imperative A/O H nT/amu imperfective 3Sg A/O H nT/am imperfective before AUX A/O L nT/am=b[ past imperfective A/O L nT/a:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL nT/ali perfective negative A/O L nTnan imperfective negative bare L nTla prohibitive bare H (L) nTma hortative bare H (L) One informant gave L-toned stems in nTla (prohibitive) and nTma (hortative). The forms of  go in that are tonally distinct from those of  hear are the following: nTzo, nTt[r[b[, nT=b[, nTzali, nTz[=b[, nT/ali, nola, and noma. Other categories require Htone, or in one case each HL-tone or L-tone, for both Cv tone-contour classes, so in these categories  go in and  hear are homophonous. Perhaps to avoid confusion,  hear is often accompanied by the noun sun  ear . The tonally diagnostic forms for  send and  hear are juxtaposed in (325). experiential perfect (235a) t[r[b[ is tonally unaffected by the tonal difference between  send and  hear . This is the most chain-like combination in the relevant data. By contrast, the forms in (325b) show a rhythmical tonal pattern beginning HL for send and LH for hear, as the suffixal tones polarize to the stem tones. (325) Tonally diagnostic forms send {H}/{H} hear {H}/{L} category a. tTt[r[b[ nTt[r[b[ experiential perfect b. tTzo nTzo perfective-2 tT=b[ nT=b[ past perfect tTzali nTzali recent perfect negative tTz[=b[ nTz[=b[ past recent perfect tT/ali nT/ali perfective negative zo (imperative zo:)  bring Cognates of this verb are irregular in several Dogon languages, in some cases showing a tone-contour {HL} that is otherwise highly unusual for verbs. In Yanda Dom, the verb is irregular in several respects. Most forms are based on a short-voweled form (zo), but the imperative has a long vowel (zo:, compare imperative to: from to:  spit ). Most forms of  bring have Htoned stem, pointing to a mostly {H}/{H} tone-contour class. This is very odd for a stem with initial voiced consonant. The verb is also unorthodox within the {H}/{H} class in shifting the stem to Ltone in zom (imperfective before AUX) and zom=b[ (past imperfective). On the other hand, we get a Htoned stem in imperfective negative zonan ( zoran; this tonal peculiarity is shared only with the antonym zi n  take away (10.2.1.12), below. These two verbs also have this aberrant Htoned stem in the purposive form with na (17.6.1). In (326), the irregular forms are highlighted by an exclamation point in the rightmost column. (326) Paradigm of zo  bring , mostly {H}/{H} form category stem stem tones zo/e perfective E H zo bare stem bare H zozo perfective-2 bare H zot[r[b[ experiential perfect bare H zoz[ recent perfect bare H zo=b[ past perfect bare H zozali recent perfect negative bare H zoz[=b[ past recent perfect bare H zo: imperative A/O HL [!] zomu imperfective 3Sg A/O H zom imperfective before AUX A/O L [!] zom=b[ past imperfective A/O L [!] zo:=bali( past imperfective negative A/O HL zoli perfective negative A/O H zonan imperfective negative bare H [!] zola prohibitive bare H zoma hortative bare H Regular {H} toned Ca:, Co:, and Ce: stems Because of the long vowel, which permits audible expression of a rising tone, the primary opposition for Cv: (as opposed to Cv) verbs is now between {H}/{H} and {LH}/{L}. There is also one case of {LH}/{LH}, associated with initial n. The {LH}/{L} and {LH}/{LH} stems are treated in the following sections. All known Ca:, Co:, and Ce: verbs of {H}/{H} tone-contour class are listed in (327). Stems with nasalized vowels are included. (327) {H}/{H} toned Ca:, Co:, and Ce: verbs stem perfective negative gloss a. ka: ka:li  shave ta: ta:li  shoot ;  snap fingers against ta: ta:li  avoid (taboo) pa: pa:li  put up against ha: ha:li  rent sa: sa:li  answer sa: sa:li  (seedling) grow sa: sa:li  scoop (from water) a: a:li  uproot by hand ta: ta: li  spread (legs) pa: pa: li  intersperse (crops) b. to: to:li  spit (with sumzu  saliva ) to: to:li  take, pick up (variant of togo) ko: ko:li  roll up (ends of pants) so: so:li  dip c. ce: ce:-li-  (mouse) nibble The notable peculiarity of Ca: verbs is the perfective Caye, based on an Estem arguably from /Ca:e/ or /Cae/ with a (faint) epenthetic y (see end of 3.3.7). The 3Pl perfective is Ca:( from /Ca:a/. The paradigm of  shave (328) is representative. In comparison with {H}/{H} verbs of the monomoraic Cv shape, a {H}/{H}Cv: verb like  shave has HL stem tone in four additional AMN categories. Aside from this, the stem tones for the two shapes are the same, with Ltoned stems only in the imperfective negative. (328) Paradigm of ka:  shave {H}/{H} form category stem stem tones kaye perfective E H ka: bare stem bare H ka:zo perfective-2 bare H ka:t[r[b[ experiential perfect bare H ka:z[ recent perfect bare H ka:=b[ past perfect bare H ka:zali recent perfect negative bare H ka:z[=b[ past recent perfect bare H ka: imperative A/O H ka:mu imperfective 3Sg A/O HL ka:m imperfective before AUX A/O H ka:m=b[ past imperfective A/O H ka:=bali( past imperfective negative A/O HL ka:li perfective negative A/O H ka:nan imperfective negative bare L ka:la prohibitive bare H ka:ma hortative bare H Co: verbs are represented here by to:  spit , which takes noun sumzu  saliva as direct object (329). The forms of Co: verbs are similar to those of Ca: verbs except for the perfective Co/e:-. (329) Paradigm of to:  spit {H}/{H} form category stem stem tones to/e: perfective E H to: bare stem bare H to:zo perfective-2 bare H to:t[r[b[ experiential perfect bare H to:z[ recent perfect bare H to:=b[ past perfect bare H to:zali recent perfect negative bare H to:z[=b[ past recent perfect bare H to: imperative A/O H to:mu imperfective 3Sg A/O HL to:m imperfective before AUX A/O H to:m=b[ past imperfective A/O H to:=bali( past imperfective negative A/O HL to:li perfective negative A/O H to:nan imperfective negative bare L to:la prohibitive bare H to:ma hortative bare H The long e: in to/e: can be heard in isolation, and (more easily) before  since subordinator na, hence to/e:na  since (someone) spit , contrast go/ena  since (someone) went out (15.3.1). ce:  nibble , the only Ce: verb, has a straightforward paradigm since the Estem requires no juggling. (330) Paradigm of ce:  nibble {H}/{H} form category stem stem tones ce: perfective E H ce: bare stem bare H ce:zo perfective-2 bare H ce:t[r[b[ experiential perfect bare H ce:z[ recent perfect bare H ce:=b[ past perfect bare H ce:zali recent perfect negative bare H ce:z[=b[ past recent perfect bare H ce: imperative A/O H ce:mu imperfective 3Sg A/O HL ce:m imperfective before AUX A/O H ce:m=b[ past imperfective A/O H ce:=bali( past imperfective negative A/O HL ce:li perfective negative A/O H ce:nan imperfective negative bare L ce:la prohibitive bare H ce:ma hortative bare H {LH}/{L} and {LH}/{LH} toned Ca: stems There are no Co : or Ce : verbs with {LH} features. Verbs like ma :  make (bricks) and na :  spend night have the same paradigm segmentally as the {H}/{H} toned Ca: verbs described just above (e.g. ka:  shave ). They differ tonally in several inflected forms from those verbs. However,  make (bricks) and  spend day also differ from each other in certain forms, where  make (bricks) is low-toned while spend night has a rising tone. The known verbs of the two types are in (331). Spend day is the only Cv: exemplar of the {LH}/{LH} class. Since no other Cv: verb stem begins with n or l, and since these two initial consonants are elsewhere strongly associated with {LH}/{LH}, spend day is not aberrant. (331) {LH}/{L} and {LH}/{LH} toned Ca : verbs stem perfective negative gloss a. {LH}/{L} wa : wa:li  pull up (boubou) ma : ma:li  make (bricks) da : da:li  cover (mouth) da : da:li  endure (e.g. heat) ba : ba:li  be enough ,  be equal to ya : ya:li  hold over fire za : za:li  sow in manure pile za : za:li  carve ga : ga:li  harvest (rice) with sickle ga : ga:li  harvest (secondary millet) b. {LH}/{LH} na : na :li  spend night The paradigms are in (332) and (333), respectively. The forms whose tones differentiate the {LH}/{L} and {LH}/{LH} tone-contour classes are highlighted by exclamation points (!). (332) Paradigm of ma :  make (bricks) , {LH}/{L} form category stem stem tones maye perfective E LH ma : bare stem bare LH ma :zo perfective-2 bare LH ma:t[r[b[ experiential perfect bare L ma :z[ recent perfect bare LH ma:=b[ past perfect bare L [!] ma:zali recent perfect negative bare L ma:z[=b[ past recent perfect bare L ma : imperative A/O LH ma :mu imperfective 3Sg A/O LH ma:m imperfective before AUX A/O L (< LH) ma:m=b[ past imperfective A/O L (< LH) ma:=bali past imperfective negative A/O LHL ma:li perfective negative A/O L [!] ma:nan imperfective negative bare L ma:la prohibitive bare L [!] ma:ma hortative bare L [!] (333) Paradigm of na :  spend night , {LH}/{LH} form category stem stem tones naye perfective E LH na : bare stem bare LH na :zo perfective-2 bare LH na:t[r[b[ experiential perfect bare L na :z[ recent perfect bare LH na :=b[ past perfect bare LH [!] na:zali recent perfect negative bare L na:z[=b[ past recent perfect bare L na : imperative A/O LH na :mu imperfective 3Sg A/O LH na:m imperfective before AUX A/O L (< LH) na:m=b[ past imperfective A/O L (< LH) na:=bali past imperfective negative A/O LHL na :li perfective negative A/O LH [!] na:nan imperfective negative bare L na :la prohibitive bare LH [!] na :ma hortative bare LH [!] The <LHL> tone of the first syllable in past imperfective negative ma:=bali and na:=bali results regularly from the combination of the lexical {LH} tone of the stem plus the final low-toned segment imposed on the stem by the AMN category. C[: and CT: stems These verbs differ slightly from the Ca: and Co: verbs described above in that the long mid-height vowel breaks into a form containing a medial semivowel in the A/O-stems. C[: becomes C[ya and CT: becomes CTwa in these forms. The Estems are respectively C[: (in some cases <*C[y[) and Cw[ (phonetic [CT/[]). The known verbs of these shapes are in (334). Some of them derive from original bisyllabic stems by loss of a medial consonant (usually a semivowel), while others are reconstructible as monosyllabics. Stems with nasalized vowels show the same vocalic alternations as those with oral vowels. (334) stem gloss selected cognates a. {H}/{H} toned with [ p[:  get old Jamsay p[: , Nanga p[: p[:  tap; squash Jamsay and Nanga p[: t[:  sprout Bey Tey and Bankan Tey tiy[, Jamsay tTcT c[:  delouse Jamsay c[: s[:  trim (hair) Jamsay s[: [:  be tight Jamsay [: ( [y [ with T pT:  let ferment Nanga pT: kT:  be worm-eaten Jamsay kTyT sT:  peck Bey Tey sTgT sT:  shovel, scoop Bey Tey sT, Jamsay sT: sT:  douse (fire) Nanga sTyi b. {LH}/{L} toned with T bT :  unsheathe Najamba bTy[ dT :  put under Najamba dTK[ The paradigm of t[:  sprout (perhaps < *t[y[) is in (335). The other verbs in (334a) have the same paradigm, in spite of their different historical origins. (335) Paradigm of t[:  sprout {H}/{H} form category stem stem tones t[: perfective E H t[: bare stem bare H t[:zo perfective-2 bare H t[:t[r[b[ experiential perfect bare H t[:z[ recent perfect bare H t[:=b[ past perfect bare H t[:zali recent perfect negative bare H t[:z[=b[ past recent perfect bare H t[ya imperative A/O H t[yamu imperfective 3Sg A/O HL t[yam imperfective before AUX A/O H t[yam=b[ past imperfective A/O H t[ya:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL t[yali perfective negative A/O H t[:nan imperfective negative bare L t[:la prohibitive bare H t[:ma hortative bare H One informant gave variants t[yala (prohibitive) and t[yama (hortative). The paradigm of sT:  peck is (336). (336) Paradigm of sT:  peck {H}/{H} form category stem stem tones sT/[: perfective E H sT: bare stem bare H sT:zo perfective-2 bare H sT:t[r[b[ experiential perfect bare H sT:z[ recent perfect bare H sT:=b[ past perfect bare H sT:zali recent perfect negative bare H sT:z[=b[ past recent perfect bare H sT/a: imperative A/O H sT/a:mu imperfective 3Sg A/O HL sT/a:m imperfective before AUX A/O H sT/a:m=b[ past imperfective A/O H sT/a:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL sT/a:li perfective negative A/O H sT:nan imperfective negative bare L sT:la prohibitive bare H sT:-ma hortative bare H One informant also gave variants sT/a:la (prohibitive) and sT/a:ma (hortative). The verb sT:  douse (fire) has perfective sT/[: , imperative sTw a, perfective negative sTw ali, and imperfective negative sT: nan. There is nothing newsworthy about the paradigms of the {LH}/{L} stems bT :  unsheathe and dT :  put under (334b), so they are omitted. Segmentally, they are like that of sT:  peck . Tonally, they are like that of ma :  make bricks (preceding section).  Put under has perfective negative dT: li. The verb  know is zuwT (bisyllabic). The A/O-stem is therefore zuwa-. The bare stem zuwT optionally contracts to zT :. Jamsay cognate jugT similarly contracts to jT : in some suffixal combinations. nfinal verbs (un < /ur /  go , zi n  take away ) The known verbs of this shape (monosyllabic with final consonant) that have complete paradigms are un  go and zi n  take away, convey (away from here or to some location) (French emmener). There is also a defective verb gu n  call (something, by a name) used in the imperfective, on which see 11.3.2. These are the only true consonantfinal verbs in the language, although the apocope/syncope of /u/ creates secondary Cfinal shapes in the bare stem and some other forms of many u-final verbs. The perfective stems of  go and of  take away have the obligatory final {e[} vowel. Their other forms are based on the nfinal stem. The imperfective negative suffix nan (variant nan with  take away ) does not allow its usual allomorph ran, since r occurs only in intervocalic position. The paradigm of  go is (337). The lexical tone-contour class is {H}/{H} with no irregularities. The stem consonant is realized as r whenever intervocalic within the word, and as n when syllable-final. This suggests a lexically basic form /ur / that appears as un when the stem consonant is not intervocalic within the word. (337) Paradigm of un  go {H}/{H} form category stem stem tones ur [ perfective E H un bare stem bare H unzo perfective-2 bare H unt[r[b[ experiential perfect bare H unz[ recent perfect bare H un=b[ past perfect bare H unzali recent perfect negative bare H unz[=b[ past recent perfect bare H un imperative A/O H unmu imperfective 3Sg A/O HL ur um imperfective before AUX A/O H ur um=b[ past imperfective A/O H ur o:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL unli perfective negative A/O H unnan imperfective negative bare L unla prohibitive bare H unma hortative bare H The paradigm of  take away is (338). For one assistant, the medial stem consonant is consistently n, in intervocalic as well as in other positions. For another, it becomes r intervocalically. The stem tones, taken as a whole, are irregular. Many of the forms have rising-toned stem, but the imperative has falling tone. The perfective negative has a rare combination of Htoned stem and Ltoned suffix; the only other verb with this pattern is the other basic verb of conveyance, zo  bring (10.2.1.8, above). In (338), the most irregular forms are highlighted by exclamation points. (338) Paradigm of zi n  take away (tonally irregular) form category stem stem tones zir [ ~ zin[- perfective E LH zi n bare stem bare LH zi nzo perfective-2 bare LH zi nt[r[b[ experiential perfect bare LH (~zint[r[b[) (HL) zi nz[ recent perfect bare LH zi n=b[ past perfect bare LH zi nzali recent perfect negative bare LH zi nz[=b[ past recent perfect bare LH zin imperative A/O HL [!] zi nmu imperfective 3Sg A/O LH zinum imperfective before AUX A/O LH ~ zir u-m zinum=b[ past imperfective A/O LH zino:=bali past imperfective negative A/O LHL zinli perfective negative A/O H [!] zinnan imperfective negative bare H [!] zinla prohibitive bare H [!] zinma hortative bare H [!] Go and take away each end in a (nasal) consonant, so when a suffix complex consisting only of a consonant is added we risk a disallowed word-final CC cluster. In this situation, a functionally epenthetic vowel is conjured up (339). In (339a), this is achieved by using a Cv allomorph of the suffix. In (339b), a more purely epenthetic vowel u is inserted between the stem-final and suffixal consonants. (339) Epenthetic vowels with nfinal verbs go take away a. unni zin-ni plural imperative (n) unnu zinnu perfective negative 3Pl (n() unnu zinnu imperfective negative relative (n) b. ur um zin-um( imperfective 1Sg (m() ur uK zinuK imperfective relative InanSg (K) (variants zir -um-(, zir -uK) There are numerous verbs like na m  grind (into flour) that are best analysed as u-final bisyllabic verbs, in this case /namu/. The bisyllabic pattern is visible in e.g. imperative nama  grind! and perfective negative namali. The apocope of the final u in the bare stem (na m) creates a superficial CvC stem shape. For more on the phonology, see 3.6.3.2, above. Bisyllabic verbs All bisyllabic verb stems end in a short vowel. The primary bisyllabic verb-stem shapes are CvCv, Cv:Cv, and CvCCv, rarely Cv:CCv-, with the possibility of the initial C being absent. The tone-contour classes are {H}/{H} associated with initial voiceless consonant, {LH}/{LH} associated with initial l or n, {LH}/{L} associated with initial voiced consonant, and {H}/{L} generally favoring the heaviest shapes. Stems with no initial consonant have a lexical choice of {H}/{H} or {LH}/{L}. For more on these tone-contour classes, see 3.8.1.2, above. There is one nCv verb, two YCv verbs that begin with a glottal stop plus schwa, and a fairly large number of vCv verbs with no initial consonant. This collection of verbs can be described as marginally bisyllabic. They differ from CvCv stems (and to some extent among each other) in some details of tone-contour distribution. The {H}/{H} tone-contour class works the same for all bisyllabic shapes. However, the other tone-contour class for the marginally bisyllabic stems is {H}/{L}, whereas CvCv stems have {LH}/{L} or {LH}/{LH}, i.e. with at least some rising contours. CvCCv stems behave like CvCv, except that the {LH} contour has two variants. Cv:Cv stems are mostly {H}/{H} or {H}/{L}, with no rising contours. The possible vowel-quality sequences (disregarding length and nasalization) in bisyllabic stems are those in (340). The formulae do not apply to the single nCv stem or to the two glottal-initial stems. (340) Vocalic sequences (bisyllabic verbs) a. identical vowels at least in part of paradigm ee [with a tendency to fluctuate with eo] [& [ o& o T& T a& a (converts to a& u in the bare stem and related forms) b. high vowel plus mid-height vowel with same back/round value u& o u& T i& e [with a tendency to fluctuate with i& o] i& [ c. mixed-ATR with same back/round value, medial nasal eN[ oNT The verbs that alternate between CaCa- in the A/O-stem and CaCu- (including surface CaC-) verbs are called u-final stems. For the mixed-ATR verbs, see 3.5.1.4. I begin with the marginally bisyllabic stems of shape nCv, YCv, and vCv, then move to CvCv, CvCCv, and Cv:Cv. nCv verb (nd[  give ) For this stem shape I can cite only nd[  give . The paradigm is (341). Except for the imperative, the forms are segmentally regular. The stem-final [ changes regularly to a in the A/O-stem. The Estem is not segmentally distinct since the stem already ends in [. The tones are split into H and L, suggesting the {H}/{L} tone-contour class. The LH-toned imperative ndi stands out as irregular, tonally as well as segmentally. (341) Paradigm of nd[  give {H}/{L} form category stem tones nd[ perfective E H nd[ bare stem bare H nd[zo perfective-2 bare H nd[t[r[b[ experiential perfect bare H nd[z[ recent perfect bare H nd[=b[ past perfect bare H nd[zali recent perfect negative bare L nd[z[=b[ past recent perfect bare L ndi imperative A/O LH [!] ndamu imperfective 3Sg A/O HL ndam imperfective before AUX A/O H ndam=b[ past imperfective A/O H nda:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL ndali perfective negative A/O L nd[nan imperfective negative bare L nd[la prohibitive bare L nd[ma hortative bare L Similar {H}/{L} tone-contour patterns occur in one of the two YCv stems, and in some vCv stems, the alternative type being {H}/{H} for both of these stem shapes. This suggests that {H}/{H} and {H}/{L} are the viable tone-contour classes for marginally bisyllabic stems, i.e. those slightly briefer than CvCv. However, there are slight differences in tone-contour behavior among the various {H}/{L} marginally bisyllabic stems, involving the perfective-2, the experiential perfect, and the past perfect. Glottal-initial verbs (Yr[  eat meal , Yl[  go up ) There are three marginally bisyllabic verbs that begin with a glottal stop, accompanied by a brief schwa-like vocalization (which is not always audible), followed by a Cv syllable. As with a few nouns of this type, a phonological representation of the type /Cv/ might be justified, since schwa is not otherwise present as a vowel phoneme. If this is accepted, these verbs are CCv, similar to nd[  give . However, I prefer to write YCv with the schwa, since the glottal onset may have its own tone. The verb  eat (meal) takes the noun za  meal as default object (though several more specific terms for foods can also be used). This verb is {H}/{H} toned and its paradigm is regular in all respects (342). In the grammatical categories that call for {HL} stem tone, e.g. perfective2, the initial high tone is on the glottal (quasi-)syllable. (342) Paradigm of Yr[  eat (meal) {H}/{H} form category stem tones Yr[ perfective E H Yr[ bare stem bare H Yr[zo perfective-2 bare H Yr[t[r[b[ experiential perfect bare H Yr[z[ recent perfect bare H Yr[=b[ past perfect bare H Yr[zali recent perfect negative bare H Yr[z[=b[ past recent perfect bare H Yra imperative A/O H Yramu imperfective 3Sg A/O HL Yram imperfective before AUX A/O H Yram=b[ past imperfective A/O H Yra:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL Yrali perfective negative A/O H Yr[-nan- imperfective negative bare L Yr[la prohibitive bare H Yr[ma hortative bare H The paradigm of  go up is similar to that of  eat (meal) , but there are some tonal differences. While  eat (meal) is classically {H}/{H},  go up has a mix of H and L tones. The tonal pattern of  go up is similar to that for  give (10.2.2.1, above), though they differ tonally in the past perfect, which is therefore marked here with an exclamation point. Both  go up and  give can be assigned to the {H}/{L} tone-contour class. (343) Paradigm of Yl[  go up {H}/{L} form category stem tones Yl[ perfective E H Yl[ bare stem bare H Yl[zo perfective-2 bare H Yl[t[r[b[ experiential perfect bare H Yl[z[ recent perfect bare H Yl[=b[ past perfect bare L [!] Yl[zali recent perfect negative bare L Yl[z[=b[ past recent perfect bare L Yla imperative A/O H Ylamu imperfective 3Sg A/O HL Ylam imperfective before AUX A/O H Ylam=b[ past imperfective A/O H Yla:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL Ylali perfective negative A/O L Yl[-nan- imperfective negative bare L Yl[-la prohibitive bare L Yl[-ma hortative bare L There is a segmentally identical stem Yl[  ripen, become ripe with {H}/{H} tones. In those cases where  go up has a {H} or {HL} stem-tone, there is no audible difference between the two verbs. Where  go up has a {L} stem-tone, the two are tonally distinct, except in the imperfective negative Yl[nan-, which forces {L} contour on both stems (as usual). The perfective negative is one of the differentiating categories: Yla-li-  did not ripen versus Ylali  did not go up . vCv stems The verbs considered here are special cases of CvCv stems (see immediately following section) with empty C1. Because the tone-contour classes of verbs are elsewhere dependent in part on their C1 (mainly its voicing feature), the absence of a C1 creates an interesting situation. The majority of vCv stems are lexically {H}/{H}-toned. Only the imperfective negative drops tones to all-low. This suggests that [+voiced] C1 is the active ingredient affecting stem tone-contours, so that absence of C1 is treated like presence of unvoiced C1, in contrast to voiced C1. A sample {H}/{H}-toned paradigm is that of  buy (344). Since the bare stem ends in [, the E-stem and the bare stem are indistinguishable, and the A/O-stem ends in a. (344) Paradigm of [b[  buy {H}/{H} form category stem stem tones [b[ perfective E H [b[ bare stem bare H [b[zo perfective-2 bare H [b[t[r[b[ experiential perfect bare H [b[z[ recent perfect bare H [b[=b[ past perfect bare H [b[zali recent perfect negative bare H [b[z[=b[ past recent perfect bare H [ba imperative A/O H [bamu imperfective 3Sg A/O HL [bam imperfective before AUX A/O H [bam=b[ past imperfective A/O H [ba:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL [bali perfective negative A/O H [benan imperfective negative bare L [b[la prohibitive bare H [b[ma hortative bare H Among the other vCv stems with these tone contours are TrT  be(come) tired , [l[  take away (confiscate) , and Tr T  give an enema (suppository) to , with perfective negatives Tra-li-, [la-li-, and Tr a-li-. However, the correlation of {H}/{H} tone-contour class with vCv stems is far from perfect. There are a number of such stems with {H}/{L} contours. We have seen {H}/{L} with nd[  give and Yl[  go up , but there are some differences in the tonal details within this set of {H}/{L}-toned marginally bisyllabic stems. The relevant vCv stems, such as ubT  pour (345), have {L} stem tone in the perfective-2 and the experiential perfect, which have {H} or {HL} for both  give and  go up . In the past perfect, the {L} stem-tone for  pour matches that of  go up , not not the {H}-tone of  give . These three categories are highlighted by an exclamation point after the tone label in the rightmost colum in (345). Because this verb ends lexically in T, its E-stem is distinct from its bare stem, and its A/O-stem ends in a. (345) Paradigm of ubT  pour {H}/{L} form category stem tones ub[ perfective E H ubT bare stem bare H ubTzo perfective-2 bare L [!] ubTt[r[b[ experiential perfect bare L [!] ubTz[ recent perfect bare H ubT=b[ past perfect bare L [!] ubTzali recent perfect negative bare L ubTz[=b[ past recent perfect bare L uba imperative A/O H ubamu imperfective 3Sg A/O HL ubam imperfective before AUX A/O H ubam=b[ past imperfective A/O H uba:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL ubali perfective negative A/O L ubTnan imperfective negative bare L ubTla prohibitive bare L ubTma hortative bare L The paradigm of catch (346) is tonally similar to that of pour, except in the recent perfect. Segmentally, in the bare stem and before suffixes, final o tends to fluctuates with e. However, it is consistently o: when lengthened (in the past imperfective negative), and usually e in the perfective negative. A suffix-initial labial consonant appears to favor o quality. (346) Paradigm of ibo (or ibe)  catch {H}/{L} form category stem tones ibe perfective E H ibo, ibe bare stem bare H ibezo perfective-2 bare L [!] ibot[r[b[ experiential perfect bare L [!] iboz[ recent perfect bare L [!] ibo=b[ past perfect bare L [!] ibozali recent perfect negative bare L ibez[=b[ past recent perfect bare L ibo imperative A/O H ibomu imperfective 3Sg A/O HL ibom imperfective before AUX A/O H ibom=b[ past imperfective A/O H ibo:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL ibeli perfective negative A/O L ibenan imperfective negative bare L ibela prohibitive bare L iboma hortative bare L Further verbs treated tonally like ubT  pour and ibe  catch include: umT  crush (tobacco) in hand , uzo  heal, recover , ide  set out to dry (in the sun) , and ije  be finished (depleted) , with respective perfective negatives uma-li, uzo-li-, ibe-li-, and ije-li-. The u-final verb abu  take (receive) (cf. abi-y[  accept ) also belongs in this tone-contour set. It has the same tones as ubT  pour . Like other u-final verbs, its stem ends in u in forms based on the bare stem. The E-stem ends in {+ATR] e, and the A/O-stem ends in a. The paradigm is (347). (347) Paradigm of abu  take, receive form category stem stem tones abe perfective E H abu bare stem bare H abuzo perfective-2 bare L [!] abut[r[b[ experiential perfect bare L [!] abuz[ recent perfect bare H abu=b[ past perfect bare L [!] abuzali recent perfect negative bare L abuz[=b[ past recent perfect bare L aba imperative A/O H abamu imperfective 3Sg A/O HL abam imperfective before AUX A/O H abam=b[ past imperfective A/O H aba:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL abali perfective negative A/O L abunan imperfective negative bare L abula prohibitive bare L abuma hortative bare L CvCv stems Note that some stems with bare stem and therefore citation form CaC (from /CaCu/) are bisyllabic, as is shown by A/O-stem CaCa- and E-stem Cace-. For CvCv with true initial consonant (not glottal stop), the tone-contour classes are those in (348). (348) stem begins with voiceless consonant: {H}/{H} stem begins with voiced consonant: one stem with medial j from *jj : {H}/{L} most stems beginning in {n l}: {LH}/{LH} all others: {LH}/{L} For {H}/{L} in one Cvjv verb from *Cvjjv, see discussion of w[j[  give change preceding (58) in 3.8.1.2, above. Otherwise the tone-contour class is more or less predictable from the initial consonant. The choice between {LH}/{LH} and {LH}/{L} is almost predictable. The majority of stems with initial {ln} belong to the {LH}/{LH} tone-contour class, as shown by CvCv-li- in the perfective negative (349). No CvCv stem beginning with any other consonant has this tonal profile. (349) CvCv verbs with {LH}/{LH} contour stem PerfNeg gloss a. initial l lele leleli-  err, make a mistake l[z[ l[zali-  press against l[b[ l[bali-  cauterize l[g[ l[gali-  slip (sth) under lige ligeli-  mix lTdT lTdali-  slide in lTgT lTgali-  do a lot, do too much ledo ledeli-  make (noise) lebe lebeli-  cut off, sever lugo lugoli-  rinse out (mouth) lugo lugoli-  calculate b. initial n na K naKali-  pass namu namali-  step on nem[ nemali-  taste nem[ nemali-  hit (with thrown object) ner [ ner ali-  hone, whet (blade) nin[ ninali-  trip (sb) niye niyeli-  sleep nomT nomali-  sag (under a weight) nuzT nuzali-  push with butt of hand However, there are some stems with the same initial consonants with tonal patterns of the {LH}/{L} tone-contour class, with perfective negative CvCv-li-. My assistant showed some variability in tonal pronunciations in this respect, suggesting that the tendency is to convert remaining CvCv stems with these initial consonants into {LH}/{LH} stems. Give birth, drink, and grind were most consistently {LH}/{L} in his pronunciations (350). Further study of other speakers and dialects is called for. (350) CvCv verbs with initial {l n} and {LH}/{L} contour stem PerfNeg gloss a. initial l la l lala-li-  give birth b. initial n niy [ niy a-li-  drink na m nama-li-  grind nuKT nuKa-li-  sing (a song) Except for the handful of Cvjv stems from original *Cvjjv, all CvCv verbs beginning with a voiced consonant other than {ln}, namely {bdg jzwy mr}, belong to the {LH}/{L} tone-contour class. (351) presents paradigms of representative {H}/{H} and {LH}/{L} stems. The stems are tonally distinct in all forms except the imperfective negative, which controls {L} tone contour on all verb stems (except  bring and  take, convey ).  Pound also illustrates [+ATR] CoCo vocalism, while  leave illustrates [ATR] CTCT vocalism. In the A/O-stem, only  leave shifts its stem-final vowel to a. (351) {H}/{H} and {LH}/{L} CvCv verbs  pound  leave category stem {H}/{H} {LH}/{L} tole dTg[ perfective E tolo dTgT bare stem bare tolozo dTgTzo perfective-2 bare tolot[r[b[ dTgTt[r[b[ experiential perfect bare toloz[ dTgTz[ recent perfect bare tolo=b[ dTgT=b[ past perfect bare tolozali dTgTzali recent perfect negative bare toloz[=b[ dTgTz[=b[ past recent perfect bare tolo dTga imperative A/O tolomu dTgamu imperfective 3Sg A/O tolom dTgam imperfective before AUX A/O tolom=b[ dTgam=b[ past imperfective A/O tolo:=bali dTga:=bali past imperfective negative A/O tololi dTgali perfective negative A/O tolonan dTgTnan imperfective negative bare tolola dTgTla prohibitive bare toloma dTgTma hortative bare A representative {LH}/{LH} stem is presented in (352). This class differs tonally from {LH}/{L}, exemplified by  leave in (351) above, only in the perfective negative, prohibitive, and hortative forms. The tones are similar to those for monosyllabic {LH}/{LH} verb na :  spend night (10.2.1.10, above). (352) Paradigm of na K  pass ) {LH}/{L}, u-final (/u/ deleted) form category stem stem tones naKe perfective E LH na K bare stem bare LH na Kzo perfective-2 bare LH naKt[r[b[ experiential perfect bare L na Kz[ recent perfect bare LH na K=b[ past perfect bare LH naKzali recent perfect negative bare L naKz[=b[ past recent perfect bare L naKa imperative A/O LH naKamu imperfective 3Sg A/O LH naKam imperfective before AUX A/O LH naKam=b[ past imperfective A/O L naKa:=bali past imperfective negative A/O LHL naKali perfective negative A/O LH naKnan imperfective negative bare L na Kla prohibitive bare LH na Kma hortative bare LH The verb  pass in (352) also illustrates the stem-final vocalism of u-final verbs, which always have a in the first syllable. The CvC shape naK in several forms, including the bare stem, reflects deletion of the final u. For more on Stem-Final u-Deletion, see 3.6.3.2, above. The A/O-stem of u-final verbs has final a, and the E-stem has final e (not [) except as specified below. Verbs like sal  grind (coarsely) have the same kind of paradigm segmentally, again with deleted final /u/ in several forms, but with {H}/{H} tones. For another u-final verb that does not delete its final u, see the paradigm of abu  take, receive in 10.2.2.3, above. A verb of this type with true CvCv shape is  touch (353). (353) Paradigm of tabu  touch {H}/{H}, u-final (u not deleted) form category stem stem tones tabe perfective E H tabu bare stem U H tabuzo perfective-2 U H tabut[r[b[ experiential perfect U H tabuz[ recent perfect U H tabu=b[ past perfect U H tabuzali recent perfect negative U H tabuz[=b[ past recent perfect U H taba imperative A/O H tabamu imperfective 3Sg A/O HL tabam imperfective before AUX A/O H tabam=b[ past imperfective A/O H taba:=bali past imperfective negative A/O HL tabali perfective negative A/O H tabunan imperfective negative bare L tabula prohibitive bare H tabuma hortative bare H While CaCv verbs of the u-final class normally have [+ATR] e in the E-stem, an exception is kan  do (perfective kar [-). r is also associated with [ATR] E-stems in two high-frequency CuCv verbs with u-final class features: gu n  say (perfective (gur [-), un  go (perfective ur [-). CvCCv verbs Verbs of CvCCv shape are very close in vocalic-sequence constraints and in tone contours to CvCv stems. The {H}/{H}, {LH}/{L}, and {LH}/{LH} tone-contour classes again are present in both, and have the same associations with initial consonants. However, there are some differences. The {H}/{L} tone-contour class, which is very rare for CvCv (one *Cvjjv stem shortened to Cvjv), is slightly better represented in CvCCv stems with initial voiced consonant. Examples of vocalism of CvCCv stems are in (354). (354) CvCCv stem vocalism a. same mid-height vowels (in bare stem) t[md[  knock together pembe  prune (onion flower) tonzo  flex (joint) pTmbT  collect (last bit of food) b. a& u in bare stem (u-final verbs) tambu  kick c. high vowel plus mid-height vowel simbe  roast, grill ninj[  cook (sauce) tumbo  crush or  punch bullT  disinter e-final CvCCv verbs like pembe and simbe show variation between final e and o in some forms, as for CvCv stems. In (354), the stems beginning in t, p, and s (i.e. voiceless obstruents) have {H}/{H} tones. When the initial consonant is voiced, there are tone-class choices. As with CvCv, the majority of CvCCv stems with initial {ln} have {LH}/{LH} tones. Other CvCCv stems with initial voiced consonant are {LH}/{L} or {H}/{L}. The latter includes some derived CvC-Cv stems due to syncope from *CvCv-Cv, and some Fulfulde loanwords. Examples of the tone-contour classes other than {H}/{H} are in (355). (355) CvCCv verbs with at least some {LH} or {L} features bare stem perfective perfective Neg gloss a. {LH}/{L} y[mb[ y[mb[ y[mbali  pick out mandu mande mandali  laugh gondo gonde gondoli  take out ninj[ ninj[ ninjali  cook sauce dTnzT dTnz[ dTnzali  re-open (wound) yandu yand[ yandali  call (summon) dambu damb[- damba-li-  push b. {LH}/{LH} with initial {l n} nombo nombe nomboli  pound (fruit pits) nandu nande nandali  greet (in morning) c. {H}/{L} jayr[ jayr[ jayrali  mock zib-de zib-de- zib-do-li  gird (sb) with a wrap dTmdT dTmd[ dTmdali  console damd[ damd[ damdali  inform bam-d[ bam-d[ bam-da-li-  have (sb) carry on back ban-j[ ban-j[- ban-ja-li  hide yamz[ yamz[ yamzali  rub (hands) together yam-d[ yam-d[- yam-da-li-  cover (sb) Bisyllabics with long vowel (Cv:Cv, Cv:CCv) Among the set of verbs of the shape Cv:Cv (including v:Cv) are suffixal derivatives of Cv: or (contracted) CvCv stems. The presence of a long vowel has more dramatic consequences for the phonology than that of a medial cluster. The major effects are summarized in (356). (356) Features of Cv:Cv verbs a. no u-final verbs: Ca:(C)C[ occurs instead of #Ca:(C)Cu) b. tone-contour classes reduce to {H}/{H} and {H}/{L} These features are most striking in suffixal derivatives of stems that are ufinal and/or that belong to {LH}/{L} or {LH}/{LH} tone-contour class. A good example is na K (underlying /naKu/)  pass , a ufinal verb of the {LH}/{LH} class (hence perfective negative naKa-li-). The suffixal derivative na:-nd[  cause to go past, lay across ends in [, and has {H}/{H} tones (perfective negative na:-nda-li-). (357) Cv:Cv verbs bare stem PerfNeg gloss comment a. underived and not obviously borrowed ma:n[ ma:na-li-  think du:dT du:da-li-  heave (spear) wa:z[ wa:za-li-  reel in (rope) za:nd[ za:nda-li-  rat on Jamsay ja:ra etc. le:re le:re-li-  tap (sth soft) to:do to:do-li-  tap (can) di:ze di:ze-li-  file, scrape (with a file) bu:bT bu:boli  rub (e.g. with stone) b. suffixal derivatives (9.3.1.3) go:-do go:-doli  hang (calabash) Jamsay gogoro, etc. l[:-d[ l[:-dali  insert (as mark) c. borrowings pa:b[ pa:ba-li-  protect, save Fulfulde or Songhay ( help ) All Cv:CCv stems known to me are of the form Cv:NCv with a medial homorganic nasal-stop cluster. Most are Cv:-ndv suffixal derivatives, often resulting from contraction of CvCv- stems before transitive suffix allomorph ndv, such as su:-ndo  take down . A full list is given in (305) in 9.3.1.3, above. There are also a few unsegmentable stems like ni:nd[  accompany (to the door) . mb is attested in bu:mbT  drag (cognates in other Dogon languages have a short u for this stem) and mu:mbT  assemble . I know of no such stem with Kg. The restrictions on vocalism and tone contours are the same for Cv:CCv as for Cv:Cv. Trisyllabic and longer verbs Many trisyllabic verbs (and all of the much less common quadrisyllabic verbs) are synchronically composite (CvCvCv- with derivational suffix), are suspected of being etymologically composite although the relevant underived stem is now missing, or behave in some way like suffixally derived verbs. It is therefore not feasible to sharply distinguish derived from underived verbs of these shapes. Like other verbs, these long stems may be lexically {H} or {LH}. The {H} stems have stem-wide high tone in the bare stem and in the perfective. For the {LH} verbs, the tone break is after the first syllable in these forms, hence trisyllabic LHH and quadrisyllabic LHHH. Trisyllabic verbs with medial {i u} and full initial syllable The common trisyllabic pattern is that the medial syllabic has a short high vowel. In CvCvCv, the medial syllable is generally in a weak metrical position in Dogon languages, and the high vowel can be thought of as reflecting this. The relationship between the first and third vowels is subject to certain harmonic considerations, disregarding the intervening high vowel, although some (original) suffixes like y[ do not always harmonize with the vocalism of the base stem. Examples of trisyllabic verbs are in (358). There are three tonal types distinguishable in the perfective negative in the speech of my first informant. My second informant merges the second and third tonal types. For him, verbs in (358c) have perfective negatives like luguzo-li- in contrast to the first informant s luguzo-li-. (358) bare stem PerfNeg gloss a. {H}/{H} obiyo obiyoli  sit ibiy[ ibi-ya-li-  fear sizile sizili-li-  roll (dough) into rolls b. {LH}/{L}, see (55) in 3.8.1.2 bambiy[ bambiya-li-  carry on back nindiyo nindiyo-li-  listen gaKul[ gaKula-li-  rub off (sweat) yimbir[ yimbirali  (beggar) sing verses yodi-yo yodi-yoli  borrow yodu-ro yodu-roli  lend meKgire meKgire-li-  roll into a ball dunulo dunulo-li-  roll (barrel) on ground c. {LH}/{LH} varying with {LH}/{L}, see (57) in 3.8.1.2 luguzo luguzo-li-  poke around lTguzT lTguza-li-  nick lTgusT lTgusa-li-  remove (earwax) niKir e niKir e-li-  (pebble under mat) hurt (sb) nemile nemileli  plead, beg nindugo nindugo-li  breathe nini-y[ nini-ya-li  trip (over a rope) The paradigm of obiyo  sit is (359). Before nonzero inflectional suffixes and clitics, there was some phonetic fluctuation between stem-final e and o in my transcriptions, as in imperfective negative obiyonan, which was sometimes heard as (close to) obiyenan. The preceding segments (iy) and some suffixal segments (initial labial consonants, front or back vowels) appeared to influence the articulation of the stem-final vowel. My impression after lengthy elicitation is that stem-final o is basic in these suffixed forms. (359) Paradigm of {H} toned obiyo  sit form category stem obiye perfective E obiyo bare stem bare obiyozo perfective-2 bare obiyot[r[b[ experiential perfect bare obiyoz[ recent perfect bare obiyo=b[ past perfect bare obiyozali recent perfect negative bare obiyoz[=b[ past recent perfect bare obiyo imperative A/O obiyomu imperfective 3Sg A/O obiyom imperfective before AUX A/O obiyom=b[ past imperfective A/O obiyo:=bali past imperfective negative A/O obiyoli perfective negative A/O obiyo-nan- imperfective negative bare obiyola prohibitive bare obiyoma hortative bare A trisyllabic with {LH} tone is nindiyo  listen . Its paradigm is (360), as given by my first informant. Note that the imperative has LHH rather than LHL tone, showing that this form extends the Htone component of {LH} stems to the end of the word. (360) Paradigm of {LH} toned nindiyo  listen form category stem nindiye perfective E nindiyo bare stem bare nindiyozo perfective-2 bare nindiyot[r[b[ experiential perfect bare nindiyoz[ recent perfect bare nindiyo=b[ past perfect bare nindiyozali recent perfect negative bare nindiyoz[=b[ past recent perfect bare nindiyo imperative A/O nindiyomu imperfective 3Sg A/O nindiyom imperfective before AUX A/O nindiyom=b[ past imperfective A/O nindiyo:=bali past imperfective negative A/O nindiyoli perfective negative A/O nindiyo-nan- imperfective negative bare nindiyola prohibitive bare nindiyoma hortative bare The third tonal type in (358c), above, e.g. nemile  plead , differs from the nindiyo paradigm in having LHH rather than all-L stem followed by and Ltoned suffix in the perfective negative (nemile-li-), in the prohibitive (nemile-la), and in the hortative (nemile-ma). Trisyllabic causatives (from bisyllabic input stems) like zTbTm[  cause to run, drive (vehicle) have a different vocalic pattern, whereby a non-high V2 is carried over into the causative. These causatives carry over the tone-contour properties of the corresponding simple verb, as best seen in the perfective negative, in which the stem can be {L}-toned (cause to run, cause to go up), {LH}toned (cause to do a lot), or {H}-toned (cause to be plump). (361) Paradigm of causative zTbTm[  cause to &  & run  & go up  & do a lot  & be plump Perf zTbTm[ Yl[-m[ lTgT-m[ sojo-m[ PerfNeg zTbT-ma-li- Yl[-ma-li- lTgT-ma-li- sojo-ma-li Quadrisyllabic verbs are, to my knowledge, all suffixal derivatives of trisyllabic verbs. The paradigms are similar to trisyllabics, with the tone of the second syllable spread to the third syllable. An example is b[Kgiliy[  rub lightly against . nCvCv and YCvCv verbs Just as nCv exists as a defective bisyllabic pattern (nd[  give ), there is a verb Kgil[  get up that can be considered a defective trisyllabic; indeed, there is a dialectal variant iKgil[. The tonal pattern in 3Sg imperfective Kgilamu  he/she will stand shows that the initial nasal is capable of taking the initial-syllable high tone associated with {H} toned trisyllabics in this category, cf. obiyemu  he/she will sit . The imperative is Kgila. A glottal-initial trisyllabic is intransitive Yriy[ ~ i:riy[  stop, come to a stop . Even in the shorter variant, the glottal syllable is capable of bearing a distinct tone, as in 3Sg imperfective Yriyamu  he/she will stop . Quadrisyllabic and longer verb stems Verb stems of four or more syllables are probably all suffixal derivatives. A fairly extreme example is factitive [l[-ndi-y[-m[  sweeten (sth) , cf. [ l  sweet , inchoative verb [l[-ndi-y[  become sweet . 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For example, in t[gibi-y[  tremble I take the final syllable to be the mediopassive suffix, but no simplex is attested. [final verbs borrowed from Fulfulde and other languages A number of verbs in Yanda Dom and other neighboring Dogon languages, including Jamsay (which may be the direct source for Yanda Dom in some cases) are borrowings from Fulfulde verbs. All of these borrowings have at least two syllables. The Fulfulde origin can often be inferred from one or another segmental feature: a long vowel in the first syllable (Cv:Cv), a non-Dogon consonant such as {fh} or a preglottalized obstruent, or a medial cluster other than the few common Yanda Dom clusters such as {nd mb Kg ll}. With regard to vocalism, the distinctive feature of Fulfulde verb borrowings is a stem-final /[/, regardless of whether this vowel combines with preceding vowels to constitute a regular Yanda Dom vocalism type. (362) Verbs borrowed from Fulfulde with final [ bare stem gloss comment a. compatible with Yanda Dom vocalism norms w[j[  give change b. not compatible with Yanda Dom vocalism norms ma:n[  think cf. Arabic manaa-  meaning pa:b[  protect cf. Songhay faaba  help Although such sequences as a& [ are aberrant in Yanda Dom, these verbs are easily processed in the verbal morphology. Stem-final [ is readily converted to a in the A/Ostem. Paradigms of two of the Fulfulde borrowings are given in (363). Note the stem-final [ in the bare stem (and its derivatives) and in the [+ATR] stem, versus final a in the A/Ostem. (363) Paradigms of Cv:Cv verbs (< Fulfulde)  protect  think category stem {H} {H}/{L} pa:b[ ma:n[ perfective E pa:b[ ma:n[ bare stem bare pa:b[zo ma:n[zo perfective-2 bare pa:b[t[r[b[ ma:n[t[r[b[ experiential perfect bare pa:b[z[ ma:n[z[ recent perfect bare pa:b[=b[ ma:n[=b[ past perfect bare pa:b[zali ma:n[zali recent perfect negative bare pa:b[z[=b[ ma:n[z[=b[ past recent perfect bare pa:ba ma:na imperative A/O pa:bamu ma:namu imperfective 3Sg A/O pa:bam ma:nam imperfective before AUX A/O pa:bam=b[ ma:nam=b[ past imperfective A/O pa:ba:=bali ma:na:=bali past imperfective negative A/O pa:bali ma:nali perfective negative A/O pa:b[nan ma:n[nan imperfective negative bare pa:b[la ma:n[la prohibitive bare pa:b[ma ma:n[ma hortative bare French gagner  win , especially  win (match, election) , belongs to the ufinal class: garu. It may have been merged with the inherited verb garu  prevent . A more typical French loan is pa:s[  advance to the next level (in school, in a sports tournament) (passer). This has final [, and with its lengthened first-syllable vowel it seems to have been nativized on the model of Fulfulde verb loans such as pa:b[  protect . Another way to nativize a French verb is in a noun-verb combination with a semantically light Yanda Dom verb, usually kan  do, make . An example is bipe: kan  do a beep , referring to the practice of telephoning another person and hanging up after the telephone rings briefly (as a signal). In local French the verb is biper (il m a bip  he beeped me ). Positive indicative AN categories Perfective positive system (including perfect) The (simple) perfective The (simple) perfective form, used in positive clauses, is normally accompanied by the preverbal realis particle ya. Unlike other AMN inflectional categories, there is no transparently segmentable suffix for the perfective. The perfective stem always ends in {e[}, which is arguably a suffix, but in view of the frequent alternations of stem-final vowels in verbal inflection I prefer to take it as the Estem of the verb. The tone of the perfective verb depends on whether ya is present immediately to the left of the verb. ya is obligatory when no other preverbal constituent occurs, but in the presence of another preverbal constituent it is optional. In addition, if two or more verbs are tightly chained (only the final one being inflected), ya precedes the first verb in the chain and is therefore not left-adjacent to the perfective verb (11.2.2.1). When ya is left-adjacent, perfective verbs have the same tone contours as in the bare stem. Short-voweled monosyllabics have high-toned form. Longer stems respect the lexical choice between {H} and {LH} tone contours. {H} stems are all-high toned, while {LH} verbs begin with a low tone. Perfectives differ audibly from bare stems in most cases since perfectives end in {e[}, i.e. they take the Estem (3.5.1.2). The choice between e and [ depends on the ATR-harmonic class of the stem (for the 3Pl form, see below). Cv and Cv: verbs, with round vowel {oT} and with C not a semivowel {yw}, preserve a trace of the rounding in the form of a nonsyllabic semivowel o/ or T/, as in go/e  went out and nT/[  went in . Lexically Ca: stems have a perfective Caye, arguably a realization of /Ca:e/ (364e). ufinal verbs with a vowels in nonfinal syllables have final e (364j). Examples of the perfective stem are in (364), shown alongside the bare stem (as in verb chains) for comparison. (364) bare stem perfective gloss a. wo we  come wT w[  see y[ y[  weep b. go go/e  go out nT nT/[  go in zo zo/e  bring c. to: to/e:  spit d. t[: t[:  sprout e. ma : maye  make (bricks) na : naye  spend night {LH}/{LH} ka: kaye  shave f. un ur [  go g. nd[ nd[  give h. Yr[ Yr[  eat (meal) Yl[ Yl[  go up i. der [ der [  spend day gTlT gTl[  do farm work diy[ diy[  carry on head tolo tole  pound (in mortar) ubT ub[  pour j. tabu tabe  touch manu mane  cook k. obiyo obiye  sit nindiyo nindiye-  listen ma:n[ ma:n[-  think {H}/{L} When separated from realis ya by another chained verb (365a), or when ya is optionally omitted (365b), the perfective verb takes all-low toned form. This is indicated by a superscript at the left edge of the word. If ya were immediately adjacent, the perfective stems in (365) would be b[l[ (365a), tib[ (365b), Yr[ (365c), and we (365d). (365) a. ya obiyo Lb[l[( Real sit-MP Lget.Perf-3SgS  He/She was able to sit down. b. [bamba na] Ltib[( [B Loc] Ldie.Perf-3SgS  He/She died in Bamba. c. o za amba: LYr[w 2Sg meal where? Leat.meal.Perf-2SgS  Where did you-Sg eat? d. [o de:] a:r aga Lwe( [2SgP father.H] when? Lcome.Perf-3SgS  When did your-Sg father come? The pronominal-subject paradigm is in (366). The suffixes are atonal (the tone of the final vowel of the stem is carried forward to the end of the syllable, where relevant. The 3Pl form replaces final [ by a, and final e by o. 1Pl and 2Pl are identical, requiring fairly frequent use of the corresponding independent pronouns. 3Sg includes inanimates (singular or plural reference). (366) category suffix  come  carry on head 1Sg m wem diy[m 2Sg w wew diy[w 1Pl y wey diy[y 2Pl y wey diy[y 3Sg ( we( diy[( 3Pl a, o wo diya [for 3Pl see closer analysis below] When the stem-final {e[} is followed by w, which is frequently the case (cf. 2Sg w), or when it is preceded by w or a desyllabified o/ or T/, and followed by {yw}, the vowel often backs and rounds to {oT}. For example, wew  you-Sg came is heard variably as [wew] and [wow], and nT/[y  we/you-Pl went in is heard as [nT/[j] or [nTj]. Because stem-final vowel shifts are common in the verbal morphology, these variations, though seemingly low-level, may already be in the process of being morphologized. The 3Pl requires more morphophonological analysis. Consider the data in (367). (367) 3Sg 3Pl gloss a. b[l[( b[la  obtain dTg[( dTga  leave b. kaye( ka:(  shave naye( na :(  spend night {LH}/{LH} c. w[( wa  see we( wo  come d. nT/[( nT/a  go in go/e( go  go out e. ur [( un(  go (bare stem un) The 3Pl is based on the A/O-stem, rather than on the E-stem that occurs in the remainder of the paradigm. We therefore have stem-final [ replaced by a, T replaced by o, and no final vowel added to  go . (367b) shows that the y increment in the perfective of lexical Ca: verbs does not appear in the 3Pl form. In nT/a (367d) there is little audible differentiation between the T/ and the syllabic nucleus a. In casual pronunciation it can be heard as [nT] but in careful pronunciation an informant gives [nT/a] with a barely audible semivowel-like [T/]. Simple sentence examples are in (368). Note the presence of realis ya. (368) a. no-mo ya wo person-AnPl Real come.Perf-3PlS  The people came. (or:  The people have come. ) b. [mi Hde:] bu:du miy ya nd[( [1SgP Hfather] money 1Sg-Acc Real give.Perf-3SgS  My father gave me (some) money. c. ye [bamakT na] ya dT/[y 1Pl [B Loc] Real arrive.Perf-1PlS  We arrived in Bamako. d. o za ya Yr[w ma 2Sg meal Real eat.meal.Perf-2SgS Q  Did you-Sg eat? (or:  Have you-Sg eaten? ) When there is a focalized constituent, such as a WH question word, the perfective shifts to low or falling tone melody, and there are other changes. See 13.1.2.1 for subject focalization forms, and 13.1.3 for nonsubject focalization. With perception verbs wT  see and nT/[  hear , the simple perfective stem is dispreferred, though elicitable. Instead, a form with b[ is preferred: wTb[  saw , nTb[  heard . Perfective2 (-zo) Another positive perfective form is formed with inflectable zo (of variable tone). The ending can be identified morphemically with zo  have (11.5.1). This combination is very common in Dogon languages, and since I have called it  perfective2 in other grammars I will retain this term for ease of comparison (abbreviation in interlinears:  Perf2 ). Forms of verbs before the perfective2 suffix are in (369). Segmentally they are identical to the bare stem, even with ufinal verbs (369e). However, the stem tones may diverge from those of the bare stem. In (369ab) we have the usual split into high-toned and low-toned monosyllabic stems as e.g. before the perfective negative suffix. For lexically {H} stems of two or more moras, before zo we get {H} contour (369c). Lexically {LH}/{L} and {LH}/{LH} stems of of two or more moras have {LH} before zo (369d). {H}/{L} stems have {L}-toned stem (369e). (369) bare stem perfective-2 gloss a. wo wozo  come wT wTzo  see go gozo  go out nT nTzo  hear b. y[ y[zo  weep dT dTzo  arrive, reach, approach tT tTzo  slash earth (to sow) nT nTzo  go in zo zozo  bring dT dTzo  insult c. to: to:zo  spit t[: t[:zo  sprout ka: ka:zo  shave un unzo  go Yr[ Yr[zo  eat (meal) Yl[ Yl[zo  go up ubT ubTzo  pour nd[ nd[zo  give tolo tolozo  pound (in mortar) obiyo obiyozo  sit d. ma : ma :zo  make (bricks) na : na :zo  spend night {LH}/{LH} der [ der [zo  spend day gTlT gTlTzo  do farm work diy[ diy[zo  carry on head na K na Kzo  pass {LH}/{LH} niKir e niKir ezo  (pebble) hurt (sb) {LH}/{LH} e. ma:n[ ma:n[-zo-  think {H}/{L} f. tabu tabuzo  touch manu manuzo  cook The paradigm is (370). (370) Perfective-2 paradigm category perfective-2 low-toned high-toned 1Sg zom zom 2Sg zow zow 1Pl zoy zoy 2Pl zoy zoy 3Sg zo( zo( 3Pl z[: z[: An informant explained (on different occasions) two aspects of the semantic difference between the regular perfective and the perfective-2. Both are suggestive of categories called  perfect in various languages. One element is that the perfective-2 can be resultative. (371a) reports a simple event, while perfective-2 (371b) can suggest that the cows remain in fallen position or are otherwise still the worse for the fall. (371) a. na:-m=o : ya pil-o cow-AnPl=Def.AnPl Real fall.Perf-3PlS  The cows fell. b. na:-m=o : pilez[: cow-AnPl=Def.AnPl fall-Perf2-3PlS  The cows have fallen. The other ingredient arose in comparing perfective ya obiye(  he/she sat and perfective2 obiyezo(. The latter was said to have an inferential modal element:  he/she must have sat down (that s why he/she is late coming here) . The perfect component of this category might explain why realis ya is not used with it. That the perfect nuances do not erase the perfective aspectual element is suggested by the fact that perfective2 zo and the simple perfective are neutralized under negation as perfective negative li (10.3.3.1). Experiential perfect  have ever VPed (t[r[b[/zo) The experiential perfect is expressed by the pronominally inflected form t[r[b[ or t[r[zo, following the semantically primary verb (372ab), which is segmentally in the bare stem. The realis particle ya is absent, even in positive examples (370ab). zo is the perfective2 morpheme. b[ is presumably related historically to the past clitic =b[ (10.6.1), but t[r[b[ switches interchangeably between present and past time frames ( I have ever&  , versus  I had ever&  with respect to a previous temporal reference point). There is also no trace of b[- in the experiential perfect negative ( have never VPed ) t[rali (10.1.3.3.2). (372) a. sa ydu goy e wTt[r[b[( ma S elephant see-ExpPf-Past-3SgS Q  Has Seydou ever seen an elephant? b. [bamakT na] bid[ bid[t[r[zom [Bamako Loc] work(n) work-ExpPf-Perf2-1SgS  I have (once) worked in Bamako. Short-voweled monosyllabic verbs are low-toned (373a) or high-toned (373b) before the experiential perfective suffix (in both positive and negative forms). The choice of stem tone correlates broadly with the lexically unpredictable tones the same verbs have in the perfective negative, but  arrive and  weep are in (373a) though they have high-toned stems before the perfective negative suffix. Monosyllabic verbs with a long vowel retain a lexical {H} tone (373c), but those with lexical {LH} split into two tonal types, one of which drops tones to low and one of which retains the {LH} (373d). (C)vC and nCv stems retain their lexical tone contour (373e). (373) Experiential perfective forms (monosyllabic) bare stem ExpPerf gloss a. short voweled, {H} dropping to {L} wT wTt[r[b[  see wo wot[r[b[  come go got[r[b[  go out dT dTt[r[b[  insult dT dTt[r[b[  arrive nT nTt[r[b[  hear y[ y[t[r[b[  weep b. short voweled, {H} remaining {H} nT nTt[r[b[  go in tT tTt[r[b[  slash earth (to sow) tT tTt[r[b[  send zo zot[r[b[  bring c. long voweled, {H} remaining {H} ka: ka:t[r[b[  shave to: to:t[r[b[  spit t[: t[:t[r[b[  sprout d. long voweled, {LH} dropping to {L} ma : ma:t[r[b[  make (bricks) na : na :t[r[b[  spend night {LH}/{LH} e. un unt[r[b[  go nd[ nd[t[r[b[  give For bisyllabic and longer stems, lexical {H} tone contour is preserved (374a), while {LH} flattens to {L} before the experiential perfect suffix (374b). (374) Experiential perfect forms (non-monosyllabic) bare stem ExpPerf gloss a. {H} Yl[ Yl[t[r[b[  go up tolo tolot[r[b[  pound (in mortar) ubT ubTt[r[b[  pour tabu tabut[r[b[  touch cezo cezet[r[b[  cut (slice) simbe simbet[r[b[  roast, grill obiyo obiyot[r[b[  sit be:liye be:liyet[r[b[  belch b. {LH} dTgT dTgTt[r[b[  leave diy[ diy[t[r[b[  carry on head manu manut[r[b[  cook c. {H}/{L} ma:n[ ma:n[-t[r[b[  think barm[ barm[t[r[b[  be wounded d. {LH}/{LH} na K na Kt[r[b[  pass lige liget[r[b[  mix by stirring The pronominal-suffix paradigms are automatically derived from those of the final suffix (b[, zo, li) and need not be detailed here. Recent perfect (or completive) (z[) The suffix z[ can often be translated as  have (recently, just) VP-ed , especially with verbs like  eat and  drink denoting activities of relatively short time span. In comparison to English  have just VPed , there is somewhat less emphasis on temporal immediacy visvis the present and somewhat more on the completion of an activity. It is not commonly used with non-activity telic verbs like  die or  arrive that focus on a temporal moment. A textual example is in (839) in Text 4. z[ requires realis particle ya preceding the verb (375). (375) a. ya ka:z[( Real shave-RecPf-3SgS  He/She has (recently) finished shaving. b. bid[ ya bid[z[m work(n) Real work-RecPf-1SgS  I have (recently) finished working. z[ is added to what is segmentally the bare stem form of the semantically primary verb. ufinal verbs do not delete their final u, e.g. tabuz[  have finished touching . All short-voweled monosyllabic verb stems have high tone before the low-toned suffix (376ab). Lexically {H}- and {H}/{L}- toned verbs have {H} contour i (376c). Lexically {LH} verbs other than short-voweled monosyllabics have {LH} contour (376d). (376) bare stem recent perfect gloss a. wo woz[  come wT wTz[  see go goz[  go out nT nTz[  hear b. y[ y[z[  weep dT dTz[  arrive, reach, approach tT tTz[  slash earth (to sow) nT nTz[  go in zo zoz[  bring dT dTz[  insult c. to: to:z[  spit t[: t[:z[  sprout ka: ka:z[  shave un unz[  go Yr[ Yr[z[  eat (meal) Yl[ Yl[z[  go up ubT ubTz[  pour nd[ nd[z[  give tabu tabuz[  touch tolo toloz[  pound (in mortar) obiyo obiyoz[  sit ma:n[ ma:n[z[  think {H}/{L} d. ma : ma :z[  make (bricks) na : na :z[  spend night {LH}/{LH} der [ der [z[  spend day gTlT gTlTz[  do farm work diy[ diy[z[  carry on head manu manuz[  cook na K na Kz[  pass {LH}/{LH} nindiyo nindiyoz[  listen barm[ barm[z[  be wounded The pronominal-suffix paradigm is regular (377). The 3Pl form is za. (377) Recent perfect paradigm category recent perfect 1Sg z[m 2Sg z[w 1Pl z[y 2Pl z[y 3Sg z[( 3Pl za The negative counterpart is zali or zali with different tonal patterns; see 10.3.3.3, below. Reduplicated perfective absent I have not observed a reduplicated form of the perfective stem. Imperfective positive system In addition to the basic imperfective forms discussed in the following subsections, there are several progressive constructions that are included in the section on statives since they pattern with (other) statives in their negation; see 10.5.3.2. Imperfective (positive) (m) This basic imperfective verb form is used with realis particle ya with present-time reference, and without the particle with future time reference. It is characterized morphologically by a suffix m on the verb, with a somewhat unusual paradigm. Segmentally, the verb takes the A/Ostem. Perhaps influenced by the suffixal m, stem-final o is found instead of e for verbs like simbe  roast, grill whose A/O-stem in other AMN categories is inconsistent. For short-voweled monosyllabics, the stem has high tone (378ab). Bimoraic and longer {H}- and {H}/{L}-toned stems have {HL} tone in the imperfective. Heavy {LH}-toned stems have the {LHL} contour, though if the stem has only two moras the final L merges with the suffixal L-tone. The forms shown in (378) are for 3Sg subject. (378) bare stem imperfective 3Sg gloss a. wo womu  come wT wamu  see go gomu  go out nT nT/amu  hear dT dT/amu  arrive, reach b. y[ yamu  weep tT tT/amu  slash earth (to sow) nT nT/amu  go in zo zomu  bring dT dT/amu  insult c. to: to:mu  spit t[: t[:mu  sprout ka: ka:mu  shave un unmu  go Yr[ Yramu  eat (meal) Yl[ Ylamu  go up ubT ubamu  pour c[d[ c[damu  gather (firewood) nd[ ndamu  give tolo tolomu  pound (in mortar) simbe simbomu  roast, grill obiyo obiyomu  sit ma:n[ ma:namu  think {H}/{L} d. ma : ma :mu  make (bricks) na : na :mu  spend night {LH}/{LH} der [ der amu  spend day gTlT gTlamu  do farm work diy[ diyamu  carry on head na K naKamu  pass {LH}/{LH} nindiyo nindiyomu  listen e. tabu tabamu  touch manu manamu  cook The high tones on the imperfective stem are subject to tone-dropping in the presence of preverbal constituents, especially focalized constituents (13.1). This is indicated in interlinears by a superscripted L at the left edge of the word The pronominal-subject paradigm is (379). Note the alternation between e and o in the stem-final vowel of  roast, grill , which here represents the set of verbs with lexical & CiCe vowel sequence. I would normally assign the stem-shape simbo to the A/Ostem and the shape simbe to the Astem. However, in this paradigm the choice between stem-final o and e correlates with suffixal vowel qualities, i.e. stem-final o with suffixal u and stem-final e with suffixal i, so one can argue whether the stem-final alternation is phonological or morphophonological. The 1Sg has no suffixal vowel (m could be taken as the fusion of /mm/, or conceivably as an apocopated realization of /mi/). (379) Imperfective paradigm category Impf  come  hit  roast, grill 1Sg m( wom( demam( simbom( 2Sg -m-uw wo-m-uw dema-m-uw simbo-m-uw 1Pl -m-iy wo-m-iy dema-m-iy simbe-m-iy 2Pl -m-iy wo-m-iy dema-m-iy simbe-m-iy 3Sg mu womu demamu simbomu 3Pl m[ wom[ demam[ simbemu C-final verbs like un  go have regular forms when the suffix complex contains a vowel, e.g. unmu  he/she goes =  you-Sg go . In the 1Sg, an epenthetic vowel is inserted to avoid a disallowed word-final consonant cluster, and the falling tone divides into its components: unum(  I go . The use of realis ya with the imperfective verb form is illustrated in (380). In (380a), the referent is observed arriving at the moment of speech and the realis particle is present. In (380bc), the action is either habitual (having occurred before the moment of speaking and expected to recur) or future. (380) a. ya womu Real come-Impf-3SgS  He/She is coming. (e.g. entering the doorway now) b. womu come-Impf-3SgS  He/She comes (regularly)  He/She will come. c. wa: womu morning come-Impf-3SgS  He/She comes (regularly) in the morning or:  He/She will come in the morning. Reduplicated imperfective absent I have not observed a reduplicated form of the imperfective. Immediate future -za- (-ze-) A form with -za- was discovered relatively late in the fieldwork on verbal morphology. It appears to be a kind of immediate future. My assistant explained that the context for this form is that the event in question should precede some other impending event. The immediate future can be indicative or imperative. The suffixal paradigm is (381), using the verb  go past . The indicative forms make use of regular imperfective suffixes added to za-. The imperative also uses regular endings. In the hortative, za- shifts to ze-. It was not possible to elicit negative forms. (381) a. indicative 1Sg na K-za-m  I will go past (before & ) 1Pl na K-za-m-i  we will go past (before & ) 2Sg na K-za-m-u  you-Sg will go past (before & ) 2Pl na K-za-m-i  you-Pl will go past (before & ) 3Sg na K-za-m-u  he/she/it will go past (before & ) 3Pl na K-za-m-[  they will go past (before & ) b. imperative Sg na K-za  go past (before & )! Pl na K-za-n  go past (before & )! c. hortative Sg na K-ze-ma  let s (you-Sg and I) go past (before & )! Pl na K-ze-ma-n  let s (all) go past (before & )! The form taken by the stem before -za- is illustrated in (382). Segmentally and tonally, this is the bare-stem form. (382) bare stem immediate future gloss a. wo wo-za-  come go go-za-  go out nT no-za-  go in tT to-za-  slash earth (to sow) b. zo zo-za-  bring zi n zi n-za-  take away c. ka: ka:-za-  shave ma : ma :-za-  make (bricks) na : na :-za-  spend night {LH}/{LH} d. un un-za-  go Yr[ Yre-za-  eat nd[ nde-za-  give na K na K-za-  go past tabu tabu-za-  touch ma:n[ ma:ne-za-  think gTlT gTlo-za-  do farm work nindiyo nindiyo-za-  listen Negation of indicative verbs Perfective negative li (y, 3Pl -n) Perfective negative li is added directly to the A/O-stem of the verb. Stem-final {[ T u} shift to a. However, there is no shift (optional or otherwise) of stem-final e to o. This is unusual, since other AN categories requiring the A/O-stem either require (imperative) this shift or allow it as an option for e-final verbs. The 3Pl-subject combination is irregular -n-(, and does shift stem-final e to o. For example, pele  (trap) spring has 3Sg pele-li-(, 1Sg pele-lu-m, and so forth, but 3Pl pelo-n-(. The perfective negative is the common negation of semantically perfective verbs. However, li may also be added to the experiential perfect and to the recent perfect, resulting in suffix complexes (see the immediately following sections). In the Astem, final underlying {[T} are realized as a. ufinal verbs also shift the final vowel to a (tabali  did not touch from tabu. The suffix li is L-toned following an entirely {H}-toned stem, and is H-toned otherwise (i.e. after {L}- ot {LH}-toned stem). Short-voweled monosyllabics split on a lexical basis into two tonal sets (383). As usual with this vestigial tonal distinction, there is some tonal variation in the data, but the data in (383ab) appear to be regular. Note that the two nT verbs ( hear and  go in ), and the two dT verbs ( insult and  arrive ) are tonally distinguished in the perfective negative. However, for the dT verbs the tonal distinction seems less consistent, and my informant sometimes repeats the same form with different tones. (383) Perfective negative (short-voweled monosyllabics) bare stem perfective negative gloss a. wo woli  come wT wali  see go goli  go out nT nT/ali  hear dT dT/ali  insult b. y[ yali  weep zo zoli  bring dT dT/ali  arrive, reach, approach tT tT/ali  slash earth (to sow) nT nT/ali  go in For longer stems, i.e. those with at least two moras, lexically {H} toned stems have a fully high-toned stem before low-toned li (384a), except that the few nCv and vCv stems are low-toned (384b). Lexically {LH} tone stems have a low-toned stem before high-toned li (384c), except that one type of Cv : monosyllabic keeps its lexical {LH} tone on the stem and has a low-toned suffix (384d). The three glottal-initial verbs split also split tonally (384e). (384) Perfective negative (stems of at least two moras) bare stem perfective negative gloss a. to: to:li  spit t[: t[yali  sprout ka: ka:li  shave un unli  go tolo tololi  pound (in mortar) obiyo obiyoli  sit b. nd[ ndali  give ubT ubali  pour abu abali  accept, receive c. ma : ma:li  make (bricks) der [ der ali  spend day gTlT gTlali  do farm work diy[ diyali  carry on head nindiyo nindiyoli  listen d. {LH}/{LH} verbs na : na :li  spend night na K naKali  pass e. Yr[ Yrali  eat (meal) Yl[ Ylali  go up Yl[ Ylali  ripen f. tabu tabali  touch manu manali  cook g. simbe simbeli  roast, grill cezo cezeli  cut (slice) ma:n[ ma:nali  think {H}/{L} While (383-4) are organized by tonal categories (and syllabic shape), it is also useful to reorganize the data (with some repetitions) focusing on stem-vocalism (385). (385) Perfective negative (vocalism) bare stem perfective negative gloss a. monosyllabics wo woli  come go goli  go out zo zoli  bring to: to:li  spit ka: ka:li  shave na : na :li  spend night {LH}/{LH} b. final {eo} unchanged pile pileli  fall niye niyeli  sleep gulo guloli  dig suwo suwoli  go down cezo cezoli  cut (slice) obiyo obiyoli  sit c. no change to vowel in nfinal stem un unli  go zi n zin-li  take away d. CoCo unchanged tolo tololi  pound (in mortar) e. stem-final [ ( a y[ yali  weep tib[ tibali  die der [ der ali  spend day dem[ demali  hit (with stick) c[d[ c[dali  gather firewood t[g[ t[gali  (rain) fall f. stem-final T ( a dTgT dTgali  leave dTdT dTdali  roast (on fire) gTlT gTlali  do farm work g. wT ( wa, otherwise monosyllabic CT ( Cwa [CT/a] wT wali  see nT nT/ali  hear dT dT/ali  insult dT dT/ali  arrive, reach, approach tT tT/ali  slash earth (to sow) nT nT/ali  go in h. t[:  sprout t[: t[yali  sprout i. CaCu ( CaCa tabu tabali  touch The irregular pronominal paradigm of li is in (386). The lateral l appears in the 1Sg and 3Sg, but we get y followed by a mid-height vowel {eo} in the 2Sg and merged 1Pl/2Pl forms. The 3Pl is phonologically consistent with an underlying /nu/ whose vowel initially gets a tone (parallel to that of 3Sg li(. The 3Pl suffix then apocopates its vowel, resulting in a contour tone expressed on the word-final syllable. We do get surface 3Pl nu with Cfinal stems like un  go (unnu  they did not go ). This 3Pl n should be distinguished from plural imperative n (after Cfinal stem ni). (386) Perfective negative paradigm category perfective negative  come  shave 1Sg lum ( lim wolum ka:lum 2Sg yo woyo ka:yo 1Pl ye woye ka:ye 2Pl ye woye ka:ye 3Sg li( woli( ka:li( 3Pl n( won( ka:n( Experiential perfect negative (-t[ra-li-) The negation of experiential perfect t[r[b[ or t[r[zo  have (ever/once) VPed , see 10.3.1.3 above, is t[rali ( have never VPed ). This contains perfective negative li. The vocalic change from -t[r[ to t[ra shows that this stem-like suffix, like true stems, takes the A/Ostem before the perfective negative suffix. The pronominal-suffix paradigm is the usual one for li. There is no trace of the b[ or zo element in the negation. (387) [bamakT na] unt[ralum [Bamako Loc] go-ExpPf-PerfNeg-1SgS  I have never gone to Bamako. Recent perfect negative (-za-li-) Recent perfect z[, which often has completive sense  have (recently) finished VPing (10.3.1.4), is negated as zali or zali. This contains perfective negative li, and follows the latter s pronominal-subject paradigm. Therefore 3Sg zali( is complemented by 3Pl zan(, 1Sg zalum, 2Sg zayu, etc. The sense is usually  have not finished VPing . As with other negatives, realis particle ya is absent. (388) bid[ bid[zalum work(n) work-RecPf-PerfNeg-1SgS  I have not finished working. While the positive form z[ is always low-toned, the negative suffix complex is variably zali or zali depending on the tone contour of the stem (388). Short-voweled monosyllabic stems are either low-toned before zali (388a) or high-toned before zali (388b), resulting in rhythmic alternations of high- and low-toned syllables. Longer {H} toned stems maintain the high tone to the stem-suffix boundary, followed by zali (388cd). Longer {LH} toned stems drop to all-low stem tones, followed by zali (388e).  Give has a low-toned stem in this combination (388f), and the three glottal-initial bisyllabics diverge tonally (388g). (389) bare stem RecPerf Neg gloss a. y[ y[zali  weep wo wozali  come go gozali  go out wT wTzali  see nT nTzali  hear dT dTzali  arrive, reach, approach dT dTzali  insult b. tT tTzali  slash earth (to sow) nT nTzali  go in zo zozali  bring c. to: to:zali  spit t[: t[:zali  sprout ka: ka:zali  shave na : na :zali  spend night {LH}/{LH} un unzali  go d. tolo tolozali  pound (in mortar) obiyo obiyozali  sit e. ma : ma:zali  make (bricks) der [ der [zali  spend day gTlT gTlTzali  do farm work diy[ diy[zali  carry on head na K naKzali  pass {LH}/{LH} niKir e niKir eza-li  (pebble) hurt (sb) {LH}/{LH} barm[ barm[zali  be wounded f. nd[ nd[zali  give ubT ubTzali  pour g. Yr[ Yr[zali  eat (meal) Yl[ Yl[zali  go up Yl[ Yl[zali  ripen h. tabu tabuzali  touch manu manuzali  cook i. simbe simbezali  roast, grill cezo cezozali  cut (slice) ma:n[ ma:n[zali  think {H}/{L} Imperfective negative nan, ran The basic imperfective negative form contains a suffix that appears variably as nan, ran, or (with final velar nasal) nan, ran. Only the n-initial variants occur after the few nfinal verbs such as un  go (unnan). The vast majority of verb stems are vowel-final, and for them there is much fluctuation among the variants, for one assistant even when repeating the same verb form. Although n usually alternates with r rather than with oral r, the r in the r-initial variants is not nasalized (the preceding vowel shows no sign of phonetic nasalization). Two verbs of conveyance that form an antonymic pair, viz. zo  bring and zi n  take away , have tonally irregular imperfective negative forms with the lexical tone on the stem and with low-toned suffix, instead of the regular pattern with all-low toned stem and high-toned suffix. For zo  bring the imperfective negative is zonan- ( zoran-. For zi n  take away the form is zinnan. For all other verbs, the suffix is H-toned when clause-final. However, it becomes <HL>-toned before a clause-final particle: de  if , wa (quotative), ma! (interrogative). The stem vocalism in the imperfective negative is that of the bare stem (3.5.1). There is one notable irregularity in the tonal contours: the two antonymic verbs of conveyance  bring and  take away (390b) have hightoned stem and lowtoned suffix. All other stems have alllow toned stem before high-toned suffix. (390) bare stem imperfective gloss negative a. y[ y[-nan-  weep wo wo-nan-  come wT wT-nan-  see go go-nan-  go out nT nT-nan-  hear nT nT-nan-  go in dT dT-nan-  arrive, reach dT dT-nan-  insult tT tT-nan-  slash earth (to sow) b. zo zonan  bring zi n zinnan  take away c. to: to:-nan-  spit t[: t[:-nan-  sprout ka: ka:-nan-  shave ma : ma:-nan-  make (bricks) na : na:-nan-  spend night {LH}/{LH} d. un un-nan-  go Yr[ Yr[-nan-  eat (meal) Yl[ Yl[-nan-  go up nd[ nd[-nan-  give e. ubT ubTnan  pour c[d[ c[d[-nan-  gather (firewood) tolo tolo-nan-  pound (in mortar) der [ der [-nan-  spend day gTlT gTlT-nan-  do farm work diy[ diy[-nan-  carry on head na K naKnan  pass {LH}/{LH} obiyo obiyo-nan-  sit barm[ barm[-nan-  be wounded irregular contraction b[l[ b[:-nan-  get , (819), (832), (843) [alongside regular b[l[nan, (679b)] f. tabu tabunan  touch manu manunan  cook g. simbe simbe-nan-  roast, grill cezo cezenan  pour h ma:n[ ma:n[nan  think {H}/{L} The pronominal-subject paradigm is (391). (391) Imperfective negative paradigm category imperfective negative 1Sg nam ~ ram 2Sg naru ~ raru 1Pl nari ~ rari 2Pl nari ~ rari 3Sg nan( ~ ran( ~ nan( ~ ran( (variants naK( etc. with final velar nasal) 3Pl nar[ ~ rar[ The alternation of H-toned and (before a particle) <HL>-toned suffixes is illustrated in (392). (392) a. wo-raK-( (wo-rar-[, wo-ra-m) come-ImpfNeg-3SgS (-3PlS, -1SgS)  He/She (they, I) won t come b. wo-raK-( (wo-rar-[, wo-ra-m) ma! come-ImpfNeg-3SgS Q  Won t he/she (they, I) come? Pronominal paradigms for indicative verbal categories Subject pronominal suffixes There are some differences in the form of pronominal-subject suffixes depending on the particular inflectional category. The most common forms for indicative categories (i.e. excluding imperatives and hortatives) are in (393). The 3Sg is zero. The 1Pl and 2Pl are not distinguished in the verb. (393) Most common pronominal-subject suffixes category suffix 1Sg m 2Sg w ~ u 1Pl y ~ i 2Pl y ~ i 3Sg ( 3Pl [ Pronominal-suffix paradigms for specific verb stems are given in the relevant sections in this chapter. Inanimate versus 3Sg subject The 3Sg form is used when the subject is a third person animate singular referent, or any inanimate referent (singular or plural). The examples (394ac) therefore have the same (zero-suffix) 3Sg verb form. (394) a. [ene g[] ya pile( [child Def.AnSg] Real fall.Perf-3SgS  The child fell. b. [cin wo] ya pile( [stone Def.AnSg] Real fall.Perf-3SgS  The stone fell. c. [cin g[] ya pile( [stone Def.AnSg] Real fall.Perf-3SgS  The stones fell. Logophoric use of (pseudo-)1Sg suffix The suffix m, morphologically indistinguishable from the 1Sg subject suffix, is used in (singular or plural) logophoric subject function for any pronominal person-number combination, as in 3Sg  shex told me [that shex had fallen] , 3Pl  theyx told me [that theyx had fallen] , and 2Sg  you-Sgx told me [that you-Sgx had fallen] . These appear as e.g. [theyx told me [fall.Perfective-1SgSx], though I will use the interlinear gloss  -LogoS rather than  1SgS. See 18.2.1.2 for a fuller discussion. A distinct construction (with a quotative-subject form preceding the verb) is used in nonlogophoric sentences like  they told me that I had fallen , see 17.1.1-2. Tones of subject pronominal suffixes The pronominal-subject suffixes do not have intrinsic tones. They combine tonally with the final vowel of the stem or of a preceding suffix. Stative (non-aspect-marking) derivatives of verbs The chief distinction between active (i.e. regular) verbs and stative verbs (in the broad sense) is that the former distinguish perfective from imperfective while the latter do not. Related to this is the fact that statives have a single negative form (with a distinctive stative negative suffix), in contrast to the distinct perfective negative and imperfective negative of active verbs. Progressive constructions are included here since, although they have clear semantic and morphological affinities to the (positive) imperfective, they are negated by the stative negative or by a related negative word. See also  be (somewhere) 11.2.2 and  have 11.5.1. These defective quasi-verbs are stative-like in the respects indicated above. Stative derived from active verb Many verbs that can be used as active verbs also have a derived stative form. We first focus on the phonological form of the stative. The major observation is that the stative is bisyllabic regardless of the syllabic shape of the input stem, though dT/a  be carrying on head (395b) requires some stretching of the notion of bisyllabicity. In (395a), a mediopassive suffix ye/y[/yo on a trisyllabic active verb is omitted to achieve bisyllabicity. In (395c), what was originally most likely the same mediopassive suffix is retained, since its omisson would result in a monosyllabic stem; this pattern makes (395b) all the more unusual. The more irregular stative in (395d) is also bisyllabic. (395e) shows that a Cv stem grows a second syllable (perhaps equatable with the mediopassive suffix, but here merely adding bulk). The stative requires the A/Ostem of the verb, which therefore always ends in a or o. j[liy[ becoming stative j[la illustrates the fact that mediopassive suffix -yv is omitted from the stative stem unless the suffix is part of a bisyllabic stem. Lexically {H} toned verbs appear as HL in the stative. Lexically {LH} verbs appear as LH. dT/a  be carrying on head (395b) is most likely trying to be LH, but because the w ([T/]) is nonsyllabic I cannot clearly hear a contour tone. I hear Yra  be standing (395e) as high-toned; here the initial  syllable is reduced, as in other glottal-initial stems. Statives in Yanda Dom are not reduplicated. (395) active gloss stative gloss a. obiyo  sit down obo  be sitting (seated) toziy[  squat tozo  be squatting bambiy[  put up on back bamba  have on one s back j[liy[  take hold of j[la  be holding in hand Yriy[  (come to a) stop Yra  be stopped b. diy[  carry on head dT/a  be carrying on head pa-yy[  be put together pa:  be joined, associated c. bi-yo  lie down bi-yo  be lying down piye  become shut piyo  (door) be shut d. kTdi-yT  be hung up kTda  be hanging (suspended) e. ce  (body part) hurt ceyo  be painful Some statives are clearly derived from intransitive active verbs, and denote the state resulting from e.g. a change in stance ( sit down (  be sitting, be in sitting position ). Other statives are derived from transitive verbs whose primary sense is of the type  take hold of X or  put X in carrying position , and are still transitive syntactically though they denote the resulting state ( put [baby] up on one s back and tie it securely with a cloth (  have [baby] in carrying position tied on one s back ). Stative  be shut (piyo) is derived from intransitive piye  (e.g. door) become shut , rather than (directly) from transitive pide  (someone) shut (door) . (396) category stative  be sitting  be holding in hand 1Sg m obom j[lam 2Sg w obow j[law 1Pl y oboy j[lay 2Pl y oboy j[lay 3Sg ( obo( j[la( 3Pl [ ob[: j[la[ ( j[l[: The combination of 3Pl [ with a stem-final a has been heard both as contracted [: and as a sequence a[ shading into ay[. In positive clauses, including interrogatives, a stative verb form is usually preceded by realis particle ya. Especially in truncated replies to questions, the particle is often omitted. (397) is a question-answer sequence. (397) Q: ya obo( ma Yra( Real sit.Stat-3SgS Q stand.Stat-3SgS  Is he/she sitting or standing? A: obo( sit.Stat-3SgS  (He/She is) sitting. Progressive constructions There are three progressive forms, each beginning with m added to the A/Ostem of the verb (e.g. stem-final o in simbo-m zo  is roasting from bare stem simbe). These forms denote activities in progress at the moment of speaking (or at a displaced reference time). The m form of the verb is probably related to imperfective m and it will be glossed accordingly, but the relationship may not be completely clear synchronically. Progressive (m zo-) The first of these is m zo (398). It is said to be common in the dialect of Yanda-Kou, but not in that of Yanda-Tourougo. The relationship of zo to zo  have and to perfective2 zo is rather unclear; in this combination I gloss it simply as progressive (abbreviation  Prog in interlinears). I write the progressive as two words; one could alternatively take it as a single long word with a suffix complex, or as a word ending in m followed by a cliticized auxiliary-like verb. (398) a. bid[ bidam zom work(n) work-Impf Prog-1SgS  I am working. b. [ene wo] za Yram zw[ [children Def.AnPl] meal eat.meal-Impf Prog-3PlS  The children are eating. With short-voweled monosyllabics, the suffix complex m zo follows a low-toned form of the stem. The effect is that high-toned m forms a rising-toned syllable with the stem segments (399ab). Longer {H} toned stems extend the high tone through the m suffix (399c), as in ur um zo  is going . Longer {LH} toned stems likewise have their lexical tones before the suffix complex (399d). (399) bare stem progressive gloss a. wo wom zo  come wT wam zo  see go gom zo  go out y[ yam zo  weep zo zom zo  bring ce cem zo  (body part) hurt b. tT tT/am zo  slash earth (to sow) kT kT/am zo  eat (crushed millet) nT nT/am zo  hear nT nT/am zo  go in dT dT/am zo  arrive, reach dT dT/am zo  insult c. to: to:-m zo  spit t[: t[ya-m zo  sprout ka: ka:-m zo  shave Yr[ Yra-m zo  eat (meal) Yl[ Yla-m zo  go up ubT uba-m zo  pour c[d[ c[da-m zo  gather (firewood) nd[ nda-m zo  give tolo tolo-m zo  pound (in mortar) obiyo obiyo-m zo  sit d. ma : ma :-m zo  make (bricks) na : na :-m zo  spend night {LH}/{LH} der [ der a-m zo  spend day gTlT gTla-m zo  do farm work diy[ diya-m zo  carry on head na K naKa-m zo  pass {LH}/{LH} f. un ur u-m zo  go g. simbe simbo-m zo  roast, grill cezo cezo-m zo  cut (slice) h. tabu taba-m zo  touch manu mana-m zo  cook ma:n[ ma:na-m zo  think {H}/{L} The pronominal-suffix paradigm is (400), with examples. 2Sg and 3Sg are homophonous. 3Pl allomorph [ combines with zo as zw[. (400) Progressive m zo paradigm category Impf  come  hit  roast, grill 1Sg m zom wom zom dema-m zom simbo-m zom 2Sg m zo( wom zo( dema-m zo( simbo-m zo( 1Pl m zoy wom zoy dema-m zoy simbo-m zoy 2Pl m zoy wom zoy dema-m zoy simbo-m zoy 3Sg m zo( wom zo( dema-m zo( simbo-m zo( 3Pl m zw[ wom zw[ dema-m zw[ simbo-m zw[ Progressive (m j[la-) A second combination with progressive sense is with m j[la ~ m g[la. This is the preferred progressive construction at least for Yanda-Tourougo village. An assistant could make no semantic distinction between this and the other progressive constructions just described (preceding sections), but the bisyllabic form of the final element makes it look more obviously like a two-word (and two-stem) combination. j[la can be equated with stative transitive j[la  be holding (something) , cf. active stem j[liy[  take hold of . An example of m j[la is (401). (401) anasa:ra tTK tTKam j[la( white.man writing write-Impf Prog-3SgS  The white man is writing. The verb has the same segmental and tonal shape as before mzo and m bo. Progressive (m bo-) A third combination with progressive sense is m bo. I can detect no semantic difference between m zo, m j[la, or m bo. An informant stated that m bo is more common but that both are used by the same speakers. Here imperfective m is followed by bo  be (existential-locative) . (402) a. [mi Hni:] inju diyam bo( [1SgP Hmother] water bathe-Impf be-3SgS  My mother is bathing. b. te: deKem bw[: firewood chop-Impf be-3PlS  They are chopping wood. The forms of the verb stem before m bo are identical, segmentally and tonally, to those with m zo (preceding section): obiyom bo  is sitting (down) , yam bo  is weeping , etc. Negation of stative verbs and progressive constructions Stative negative (-n) This pronominally inflectable suffix (or clitic) is used to negate stative verbs and some progressive constructions (those not based on the auxiliary verb  be ). The pronominal-subject paradigm is (403), with  not be sitting as the example. (403) category stative negative  not be sitting 1Sg num obonum 2Sg ru oboru 1Pl ri obori 2Pl ri obori 3Sg n( obon( 3Pl r[ oboniy[ Stative  (door) be open is expressed by the negation of  be shut , rather than by a stative directly derived from the reversive verb meaning  (door) become open . Thus piyon(  it is open (lit.  it is not shut ), compare pilliye  become open . Another conjugated stative negative clitic =la - occurs with some defective statives ([bu=la -  not want , 11.2.4) and with negative adjectival predicates (11.4.3). Negation of progressive constructions For the positive progressive forms, see 10.5., above. The forms m zo and m j[la are negated by adding stative negative n. The paradigms are in (404). The stem tones and vocalism are the same as in the positive counterparts. (404) Progressive negative mzon, mj[lan- paradigms category m zon m j[lan- 1Sg m zonum m j[lanum 2Sg m zoru m j[laru 1Pl m zori m j[lari 2Pl m zori m j[lari 3Sg m zon( m j[lan( 3Pl m zor[ m j[lar[ The third positive progressive form is m bo-, which is more readily segmentable into imperfective m plus existential-locative quasi-verb bo  be (somewhere), be present . It is negated by replacing bo by the latter s usual suppletive negative counterpart onu  not be (somewhere), be absent . The combination is therefore m onu, and the pronominal-suffix paradigm is the regular one for onu (11.2.2.2). (405) inju diyam onum water bathe-Impf not.be-1SgS  I am not bathing. Post-verbal temporal particles and clitics Past clitic (=b[) The pronominally conjugatable past clitic =b[ (which could alternatively be transcribed as a suffix) is added to certain verb stem forms to constitute a complex inflectional category (406). (406) =b[ added to& composite category bare stem past perfect imperfective m past imperfective (perfective2) past perfective2 (experiential perfect) past experiential perfect (recent perfect) past recent perfect (stative) past of statives (including  have ) (progressive) past progressive The pronominal-subject paradigm of =b[ is shown in (407). The clitic is variably toned depending on the particular inflectional category, and in the case of the past perfect depending on the verb stem. (407) category form with =b[ low toned high toned 1Sg =b[m =b[m 2Sg =b[w ( =bTw =b[w ( =bTw 1Pl =b[y =b[y 2Pl =b[y =b[y 3Sg =b[( =b[( 3Pl =ba =ba In positive inflectional categories, only the =b[ clitic is pronominally inflected. In negative versions of some of these categories, both the preceding inflected stem and the past clitic are pronominally inflected (double conjugation). There are also numerous unusual tonal patterns in the past combinations. Past perfect (positive and negative) Suffix (or clitic) =b[ is added directly to the bare stem (allowing for tonal changes) to form a past perfect ( had VPed ). Functionally, the bare stem here plays the role of the perfective. With the perception verbs  see and  hear , it is used as an ordinary perfective ( saw ,  heard ). Representative forms are in (408). For short-voweled monosyllabics (408ab), there is a tonal split essentially as with the perfective2 and the perfective negative. The two tonal types of Cv : verb also split tonally (408c). For {H} toned verbs of more than one mora (408d), the high tone usually extends to the stem-suffix boundary. For {LH} toned verbs of more than one mora (408e), the stem takes low-toned form before high-toned suffix. (408) bare stem past perfect gloss a. wo wo=b[  come wT wT=b[  see go go=b[  go out nT nT=b[  hear dT dT=b[  arrive, reach, approach b. y[ y[=b[  weep tT tT=b[  slash earth (to sow) nT nT=b[  go in zo zo=b[  bring dT dT=b[  insult c. to: to:=b[  spit t[: t[:=b[  sprout ka: ka:=b[  shave un un=b[  go Yr[ Yr[=b[  eat (meal) ubT ubT=b[  pour nd[ nd[=b[  give tolo tolo=b[  pound (in mortar) obiyo obiyo=b[  sit d. ma : ma:=b[  make (bricks) der [ der [=b[  spend day gTlT gTlT=b[  do farm work diy[ diy[=b[  carry on head nindiyo nindiyo=b[  listen e. {LH}/{LH} na : na :=b[  spend night na K na K=b[  pass f. Yl[ Yl[=b[  go up g. simbe simbe=b[  roast, grill cezo cezo=b[  cut (slice) h. tabu tabu=b[  touch manu manu=b[  cook ma:n[ ma:n[=b[  think {H}/{L} The positive forms are not doubly conjugated. For example, the paradigm of der [=b[  had spent the day is (409). Only the clitic is conjugated. (409) subject  had spent the day 1Sg der [=b[m 2Sg der [=b[w 1Pl der [=b[y 2Pl der [=b[y 3Sg der [=b[( 3Pl der [=ba The corresponding negation is based on the perfective negative (li and allomorphs), which supports the view expressed above that the bare stem in the positive forms functions as a substitute for the perfective stem. The negative forms are doubly conjugated for pronominal subject (410). The conjugated clitic is added to the already conjugated perfective negative form. Lexically {H} toned stems like  pound (in mortar) have their usual all-high stem tone contour followed by low-toned perfective negative suffix. Lexically {LH} tones like  spend day have their usual all-low stem tone contour before the suffix, and the suffix itself is low-toned before =b[ (it is high-toned in the regular perfective negative: der ali(  he/she did not spend the day ). (410) subject  had not spent the day  had not pounded (in mortar) 1Sg der alim=b[m tololim=b[m 2Sg der ayu=b[w toloyu=b[w 1Pl der ayi=b[y toloyi=b[y 2Pl der ayi=b[y toloyi=b[y 3Sg der ali(=b[( tololi(=b[( (usually truncated to & l(=b[() 3Pl der an(=ba tolon(=ba The past perfect, positive or negative, is used in the antecedent ( if ) clause of counterfactual conditionals. See 16.4 for examples. Past imperfective (positive and negative) The past imperfective ( was VPing ,  used to VP ,  was about to VP ) is based on adding =b[ to the high-toned word-final m allomorph of the imperfective morpheme. This is the allomorph used in progressive constructions with a following auxiliary verb (10.5.2). The past clitic is low-toned. (411) bare stem past imperfective gloss a. wo wom=b[  come wT wam=b[  see go gom=b[  go out nT nT/am=b[  hear dT dT/am=b[  arrive, reach b. y[ yam=b[  weep zo zom=b[  bring tT tT/am=b[  slash earth (to sow) nT nT/am=b[  go in dT dT/am=b[  insult c. to: to:m=b[  spit t[: t[yam=b[  sprout ka: ka:m=b[  shave Yr[ Yram=b[  eat (meal) Yl[ Ylam=b[  go up ubT ubam=b[  pour c[d[ c[dam=b[  gather (firewood) nd[ ndam=b[  give tolo tolom=b[  pound (in mortar) obiyo obiyom=b[  sit d. ma : ma :m=b[  make (bricks) na : na :m=b[  spend night {LH}/{LH} der [ der am=b[  spend day gTlT gTlam=b[  do farm work diy[ diyam=b[  carry on head na K naKa-m=b[  pass {LH}/{LH} nindiyo nindiyom=b[  listen e. un ur um=b[  go f. simbe simbom=b[  roast, grill cezo cezom=b[  cut (slice) g. tabu tabam=b[  touch manu manam=b[  cook ma:n[ ma:nam=b[  think {H}/{L} In the positive conjugation the imperfective form with m does not vary by pronominal-subject category: 3Sg tolom=b[(  he/she was pounding (in a mortar) , 1Sg tolom=b[m, 2Sg tolom=b[w, 1Pl = 2Pl tolom=b[y, 3Pl tolom=ba. The corresponding negation is based on a version of the A/O stem of the verb (unconjugated and with no further suffixation), plus the conjugated perfective negative form of the past clitic. (412) subject  was not pounding 1Sg tolo:=balum 2Sg tolo:=bayu 1Pl tolo:=baye 2Pl tolo:=baye 3Sg tolo:=bali( 3Pl tolo:=ban( The exact form taken by the A/Ostem in these negative forms calls for further comment. The tone contour of the stem is that of the (conjugated) imperfective. The stem vocalism is also that of the (conjugated) imperfective, specially that used with 3Sg mu and with 1Sg m(. A stem-final short vowel is lengthened (a process found, in verbal morphology, only in imperfective and stative verbs before past =b[). These morphophonological details and the categorial context strongly suggest that these negative forms originally contained imperfective *m (in low-toned form and without pronominal conjugation) preceding the past clitic. The subsequent loss of this nasal led to (compensatory) lengthening of the stem-final vowel. The lengthening is also found in the past form of statives (10.6.1.6, below), and the imperfective relative form (14.1.7.2). Further examples of stem-shapes in this construction are in (413). (413) bare stem past Impf Neg (3Sg) gloss a. wo wo:=bali(  come wT wa:=bali(  see y[ ya:=bali(  weep go go:=bali(  go out nT nT/a:=bali(  go in nT nT/a:=bali(  hear zo zo:=bali(  bring b. to: to:=bali(  spit ka: ka:=bali(  shave c. ma : ma:=bali(  make (bricks) na : na:=bali(  spend night {LH}/{LH} d. un ur o:=bali(  go nd[ nda:=bali(  give t[: t[ya:=bali(  sprout e. Yr[ Yra:=bali(  eat (meal) Yl[ Yla:=bali(  go up tolo tolo:=bali(  pound (in mortar) ubT uba:=bali(  pour obiyo obiyo:=bali(  sit f. der [ der a:=bali(  spend day gTlT gTla:=bali(  do farm work diy[ diya:=bali(  carry on head na K naKa:=bali  pass {LH}/{LH} nindiyo nindiyo:=bali(  listen g. tabu taba:=bali(  touch manu mana:=bali(  cook h. simbe simbo:=bali(  roast, grill ma:n[ ma:na:=bali  think {H}/{L} The past imperfective, positive or negative, is used in the consequent clause clause of counterfactual conditionals. See 16.4 for examples. Past =b[ with perfective2 & not! An informant rejected combinations of =b[ with perfective2 zo (10.3.1.2). Past =b[ is part of the experiential perfect (positive only) Past clitic =b[ is presumably part of the experiential perfect suffix combination t[r[b[  have (ever/once) VPed (10.3.1.3), but it is absent from its negative counterpart t[rali  have never VPed (10.3.3.2). Past recent perfect z[=b[ Past =b[ can combine with recent perfect z[  have just VPed or  have (just) finished VPing (10.3.1.4). The result is past recent perfect z[=b[  had just VPed or  had (just) finished VPing (i.e. recent past with respect to a prior temporal reference point). The tone contours of the stem with simple z[ and with z[=b[ are distinct (414). The simple z[ morpheme itself is always low-toned, and short-voweled monosyllabic verbs have high tone before it; by contrast, the z[ in z[=b[ is variably high or low toned, and the short-voweled monosyllabic verbs split into high- and low-toned sets before it (414ab). With longer stems, if the lexical tone contour is {H} we normally get z[=b[ after an all-high toned stem (414c). If the lexical tone contour is {LH}, and also in the case of {JH} toned vCv and nCv stems, we get an all-low toned stem plus z[=b[ (414de). (414) bare stem Rec Perf past Rec Perf gloss a. wo woz[ woz[=b[  come wT wTz[ wTz[=b[  see go goz[ goz[=b[  go out nT nTz[ nTz[=b[  hear y[ y[z[ y[z[=b[  weep dT dTz[ dTz[=b[  insult dT dTz[ dTz[=b[  arrive, reach, approach b. tT tTz[ tTz[=b[  slash earth (to sow) nT nTz[ nTz[=b[  go in zo zoz[ zoz[=b[  bring c. to: to:z[ to:z[=b[  spit t[: t[:z[ t[:z[=b[  sprout ka: ka:z[ ka:z[=b[  shave un unz[ unz[=b[  go Yr[ Yr[z[ Yr[z[=b[  eat (meal) tabu tabuz[ tabuz[=b[  touch tolo toloz[ toloz[=b[  pound (in mortar) simbe simbez[ simbez[=b[  roast, grill obiyo obiyoz[ obiyoz[=b[  sit d. Yl[ Yl[z[ Yl[z[=b[  go up ubT ub[z[ ubTz[=b[  pour nd[ nd[z[ nd[z[=b[  give e. ma : ma :z[ ma:z[=b[  make (bricks) na : na :z[ na:z[=b[  spend night {LH}/{LH} der [ der [z[ der [z[=b[  spend day gTlT gTlTz[ gTlTz[=b[  do farm work diy[ diy[z[ diy[z[=b[  carry on head na K na Kz[ naKz[=b[  pass {LH}/{LH} manu manuz[ manuz[=b[  cook nindiyo nindiyoz[ nindiyoz[=b[  listen ma:n[ ma:n[z[ ma:n[z[=b[  think {H}/{L} The past recent perfect negative is doubly-conjugated. The verb stem itself has the relevant conjugated form of the recent perfect negative (10.3.3.3). This is followed by the usual (positive) conjugated form of the past clitic. (415) subject  had not finished pouring  had not finished pounding 1Sg ubTzalum=b[m tolozalum=b[m 2Sg ubTzayu=b[w tolozayu=b[w 1Pl ubTzayi=b[y tolozayi=b[y 2Pl ubTzayi=b[y tolozayi=b[y 3Sg ubTzali=b[( tolozali(=b[( 3Pl ubTzan(=ba tolozan(=ba Final vowels preceding =b[ in this construction are often elided, especially in the 3Sg. For example, ubTzali=b[( in the table above can be reduced to ubTzal(=b[(. When this reduction applies to the 2Sg and to the 1Pl/2Pl forms, the result is that the clitic carries the burden of distinguishing 2Sg from 1Pl/2Pl. Past forms of derived and underived stative verbs Statives in the general sense are defined by their inability to distinguish perfective from imperfective. These verbs therefore make use of past =b[ to distinguish states that are currently valid from those that were valid in some time interval in the past. This includes both derived stative forms of otherwise active verbs ( sit ,  open ,  carry ), and the specialized stative quasi-verbs with senses like  be (somewhere) and  have . (416) Past of statives stative past stative gloss a. derived stative forms obo obo:=b[  was sitting Yra Yra:=b[  be standing biyo biyo:=b[  was lying down bamba bamba:=b[  had (child) on the back dT/a dT/a:=b[  had (load) on the head piyo piyo:=b[  (door) was shut b. specialized statives zo zo:=b[  have j[la j[la:=b[  hold, have Thus obo:=b[m  I was standing (=  I was in standing position ), Ylo ya j[la:=b[m  I had a house . The whole word is subject to tone-dropping to {L} except immediately after ya. The long vowel is often shortened when L-toned. The negatives are in (417). The verb stems have the same lengthening as in (416). (417) Past negative of statives stative past stative gloss a. derived stative forms obo obo:=bali  was sitting Yra Yra:=bali  be standing biyo biyo:=bali  was lying down bamba bamba:=bali  had (child) on the back dT/a dT/a:=bali  had (load) on the head piyo piyo:=bali  (door) was shut b. specialized statives zo zo:=bali  have j[la j[la:=bali  hold, have Past forms of progressive constructions Three progressive constructions, each involving imperfective m on the main verb followed by a conjugated auxiliary, are described (in positive forms) in 10.5.2, above. The auxiliaries zo and j[la can be combined with the conjugated past clitic. Auxiliary bo  be is replaced by its past counterpart b[, forming a combination that is identical to the past imperfective. (418) Past of progressive constructions a. m zo m zo=b[ m j[la m j[la=b[ b. m bo m b[ Especially in m j[la=b[, an informant occasionally lengthened the stem-final a, as is regular for true statives. Examples are in (419). (419) a. bid[ bida-m zo=b[( work(n) work-Impf Prog=Past-3SgS  He/She was working. b. toK tTKam j[la=b[( writing write-Impf Prog=Past-3SgS  He/She was writing. c. inju diyam b[( water bathe-Impf Past-3SgS  He/She was bathing. negative  Still ,  up to now ,  (not) yet (namba) Temporal adverbial phrases meaning  still and  (not) yet are based on a stem namba whose basic sense is  up to now . Attested combinations for positive  still are namba la (with la  also, too , 19.1.3) namba kanda (with kanda  even , 16.2.1), and iye namba (with iye  today ). namba may be a frozen combination including locative postposition ba (8.2.3). The other part is perhaps obscurely related to the  now adverbs: nim[m, ni:, and ni: gay. namba can be used by itself in a negative context to express  (not) yet or  still (not) . (420) namba wo-li-( up.to.now come-PerfNeg-3SgS  He/She hasn t come yet. Imperatives and hortatives For imperative, prohibitive, and hortative verbs forms within quotations, see 17.1.5 below. Imperatives and prohibitives Positive imperatives (imperative stem, plural n) The imperative stem consists segmentally of the A/Ostem (3.5.1). It therefore ends in either o or a (except for the one consonant-final verb,  go ). Note especially the vocalism of (421b) and the stem-final o vowels in (421ef). The tone for the imperative stem is high for all Cv stems and for all lexically {H}toned stems. It is {LH} for lexically {LH}toned stems. (See below for tone-dropping in verb chains.) The bare imperative stem is used for singular addressee. A suffix n is added to this stem to form the plural-addressee imperative. (421) bare stem imperative gloss Sg Pl a. wo wo won  come go go gon  go out b. wT wa wan  see y[ ya yan  weep nT nT/a nT/an  go in tT tT/a tT/an  slash earth (to sow) c. to: to: to:n  spit ka: ka: ka:n  shave Yr[ Yra Yran  eat (meal) Yl[ Yla Ylan  go up ubT uba uban  pour tolo tolo tolon  pound (in mortar) puguzT puguza puguza-n  scrub lightly d. ma : ma : ma :n  make (bricks) na : na : na :n  spend night {LH}/{LH} der [ der a der an  spend day gTlT gTla gTlan  do farm work diy[ diya diyan  carry on head na K naKa naKa-n  pass {LH}/{LH} nindiyo nindiyo nindiyon  listen e. simbe simbo simbon  roast, grill obiyo obiyo obiyon  sit cezo cezo cezon  cut (slice) f. tabu taba taban  touch manu mana manan  cook g. un un unni  go zo zo: zo:n  bring nd[ ndi ndin  give t[: t[ya t[yan  sprout ma:n[ ma:na ma:nan  think {H}/{L} The forms in (421g) have various irregularities.  Go is the only consonant-final verb stem so the plural n suffix has to grow a vowel. For  sprout , a slightly abstract underlying /t[y[/ for the bare stem would account for the imperative. The imperative stem of  give is irregular both segmentally and tonally; of course this is an extremely high-frequency imperative. In direct verb chains, where only the final verb is inflected, the imperative verb is tone-dropped. Compare pile suwo  fall down as part of a larger chain in (422a) with imperative pile suwo in (422b). The newly {L}-toned imperative verb is then subject to Rhythmic Tone-Raising, which accounts for the initial-syllable H-tone in (422c). (422) a. pile suwo b[la-m-u fall go.down get-Impf-3SgS  He/She can fall down. b. pile Lsuwo fall Lgo.down.Imprt  Fall down-2Sg! c. wo Ltiga come Llook.Imprt  Come-2Sg look! In (801) in Text 2, imperative nan-ja  go up on is {L}-toned after a heavy PP. So the {L}-toned imperative may be conditioned by the presence of heavy preceding material. Imperatives of transitive verbs have their regular transitive syntax; in particular, they may take accusative pronouns as direct objects. (423) nay dema 3Sg-Acc hit.Imprt  Hit-2Sg him/her! Prohibitives (la, plural lan) Prohibitives are negative counterparts to imperatives. The basic prohibitive suffix is la, which is used without further morphology for singular addressee ( don t-2Sg come! ). For plural subject the same n suffix observed in positive imperatives (see preceding section) is added. The verb is in bare-stem form. Short-voweled Cv stems split into low- and high-toned sets (424ab), as in the perfective negative and some other inflectional categories. The suffix la becomes H-toned after a {L}-toned stem. Longer {H} toned stems maintain the high tone to the stem-suffix boundary, followed by low-toned -la (424c). Verbs with lexical L-tone onset drop to all {L}, except that Cv : and Cv C stems split into two sets, those in (424d) dropping to {L} while those in (424e) retain the rise. The three glottal-initial verbs also split tonally (424f), while the short bisyllabics (vCv and nCv) take low-toned form (424g). All stems that drop to {L}-tone are followed by H-toned suffix -la (plural -la-n). (424) bare stem prohibitive gloss Sg Pl a. wo wola wolan  come wT wTla wTlan  see go go-la go-lan  go out y[ y[la y[lan  weep nT nola nTlan  hear dT dola dTlan  arrive, reach b. nT nTla nTlan  go in tT tTla tTlan  slash earth (to sow) dT dTla dTlan  insult zo zola zolan  bring c. to: to:la to:lan  spit ka: ka:la ka:lan  shave un unla unlan  go tolo tolola tololan  pound (in mortar) d. ma : ma:la ma:lan  make (bricks) der [ der [la der [lan  spend day gTlT gTlTla gTlTlan  do farm work diy[ diy[la diy[lan  carry on head nindiyo nindiyola nindiyolan  listen e. {LH}/{LH} na : na :la na :lan  spend night na K na Kla na Kla-n  pass f. Yr[ Yr[la Yr[lan  eat (meal) Yl[ Yl[la Yl[lan  ripen Yl[ Yl[la Yl[lan  go up g. ubT ubTla ubTlan  pour abu abula abulan  accept, receive nd[ nd[la nd[lan  give h. simbe simbela simbelan  roast, grill obiyo obiyola obiyolan  sit cezo cezola cezolan  cut (slice) i. tabu tabula tabulan  touch manu manula manulan  cook j. t[: t[:la t[:lan  sprout ma:n[ ma:n[la ma:n[la-n  think {H}/{L} Positive hortatives (-ma, plural -man) Exhortations of the type  let s go! may be directed to one addressee or to a group of two or more addressees. Although the speaker includes himself in the projected action, the choice between morphologically singular and morphologically nonsingular hortative forms depends on the number of addressees. For a single addressee, the hortative suffix ma is used without further marking. This is what would usually be called a first dual inclusive hortative:  let s (=you-Sg and I]) go! . For multiple addressees, the plural suffix n also found with imperatives and prohibitives is added, forming a suffix sequence man. If the verb stem is {L}-toned in the hortative, ma becomes H-toned (plural man). The hortative form with ma is morphophonologically very closely related to the prohibitive with la. (425) is therefore a copy of the corresponding table for the prohibitive with m replacing l. The verb takes the bare-stem form. (425) bare stem hortative gloss Sg Pl a. wo woma woman  come wT wTma wTman  see go go-ma go-man  go out y[ y[ma y[man  weep nT noma nTman  hear dT doma dTman  arrive, reach b. nT nTma nTman  go in tT tTma tTman  slash earth (to sow) dT dTma dTman  insult c. to: to:ma to:man  spit ka: ka:ma ka:man  shave un unma unman  go tolo toloma toloman  pound (in mortar) obiyo obiyoma obiyoman  sit d. {LH}/{LH} na K na Kma na Kma-n  pass na : na :ma na :man  spend night e. ma : ma:ma ma:man  make (bricks) der [ der [ma der [man  spend day gTlT gTlTma gTlTman  do farm work diy[ diy[ma diy[man  carry on head nindiyo nindiyoma nindiyoman  listen f. Yr[ Yr[ma Yr[man  eat (meal) Yl[ Yl[ma Yl[man  go up g. ubT ubTma ubTman  pour abu abuma abuman  accept, receive nd[ nd[ma nd[man  give h. simbe simbema simbeman  roast, grill cezo cezoma cezoman  cut (slice) i. tabu tabuma tabuman  touch manu manuma manuman  cook j. zo zoma zoman  bring k. t[: t[:ma t[:man  sprout ma:n[ ma:n[ma ma:n[ma-n  think {H}/{L} na :ma (to singular addressee) and na :man (to multiple addressee), literally  let s spend the night! (425d), are also  good morning! greetings (19.6). Forms with H-toned ma combine with following Quotative particle wa as ma wa. As with other combinations involving otherwise L(L& )H predicates and a following particle, we can account for the tones either by reducing L(L& )H to {L} before a particle and allowing Rhythmic Tone-Raising to affect the particle, or by transferring the final H-tone directly to the particle. Thus gTlTma  let s cultivate (crops)! , but gTlTma wa  said:  let s cultivate! This does not apply to plural man, hence gTlTman wa. An interesting construction consists of hortative ji-ma from a specialized auxiliary verb ji-. It encourages the addressee to do something, while implying that the speaker will join in later. See (833) in Text 4 for a good example. Hortative negative (-mela, plural -melan) The hortative negative form ( let s not go! ) is expressed by mela when addressed to one addressee, and by melan when addressed to more than one addressee. If the stem is {L}-toned in this form, the la suffix becomes H-toned, hence mela and melan. (426) bare stem hortative negative gloss Sg Pl a. wo womela womelan  come wT wTmela wTmelan  see go gomela gomelan  go out y[ y[mela y[melan  weep nT nTmela nT-melan  hear dT dTmela dT-melan  arrive, reach b. nT nTmela nTmelan  go in tT tTmela tTmelan  slash earth (to sow) dT dTmela dTmelan  insult c. to: to:mela to:melan  spit ka: ka:mela ka:melan  shave un unmela unmelan  go tolo tolomela tolomelan  pound (in mortar) d. ma : ma:mela ma:melan  make (bricks) der [ der [mela der [melan  spend day gTlT gTlTmela gTlTmelan  do farm work diy[ diy[mela diy[melan  carry on head e. na : na :mela na :melan  spend night f. Yr[ Yr[mela Yr[melan  eat (meal) Yl[ Yl[mela Yl[melan  go up g. ubT ubTmela ubTmela-n  pour abu abumela abumela-n  accept, receive nd[ nd[mela nd[melan  give h. simbe simbemela simbemelan  roast, grill obiyo obiyomela obiyomelan  sit cezo cezomela cezomelan  cut (slice) i. ma:n[ ma:n[mela ma:n[mela-n  think {H}/{L} Indirect imperative with third person subject The construction for wishes and curses of the type  May God [verb] [NP]! is exemplified in (427). The verb is imperative in form, but it has amba  God as logical subject. The construction has some resemblance to embedded imperatives (jussive complements) of the type  Tell X to VP! , but the two constructions are not identical; that in (427) does not use quotative qubject particle wa after the subject NP or after the imperative verb. (427) a. amba [o Hber a] udo kana God [2Sg HDat] be.better make.Imprt  May God relieve you! (to a sick person) b. amba oy pa:ba God 2Sg-Acc protect.Imprt  May God protect you! (e.g. on a voyage or other activity) The imperative verb form, always singular, is used in quoted imperatives (17.1.5.1). There is no special indirect-imperative verb form. Indirect imperative with implied 1Sg subject The imperative form can be used in polar (yes/no) question form as a response to an imperfectly heard or understood call by another speaker. There is no overt 1Sg subject marking. (428) wo ma! come.Imprt Q  (Do you want) me to come? Indirect or quoted hortative There is no special variant of the hortative used in quotations. For quoted hortatives using the regular hortative verb form for singular addressee, see 17.1.5.2. VP and predicate structure Regular verbs and VP structure Verb types (valency) As in other Dogon languages, the distinction between intransitive and transitive verbs is complicated by the frequency of cognate nominals in object-like function (11.1.5.1-2). For example,  weep is normally expressed as yaK y[, literally  weep (some) weeping . A further complication is that overt accusative marking is generally limited to animates. There are also a number of subject-verb and (noncognate) object-verb collocations with low-referentiality NPs (11.1.4-5). Syntactic transitivity (the ability to govern an object) is compatible with the mediopassive morphological category (9.3.1). In particular, verbs of holding and carrying regularly take objects but are often mediopassive in form. Perception verbs like wT  see are simple transitives and can take accusative objects. Motion verbs ( go ,  go in ,  go out , etc.) are intransitive verbs that usually take a locational complement in the form of a locative PP or a demonstrative adverb. Transitive verbs with senses like  put and  convey also take locational complements.  X give/show Y to Z is normally expressed as a transitive  X give/show Z , with the theme Y expressed (if at all) as a non-case-marked adjunct. The indirect object of dama  speak, say is usually instrumental-comitative in form, though for other verbs indirect objects have dative form. These points are illustrated in (429). (429) a. [ene a-y [] ya bambi-y[-( [child 3ReflSg-Poss.AnSg] Real carry.on.back-MP.Perf-3SgS  She carried her baby (on her back). b. oy wa-li-( 2Sg-Acc see-PerfNeg-3SgS  He/She didn t see you. c. [bamakT na] un-m-u [Bamako Loc] go-Impf-3SgS  He/She is going to Bamako. d. maKgoro oy nd[-( / damd[-( mango 2SgS-Acc give.Perf-3SgS  He/She gave/showed you a mango. e. [o mi] Yre dam-a [2Sg Inst] what? give.Perf-3PlS  What did they say to you-Sg? Valency of causatives As in most languages, causatives of intransitive inputs are treated as simple transitives. The causative of a transitive has two objects. Frequently the lower-clause object is inanimate so it lacks accusative marking, but if it happens to be animate we can get two accusatives, as in (430c). (430) a. miy ya zTbT-m[-( 1Sg-Acc Real run-Caus.Perf-3SgS  He/She made me run. b. maKgoro miy ya mir [-m[-( mango 1Sg-Acc Real eat.sth.soft-Caus.Perf-3SgS  He/She made me eat a mango. c. miy oy ya bundo-m[-( 1Sg-Acc 2Sg-Acc Real hit-Caus.Perf-3SgS  He/She gave/showed you a mango. Verb Phrase VP as a syntactic category is most evident in the syntax of VP-chains (chapter 15). Fixed subject-verb combinations (including pseudo-subjects) Certain noun-verb collocations involve a subject noun that is rarely determined or quantified and could be described as a pseudo-subject. The noun ba occurs, without a determiner, in collocations involving transitions from night to day or from rainy season to dry season, and vice versa. The meaning of ba is therefore difficult to abstract from the collocations. Its original sense was probably  (cloudy/rainy) weather , cf. compounds ba-ur a  mist, fog and ba-zubu  dusty haze . If so, the older collocations are those denoting the onset and end of the rainy season, and those relating to the day/night boundary are newer extensions. However, the subject-verb collocations with ba have close syntactic-semantic matches in other Dogon languages, even with noncognae nouns such as Jamsay yaru. (431) Collocations with ba collocation gloss verb s usual sense a. time of day, season ba tiK[  be wee hours (1-4 AM)  pass or  become ba na :  day break  spend the night ba der [  night fall  spend the day ba go  spend the whole rainy season  go out, exit b. season (noun uncompounded) ba dT  rainy season begin  arrive, approach ba go  rainy season end  go out c. season (noun compounded with cognate nominal) ba-dT dT  rainy season arrive  arrive, approach ba-golo go  rainy season end  go out There are many other collocations expressing time of day or seasons, but in most of them the subject is more clearly referential than with ba. In (432), the subject noun by itself can denote the time or season. (432) More time/season collocations a. with motion verb gTw nT  cold season begin  enter zer a suwo  rainy season happen  come down b. with izuge  sun izuge ba n  be (in) the hot season  turn red ,  beat A different type of subject-verb collocation involves a body-part term. The most common partonym is cinda  liver, liver-heart complex as the seat of the emotions. This noun, and ki-kinde  shadow; image , are treated syntactically as possessed nouns (433). The verb takes 3Sg subject form, presumably agreeing with  liver or  shade . (433) a. niKa: [cinda Ymo] ya lTg[-( yesterday [liver 1SgP.InanSg] Real overflow.Perf-3SgS  I became furious yesterday. (<  My liver overflowed ) b. niKa: [sa ydu Lcinda] ya lTg[-( yesterday [Seydou Lliver] Real overflow.Perf-3SgS  Seydou became furious yesterday. c. [ki-kinde Ymo] ya go/e-( [shadow 1SgP.InanSg] Real go.out.Perf-3SgS  I was startled. (<  My shadow/soul went out. ) The main intransitive collocations involving  liver are in (434a), with X as possessor and semantic experiencer. Causatives can readily be formed, making the possessed partonym into an object (434b). (434) a. [X Lcinda] Kgil[  X feel mild nausea (<  stand up ) [X Lcinda] lTgT  X become furious (<  overflow ) [X Lcinda] ya m  X be saddened, devastated) (<  ruin ) [X Lcinda] ce:zi-ye  X calm down (<  cool ) [X Lcinda] [l[-ndi-y[  X become happy (<  be sweet ) b. Y [X Lcinda] [l[-ndi-y[-m[  Y make X happy To test whether the apparent subject NPs in the subject-verb collocations covered here are true subjects, we can see what happens when the clauses in question occur in quotations. Converting ordinary main clauses into quotative complements is instructive. In (435), we see that quotative particle wa cannot follow the apparent subject. It can only occur finally in such clauses (17.1.3). In addition, temporal-setting adverbs  now and  yesterday , which must follow true subject NPs in quotative clauses, can still precede the apparent subjects. This and other subject tests (including focalization) suggest that these are pseudo-subjects, i.e. that they do not have full subject properties. (435) a. ni: ba ( #wa) ya go/e wa now weather (#QuotS) Real go.out.Perf Quot  (X) said,  the rainy season has gone out (=ended) now.  b. ni: gTw ( #wa) ya nT/[ wa now cold.season (#QuotS) Real go.in.Perf Quot  (X) said,  the cold season has come in (=begun) now.  c. niKa: [sa ydu Lcinda ( #wa)] ya lTg[ wa yesterday [Seydou Lliver (#QuotS)] Real overflow.Perf Quot  (X) said,  Seydou became furious yesterday.  cinza  nose occurs in two collocations, once by itself and once as a compound initial ( nosebleed ). Unlike the preceding examples, those with cinza do not involve overt possession. Instead, the human referent functions independently as subject, as shown especially by the verb form. In (436b), Seydou is not the possessor of  nose as can be seen by comparison with (436a). Therefore  nose and  nosebleed lack even the limited subject properties of e.g.  liver in the preceding examples. (436) a. cinza ya umb(w)e-m nose Real blow.nose.Perf-1SgS  I blew my nose. b. sa ydu cinza ya umb(w)e-( Seydou nose Real blow.nose.Perf-3SgS  Seydou blew his nose. b. niKa: cinza-den ya go/e-m yesterday nosebleed Real go.out.Perf-1SgS  Yesterday I had a nosebleed. Fixed verb-object combinations Examples of verb-object collocations (other than those with cognate nominals) are in (437). The extent to which the nominal is referential varies from one combination to the next. Only the more referential objects can be focalized or pronominalized. (437) Noncognate object/verb collocations a. verb has no other sense omzu umbulo  urinate omzu  urine , arguably cognate b. verb has accidental homophone inju diy[  bathe inju  water , homonym di-y[  carry on head c. verb has broad or multiple senses gi-de n niy e  sleep gi-de n  sleep(n) , niy e  freeze, solidify sumzu to:  spit sumzu  saliva , to:  take, pick up kTmbT ta:  wage war kTmbT  war , ta:  shoot mbo sa:  answer mbo  mouth (archaic), sa: occurs in several collocations Formal relationships between cognate nominal and verb A search of the lexical reveals the cognate noun-verb collocations in (438). There is a heavy concentration in semantic domains involving processes, speech, and activities. (438) is organized around these domains. Within each division, the collocations are arranged based on the form of the nominal. (438) Cognate nominal/verb pairings by domain and by form of nominal a. bodily processes ulo ulo  vomit suwa suwT  defecate ka:da ka:d[  clear one s throat isiya isiy[  sneeze be:liya be:liye  belch gTrTdT gTrTdT  snore a:liya a:liy[  yawn final K yaK y[  weep (out loud) jiK je  let out a fart final u mandu mandu  laugh buru burT  drool mazindu mazindi-y[  have a dream ma :nu ma:n[  think a thought final sonorant du l dulo  groan tol tolo  lay an egg kondun konduno  cough b. speech, vocalization, sound dT: dT  make an insult p[la p[l[  applaud, clap j[l[ j[l[  denigrate [lma [lm[  converse (pleasantly) ti:da ti:d[  (shepherd) recount adventures ti:nda ti:nd[  give formal counsel ga:j[ ga:j[  kid around yimbir[ yimbir[  (beggar) sing koranic verses final -n z[bu-n z[b[  make a curse final -y (monosyllabic) sey s[:  tell a story or riddle final u bogu bogo  (dog) bark kodu kodo  howl boguru boguro  roar bo:du bo:do  (bull) bellow sT:du sT:dT  (sth unseen) make a sudden noise imilu imilo  stutter sadu sadu  ask a question ledu ledo  make noise, be noisy no final vowel after sonorant dom da m  speak, talk sen sene  ululate, emit cries of joy san san  pray, perform a prayer damdu damd[  ask a small favor lel lele  make a mistake verb contains frozen derivational suffix po: podo  make a greeting, say hello compound nominal b[r[-k[z[ k[z[  tell a lie c. agriculture gTlT gTlT  do farming (esp. by pulling daba) final K toK tT  sow (seeds), do the planting nT K nT  carry out the second round of weeding final y za y za :  sow (seeds) in pit (with manure) final u wegu w[g[  do wet-sowing (with manure) cibu cib[  clear a new field no final vowel after sonorant j[l j[l[  do the millet harvest (with a knife) compound nominal toK-zi K ziK[  do over-sowing toK-bizu bize  do dry-sowing (with manure) toK-da K da K  do spot-sowing during weeding season toK-wil wilo  do parallel slashes (two people sowing) yu:-ga : ga :  do the follow-up harvest d. other activities ja: je  perform a dance ta: ta:  respect a taboo ele ele  compete, engage in rivalry gozo gozo  divide (group) into subgroups bid[ bid[  perform work nuKa nuKT  sing a song dugo dugo  cast spells zTKT zTKT  practice medicine tTba tTbi-y[  roll a turban (on one s head) piya piy[  make a heap suma sumT  rest, take a break zaKa za K  study, go to school lugo lugo  do a calculation, count zama zamu  break a promise, betray duba dubT  do forging, forge (tools) dana danu  go hunting zamna zamn[  commit a theft c[mna c[mn[  have fun jayr[ jayr[  poke fun (at sb), mock bTgTrT bTguri-y[  have a quarrel final u togu togo  build a shed wTgu wTgT  spend the morning (half-day) sizu size  draw lines ti:du ti:d[  make bunches (units for sale) ninju ninj[  cook sauce ya:bu ya:b[  forgive no final vowel after sonorant toK toKo  do some writing diK diK[  tie a knot ya l yali-y[  take a walk nominal perhaps iterated dundum dun-do  heap up wood compound nominal ko:-pil pil[  sneak up irregular za K za:niy [  have a fight suffix -n (4.2.3) segi-n s[g[  ante up, make a contribution e. other domains bura burT  foam, froth up compound nominal yu:-zeKe zeKe  (millet plant) grow offshoot grain spikes ba-golo goli-yo  be at the end of the rainy season The phonological and morphological relationship between cognate nominal and verb is variable. Some of this is due to tight general constraints in YD on vocalism and tone contour that apply to verb stems, but not nouns. Some of the nominal probably originated as deverbal nominalizations, with more or less segmentable final n, K, y after monosyllabic stem, u replacing final vowel, or ( (from apocopated *u) instead of a vowel after a sonorant. See 4.2.2-4 for productive and semi-productive deverbal nominalizations of these types. However, the cognate nominals often have tones distinct from those of the productive nominalizations, so synchronic segmentation is probably opaque. Several of the nominals are compounds, only the final of which is cognate to the verb. HHGrammatical status of cognate nominal may be pro forma ( dance a dance ), but may be quantified over or modified examples (with numeral, with adjectival modifier)  Be ,  become ,  have , and other statives  It is clitics Positive  it is (=() The symbol ( represents an extended  intonational prolongation of the final vowel or sonorant of a word (3.9.2). If the phonological tone of this vowel is high, the pitch additionally declines slowly. If the phonological tone is already low, the prolongation is clearly audible but the pitch decline is necessarily smaller. This is the dying-quail intonation; it is used in Jamsay in both elements of an NP conjunction (X( Y() and in certain other functions. For example, word-final T( is expressed phonetically as [TTT], with duration depending on emphasis and with a gradual decline from high to low pitch, while word-final T( is heard as [T::] with audible prolongation but no particularly notable pitch change. Final sonorants are also affected; in cin=(  it s a stone , the prolongation applies to the final nasal rather than to the i vowel: phonetic [tin::]. The common identificational  it is X construction, which provides identifying information for an entity whose existence is already understood, consists of the relevant predicate nominal (X) plus an unconjugated =( clitic. I use the clitic symbol = since several other Dogon languages have segmentally nonzero  it is clitics, and since in Yanda Dom the clitic can also be conjugated for pronominal subject (see below). Examples of unconjugated =( are in (439). (439ab) might be used to explain the identity of a person who is visible, or who has been introduced as a (vaguely defined) discourse referent in preceding discourse. mi=(  it s me (439b) might be uttered by someone identifying himself after knocking at a door, or answering a  who? question. (439) X  it is X (full form) gloss a. dTgT dTgT=( [dTgTTT]  it s (a) Dogon b. mi mi=( [miii]  it s me c. na: na :=( [naaaa]  it s a cow The  it is clitic is optionally omitted (or reduced to inaudibility) after a pronoun: mi or mi=(  it s me , bo or bo=(  it s them . It is also optionally omitted after animate plural -mu (except when the suffix shifts to H-tone). (439c) is an example with a {L} toned noun. In the  it is construction, it behaves as though it were {LH} toned. The resulting na :=( is heard as [naaaa], i.e. with a rising pitch followed by the terminally pitch decline of the dying-quail intonation. This is possible (but contestable) evidence that  low-toned nouns have underlying {LH} contours that are, in other contexts, phonetically realized as low-toned; see 3.8.2.2. In (439ac) there is no overt subject, just the predicate nominal with the clitic. However, an overt NP  subject is possible. When present, it arguably functions as a topical NP (if so, it could be considered to be preclausal). However, in examples like (440) there is often no intonational break between the subject NP and the predicate nominal of the sort that we would associated with a preclausal topical NP. (440) [mi Hde:] dTgT=( [1SgP Hfather] Dogon=it.is  My father is a Dogon. When the utterance is produced fluently as in (440), the prolongation and pitch drop of the =( clitic is usually less pronounced than in (439), and it may disappear entirely. In the latter case, (440) is equivalent to [mi Hde:] dTgT with no audible  it is clitic. In the construction with an overt subject, a 1st/2nd person or 3Pl subject is expressed by conjugating the  it is clitic. An independent pronoun is optionally present. The plurals have some complexities so we start with the singulars. The 3Sg form is the same as the unconjugated  it is form given above, with the dying-quail intonation. Postvocalically the 1Sg is =m and the 2Sg is =w. The tone of the clitic sonorant shifts to high if the predicate nominal is entirely {L}-toned (and in adjectival predicates ending in the extension -i: or variant, 11.4.2). If both the clitic sonorant and the stem-final vowel are low-toned, it is not necessary to repeat the low-tone marking on the clitic in transcriptions. I do not hear dying-quail intonation effects in the 1Sg and 2Sg forms. Examples are in (441). (441)  I am X  you-Sg are X  he/she/it is X X (gloss) mi sa ydu=m o sa ydu=w na sa ydu=(  Seydou mi dTgT=m o dTgT=w na dTgT=(  a Dogon mi na:=m o na:=w na na :=(  a cow mi oye=m o oye=w na oye=(  a mouse When the 1Sg and 2Sg clitics are postconsonantal (the C is normally a sonorant), they become syllabic =um and =uw (indistinguishable from =u:), respectively. An exception is that the 1Sg is =um after stem-final m, as in  a porcupine in (442), the two consonants fusing into one prolonged labial nasal. The tone is low except when the noun is alllow toned. (442)  I am X  you-Sg are X  he/she/it is X X (gloss) mi tol=um o tol=uw na tol=(  a pig mi tetew=um o tetew=uw na tetew=(  a hawk mi no L bar =um o no L bar =uw na no L ba n=(  a red person mi timem=m o timem=uw na timem=(  a porcupine There is a difficulty interpreting such forms because some sonorant-final stems have a dialectal variant with final /u/, so the position of the stem-clitic boundary is not completely certain: tol=um or tolu=m. In the case of  a red person in (442), the shift from the n of ba n to the r of bar (u& ) in the 1Sg/2Sg forms is also suggesting of a word-internal phonological alternation. Now consider 1Pl, 2Pl, and 3Pl subjects, which are of the type  we/you-Pl/they are X s with some animate plural noun (recall that the morphological 3Pl category is used for animate referents only). We would expect a construction of the type [person-Pl]=(it.is-)1Pl  we are people . The difficulty is that the apparent plural suffix on the predicate nominal seems to function instead as part of the conjugated clitic, hence [person]=Pl-(it.is.-)1Pl. This is seen in (admittedly odd) contexts with inanimate predicate nominal, as in  we are stones with cin  stone (443b). In other contexts, inanimates like  stone do not allow plural mu, so in (443b) it looks as though the mu has fused with the clitic. With some difficulty I was able to elicit (443c), which has 1Pl =mi: following a morphologically singular noun with collective sense. (443) a. mi cin=um 1Sg stone=(it.is-)1SgS  I am a stone. b. ye cin=mi: 1Pl stone=Pl-(it.is-)1PlS  We are stones. c. ye [mumbu L tuma]=mi: 1Pl [associationL one]=Pl-(it.is-)1PlS  We are one association (or: team). The data in (443) provide evidence that =mi: is (segmentally) the 1Pl form of the conjugated  it is clitic. This is actually a falling-toned variant used after {L} toned nouns; other predicate nominals that do contain a high tone have 1Pl =mi: with low tone. This =mi: appears to represent /=muy/, with animate plural mu fused to 1Pl suffix y. The same =mi: (variant =mi:) is used for 2Pl, reflecting the usual 1Pl/2Pl suffixal syncretism. The 3Pl counterpart is identical to the nonpredicative plural with -mu (or H-toned -mu). One of two assistants also allowed a lengthened, specifically predicative 3Pl form =mu: (variant =mu:), as in the second variant in (444). (444) [mi Hde: mi] [mi Hni: mi] dTgo-mu Dogon-AnPl dTgT=mu( [1SgP Hfather and] [1SgP Hmother and] Dogon=AnPl-(it.is-)3PlS  My father and my mother are Dogon. Forms of the few irregular human nouns (445) might be used as arguments against taking the mu element to be part of the plural-subject forms of the clitic, as opposed to being the ordinary plural suffix mu. In particular, the irregular plural ene  children does not have a  they are form containing the mu syllable. (445) Sg Pl gloss  he/she is a  they are  I am a ene ene  child ene=( ene=( ene=m y[ y[mu  woman y[ =( y[=mu( y[ =m an anmu  man an=( anmu(=() ar =um Since {L}-toned nouns  grow a final H-tone element in  it is forms, ene  child and both y[  woman and its plural y[-mu  women have rising tones feeding into the dying-quail intonation. The entire word therefore ends up with [LHL] pitch. For example y[ =(  it s (or: she is) a woman is heard as [j[[[[]. In the  they are forms, prolongation and pitch decline are regularly audible after H-toned -mu (even if raised only in the  it is construction, as with y[-mu  women ), but there is no pitch decline and often no detectable prolongation after L-toned -mu (as in an-mu ~ an-mu=(  they are men ). ene=(  he/she is a child has the same pitch contour as ene=(  they are children , but in the latter case the final vowel is not prolonged. Another informant pronounced ene=( in both singular and plural cases. In an=(  he is a man , the prolongation affects the final nasal, hence phonetic [annn]. A similar case is (446), an expression in everyday use. It is heard as [kaka lll] with slow pitch descline on the l (somebody please invent tone diacritics that will fit over an  l !). Only sonorant consonants can be prolonged in this way. (446) [ka-kal]= ( [falsehood]=it.is  It s a lie or  It s false For 3Pl =y[ in adjectival predicates after extension -i: , see 11.4.2.  It is not (=la ) The negative counterpart of =(  it is is =la   it is not . Word-finally the form is =la : (447). This is arguably the 3Sg subject form, hence properly =la :-(, but if there is at most a pro forma subject I often omit the 3Sg suffix. (447) noun X  it is not X gloss a. dTgT dTgT=la :  it s not (a) Dogon b. mi mi=la :  it s not me c. na: na :=la :  it s not a cow =la   it is not can be conjugated. The paradigm is (448). (448) category (X)  X is not 1Sg =la m 2Sg =la w 1Pl =la y 2Pl =la y 3Sg =la :( 3Pl =la :y[ Nouns that otherwise show up as {L} toned  grow a final high-tone element before =la , as they do before its positive equivalent (preceding section). Thus ci n=la m  I am not a stone , na :=la m  I am not a cow (cf. cin  stone , na:  cow ). Animate plural suffix -mu is present before =la  where relevant. In examples like dTgTmu=la y  we (or you-Pl) are not Dogon , the bracketing would seem to be straightforward, with plural mu belonging with the noun stem. However, the bracketing is not quite so simple, since the plural suffix (which is elsewhere restricted to animates) is also optionally present (449a) after an inanimate noun denoting (in context) a plurality, as is also true (and more systematically so) for the positive  it is paradigm (preceding section). (449) a. ye cin-mu=la y 1Pl stone-AnPl=it.is.not-1PlS  We are not stones. b. ye ci n=la y 1Pl stone=Pl-it.is.not-1PlS  We are not stone(s). This  it is not clitic is distinct from stative negative =la . The latter occurs in negative adjectival predicates (11.4.3) and with the defective stative  want verb ([bu=la -  not want , 11.2.4). While the 1st/2nd person forms of the two clitics are homophonous (e.g. 1Sg =la -m), the third person subject forms differ in vowel length and tone. The stative negative forms are 3Sg =la-( and 3Pl =la-y[, with short a (and consequent tone-flattening). The combination of  it is not with  if is common;  if it is not X can be loosely translated  other than X ,  aside from X , or in a negative context  only X . See e.g. cem!=la: de in (768) in Text 1. Existential and locative quasi-verbs and particles Realis and existential (ya) The particle ya has two major functions. Both are limited to positive clauses. The particle appears immediately to the left of the verb (for verb chains, see below). With quasi-verbs bo  be (somewhere) and zo  have , and with stative j[la  hold, have , ya is glossed existential (interlinear abbreviation: Exist). It entails the existence of the referent denoted by the subject of  be (somewhere) or the object of  have . With ordinary verbs, ya is used in the perfective, and in those imperfective contexts denoting ongoing activities. In these contexts it is glossed realis (interlinears: Real) Of course there is a relationship between existential and realis, but since other Dogon languages make the distinction I will use both terms in this grammar. A perfective verb immediately following ya has its lexical tones, i.e. either {H} or {LH}. ya is obligatory in positive utterances with zo  have and j[la  have . With bo, ya is obligatory if there is no other preverbal constituent, and optional if there is such a constituent. In realis function with regular verbs, ya is normally present in the absence of another preverbal constituent, but it is optionally omitted in polar interrogatives and in (truncated) responses to such questions. In (450), # means ungrammatical. In other words ya is obligatory in (450ac) but optional in (450df). All of these (quasi-)verbs have a {H} or {LH} tone contour when immediately following ya (hence zo, bo, j[la). Examples of realis ya with various verbs and quasi-verbs are in (450). (450) a. p[: ya zom #p[: ( zom sheep Exist have-1SgS  I have a sheep. b. ya bom #( bom Exist be-1SgS  I am present. c. ya tib[( #( tib[( Real die.Perf-3SgS  He/She died. d. Kgi ya bom Kgi ( bom  I am here. e. ene ya tib[( ene ( tib[(  A child died. f. Kgi ya tib[( Kgi ( tib[(  He/She died here. An example of a polar interrogative without ya, and a response with optional ya, is (451). (451) Q: Yle( ma( suwe( go.up.Perf-3SgS Q go.down.Perf-3SgS  Did he/she go up or go down? A: ya Yle( ( Yle( Real go.up.Perf-3SgS  He/She went up. Focalization of a constituent, as in WH interrogatives, is incompatible with realis ya. Subject focalization without ya is seen in (452). (452) a. am pilezo( who? fall-Perf2-3SgS  Who fell down? b. pol am zo: knife who? have  Who has a knife? [also am pol zo:] c. am bo: who? be  Who s there? d. mi bo: 1Sg be  It s I [focus] who am present (here). Non-subject focalization without ya is exemplified in (453). (453) a. amba: bow where? be-2SgS  Where are you-Sg? b. ciYre b[l[w what? get.Perf-2SgS  What did you get? Related to this is the fact that when a short final perfective clause is prosodically grouped with a preceding subordinated clause, the final clause omits the realis particle and the perfective verb takes low-toned form. In other words, the subordinated clause functions somewhat like a focalized constituent within the clause. See discussion of the  no sooner& , than&  examples in 15.3.4. Realis ya is also absent in relative clauses (454). Compare perfective ya pile(  he fell in a main clause. (454) [an L HLpile g[] amba: bo( [manL HLfall.Perf.Rel Def.AnSg] where? be-3SgS  Where is the man who fell? If there are two or more tightly chained verbs (only the final verb being inflected), realis ya precedes the first verb in the chain (455). The nonfinal verbs have their regular bare-stem form, either {H} or {LH} toned depending on the verb, while the final verb is alllow toned. (455) a. ya obiyo Lb[l[( Real sit-MP Lget.Perf-3SgS  He/She was able to sit down. b. ya dTdT LdT/a Real go.forward Larrive.Perf-3PlS  They went forward. However, if the first verb is subordinated, ya precedes the following main verb. If the combination is somewhat tightly knit, as in (456), the subordinated verb may be treated as a preverbal constituent, in which case ya can be omitted as indicated above. (456) un[: ya we( un[: ( Lwe( go-and.SS Real (L)come.Perf-3SgS  He/She went and came (back). Realis-existential ya is not regular with imperfective positive verbs, but it is attested in a kind of presentative sense (French  voila que&  ). For other presentatives see 4.4.4. (457) zomT ya wo-m-u hare Presentative come-Impf-3SgS  There was Hare coming. (excerpt from (783) in Text 4) Locational quasi-verb (bo- ~ bo- negative onu-) The positive existential-locative element bo  be (somewhere), be present, exist is partially verb-like, as is its suppletive negative counterpart onu  not be (somewhere), be absent . A locational expression (e.g.  here or  in Douentza ) may be added but is not required. The positive form bo (with H-tone) is regularly used with particle ya, which here functions as existential. ya is required in the absence of an overt locational, and is optional if the locational is present. As a clausal particle preceding the verb, ya is the realis particle (11.2.2.1). The high tone of bo in the phrase ya bo is attributable to the ya. When the ya is omitted, low-toned bo is heard unless Rhythmic Tone-Raising applies. Note also the L-tone in the progressive construction -m bo- (10.5.2.3). (458) a. Kgi ya bo( here Exist be-3SgS  He/She is here. b. Kgi bo( here be-3SgS  He/She is here. The pronominal-suffix paradigms are in (459). For the positive  be (present) , the variants with and without ya are shown. (459) category  be (present)  not be, be absent basic with ya 1Sg bo-m ya bom onum 2Sg bo-w ya bow onu: (< /onuw/) 1Pl bo-y ya boy oni: (< /onuy/) 2Pl bo-y ya boy oni: (< /onuy/) 3Sg bo-( ya bo( onu( 3Pl b[: ya b[: oniy[ These forms can be used to translate  there is/are&  and its negation, with a pure focus on presence/absence rather than on location. An example is (460), where the low-toned  meat has induced a tonal change on onu(. (460) nama onu( meat not.be-3SgS  There is no meat. (i.e.  We re out of meat. ) bo and onu are aspectually inert and belong to the class of statives (in the broad sense). They usually have present-time (or timeless) reference. For past time frame, as in  X was present/absent , see b[ (11.2.5.1), below. Vowel-length distinguishes 3Pl (ya) b[:  they are (present) from 3Sg past (ya) b[(  he/she was (present) . In relative clauses, H-toned bo- is used (14.1.7.3).  Be (put) in (kun) The defective stative verb kun  be in is used with particle ya in the positive combination ya kun. The irregular negative form kunu (1Sg kunum, 3Pl kuniy[) does not allow the particle. These forms denote location of a focal object inside a container or space. (461) a. nj[ [Ylo na] ya kun( dog [house Loc] Exist be.in-3SgS  (A/The) dog is in the house. b. [Ylo na] kunum [house Loc] be.in-Neg-1SgS  I am not in the house.  Want, like ([ba ~ [bu, nama) [ba combines with a conjugated cliticized form of bo  be or with stative negative clitic allomorph =la . The positive form is [ba=bo-  want . For past time, we get [ba=b[-  wanted , with the usual substitution of b[- for bo- (11.2.5.1) The negative form is [bu=la -, e.g. 1Sg [bu=la -m  I do not want . The clitic here resembles =la -  it is not X (where X is a NP), see 11.2.1.2. The 1st/2nd person conjugated forms are identical for the two, with short vowel and rising tone (1Sg =la -m, etc.). However, the 3Sg subject form is =la :-( with long vowel for  it is not X , versus =la-( with short vowel (and consequent tone-flattening) in [bu=la-(  he/she doesn t want . Likewise, the 3Pl subject form is [bu=la-y[  they do not want . The 3Sg subject forms shows that [bu=la - has the same stative negative ending found with negative adjectival predicates (11.4.3), not the  it is not X clitic used with nouns. For past time we get [bu=la=b[- (1Sg [bu=la=b[-m, 3Sg [bu=la=b[-() The complement may be a NP (462ab). It may also be a subordinated clause. For the forms of this clause, under same-subject and different-subject conditions, see 17.5.2. (462) a. [m[ [ba=b[: milk want=be-3PlS  They want (or: like) milk. b. sol [bu=la m cream.of.millet want=it.is.not-1SgS  I don t want (or: like) cream of millet. An alternative to [ba is nama. The positive form is nama=bo-  want (1Sg nama=bo-m  I want ). The negative form is nama=n- (3Sg nama-n-, 1Sg nama=nu-m  I don t want ), with a conjugated form of stative negative (10.5.3.1). Past forms are nama=b[-  wanted and its negation nama-n=b[-  didn t want . Morphologically regular verbs Among the verbs that have defective stative paradigms in some other Dogon languages, but that have regular verbal paradigms in Yanda Dom, including aspectual distinctions, are ibiy[  fear and zuwT  know .  Was (b[- ~ b[) For past time reference, bo ~ bo  be (somewhere) is replaced by b[ ~ b[, which has a regular perfective conjugation. The perfective negative with li and allomorphs likewise replaces negative onu  not be (somewhere) in these past time contexts. No other suffixal categories are attested. The base tone is low in the positive form, but becomes high-toned after a low-toned constituent or particle, including the very common existential ya. In the perfective negative, the stem is high-toned (bali). (463) category  was (present)  was not present, was absent simple with ya 1Sg b[m ya b[m balum 2Sg b[w ya b[w bayo 1Pl b[y ya b[y baye 2Pl b[y ya b[y baye 3Sg b[( ya b[( bali( 3Pl ba ya ba ban( No other forms of this verb are attested. However, it may be related historically to the regular active verb biy[  remain, stay . Conjugated forms of b[/b[  was are common as past clitics with verbs. these combinations show some tonal peculiarities in the stems as well as in the clitic. See 10.6.1.1-7 for full discussion.  Become (tiK[) The regular verb tiK[  become is used in the construction  X become Y where Y denotes some class of entity that the referent X did not previously belong to. (464) anasa:ra ya tiK[w white.person Real become.Perf-2SgS  You-Sg have become a white person. Quotative verb Reported quotations are often framed simply by adding uninflectable Quotative particle wa at the end of the quoted clause, and usually also after the subject (NP or pronoun). An overt conjugatable  say verb is possible but is often omitted (17.1.3). A  say verb is especially useful in inflectional categories that do not simply report a completed prior event, such as imperfective positive or any negative category.  Say, speak, talk (da m) One common  say verb is da m (</damu/)  say, talk, speak , a u-final stem with a regular bisyllabic paradigm, e.g. perfective negative damali, imperfective 3Sg damamu, imperative dama. I translate  say when it occurs next to a quoted segment, otherwise  speak, talk . This verb is used with a range of quotative complements including jussives. It may take an overt indirect object denoting the original addressee. In the absence of quoted material, the default object is the cognate nominal dom  talk, speech, language, words . (465) a. [mi Hwa!] [wo ni] damali( [1Sg HQuotS] [come Sbjnct] say-PerfNeg-3SgS  He/She didn t tell me to come. b. ciYr[ [o Hber a] dame( what? [2Sg HDat] say.Perf-3SgS  What did he/she say to you-Sg? c. dom damnan( talk say-ImpfNeg-3SgS  He/She doesn t talk.  Say, call (name) (gu n ) Another  say verb that can co-occur with a quoted segment is gu n, perfective gur [-. (466) a. Yre gur -a what? say.Perf-3PlS  What did they say? b. wo-m-( gur a-n-( come-Impf-LogoS say-PerfNeg-3PlS  Hex didn t say that hex was coming. gu n is also used in the context  X call Y  Z  , where Z is the name of a person, species, object type, etc. The verb is usually imperfective here, often with nonspecific 3Pl subject. The noun in  name may be included in the clause. There is no indirect object. (467) a. Kgo anja : gunm[ Prox.InanSg how? say-Impf-3PlS  How (=what) do they call this? b. [in naK] umaru gunm[ [name 3SgP-InanSg O say-Impf-3PlS  They call his name (=they call him) Oumar. The imperfective negative is gunar[ ( gurar[  they do not say/call .This form is slightly irregular since one might have expected #gunnar[. Adjectival predicates There are three constructions that can be used to translate  X is ADJ , denoting some current adjectival state. The first, which will not be discussed in detail here, is the perfective form of the corresponding inchoative verb. For example, (468) maKgoro ya gTm[( mango Real be.rotten.Perf-3SgS  The mango has become (=is) rotten. For such adjectival inchoative verbs, see 9.5. They have full paradigms, and in the positive perfective they are preceded by realis ya as in (468). The adjectival predicates to be considered in this section are not of this type. There are two constructions, one with a pronominally conjugated form of bo  be , and one where the pronominal-subject marking is added directly to the adjectival stem. Each adjective requires one or the other construction. Adjectival predicate with m bo  be In this construction, a suffix m appears between the adjective stem and the inflected bo  be , except when the adjective already ends in a nasal consonant. The Htone on the suffix is redundant if the adjective already ends in a Htone. The construction [ADJm bo] closely resembles the progressive construction in m bo-, where m appears to be a word-final allomorph of the imperfective morpheme (10.5.2.3). It is difficult to gloss m in adjectival predicates, so I will just label it  -Adj in interlinears. An example is gabu  tall , which occurs in gabum bom  I am tall , gabum bow  you-Sg are tall , gabum boy  we/you-Pl are tall , gabum bo(  he/she is tall , and gabum b[  they are tall . The adjectives that require this predicate construction are in (469). One group has audible final u in the adjective (469ab). This group includes a handful of stems of the shape & vmu or & vnu ( v = vowel) (469b). The remaining adjectives of this type end in a sonorant (469ce), or in a long i: that could perhaps be analysed as iy (469f). Word-finally after an unclustered sonorant is a position favoring apocope of u, and at least some of the stems in (469cf) may have originally ended in *u. (469) Adjectives with m bo adjective predicative ( be ADJ ) gloss a. audible final u after obstruent or CC cluster [su [sum bo  good gabu gabum bo  tall tuju tujum bo  heavy yTdu yTdum bo  soft m[nzu m[nzum bo  slender ke:zu ke:zum bo  cold Tr Tndu Tr Tndum bo  smooth b. like (a) but with u after m or n [mu [mum bo  narrow denu denum bo  short donu donum bo  blunt (blade) c. final l, perhaps < /lu/ tel telm bo  fast da:l da:lm bo  nasty [l [lm bo  sweet gal galm bo  bitter dembul dembu lm bo  thick, massive d. final y , perhaps < /y u/ Yy ay Yy ay m bo  hard toy toy m bo  deep way way m bo  spacious e. final nasal, perhaps < /nu/ and /mu/ bi n bi n bo  fat da n da n bo  sour na m na m bo  difficult gT m gT m bo  rotten am a m bo  good-sized f. final i: , perhaps equivalent to /iy / < /iy u/ si : si : m bo  sharp For the negation, see 11.4.1.3, below. For past time, bo- is replaced by b[-, with the same conjugation as inflectable past clitic =b[- with regular verbs (10.6). Primary color adjectives like jem[  black have predicative forms with  it is clitic (see just below). However, a variant predicative construction with bo is also attested (470). There are irregularities in the forms of  black and  white in this construction. (470) gloss adjective alternative predicate ( be ADJ )  black jem[ j[ m bo  red ba n ba n bo  white pil[ pile:m bo A past-time version of this construction substitutes conjugated past clitic =b[ for bo in the above: j[ m=b[w  you-Sg were black (jem[), pile:m b[(  he/she/it was white . Adjectival predicate with conjugated  it is clitic Consider the predicative paradigms of jem[  black , with and without the adjectival extension in -i: (471). (471)  be black category predicative forms simple extended 1Sg jem[=m jem-i: =m 2Sg jem[=w jem-i: =w 1Pl jem[=y jem-i: =y 2Pl jem[=y jem-i: =y 3Sg jem[ ( jem[=( jem-i: =( 3Pl jem[=mu jem-i: =y[ At least the 1st/2nd person forms are to be identified as the relevant conjugated forms of the  it is clitic after a NP (11.2.1.1). This is most easily seen in the 1Sg and 2Sg. The 1Pl/2Pl form is phonologically parallel to the 1Sg and 2Sg, but in contrast to the corresponding post-NP  it is clitics, the adjectival predicates do not show fusion with (animate) plural mu. In the 3Sg and 3Pl form, I do not consistently hear the dying-quail intonational (prolongation and pitch decline) that is associated with the corresponding post-NP conjugated  it is clitics. For 3Sg I have heard both simple and prolonged versions. Adjectives attested with this predicative form are listed in (472), in the lexically basic attribute form and in the 3Sg predictive form (showing the dying-quail intonational effet). In contrast to the adjectives that regularly take m bo (preceding section), which end in u or in a sonorant, those in (472) typically end in a non-high vowel (472ac). Three exceptional stems ending in final sonorant are in (472d). The adjective  red may have been influenced by the parallel morphology of the two other primary color adjectives  black and  white (472a). (472) Adjectives with  it is clitic predicate adjective  3Sg is ADJ gloss a. stem ends in {[ e} {LH(L)} jem[ jem[=(  black be-bele be-bele=(  small {H} shifting to {HL} pil[ pil[=(  white siy[ siy[=(  good s[m[l[ s[m[l[=(  worn-out {L} shifting to {LH} iz[ iz[=(  empty sere sere=(  diluted b. stems ends in {o T} {LH(L)} [none] {H} shifting to {HL} komo komo=(  lean {L} shifting to {LH} gTmT gTmT=(  bad kolo kolo=(  raw, unripe, fresh c. stem ends in a {LH} ba : ba :=(  full diya diya=(  big zala zala=(  long {H} shifting to {HL} satara satara=(  young sala sala=(  bad {L} shifting to {LH} na:r a na:r a=(  easy kanda kanda=(  new azala azala=(  half-ripe d. final sonorant {LH(L)} T l T l=(  fresh ba n ba n=(  red (1Sg bar u=m etc.) {L} shifting to {LH} p[y p[ y=(  old For the negation, see 11.4.3, below. Conjugatated past clitic =b[ can be added directly to the adjective stem na:r a=b[(  it (e.g. work) was easy , sala=b[w  you-Sg were bad . Negative adjectival and stative predicates (=la ) Both the adjectival predicate construction with m bo and the rival construction with just the  it is clitic are negated by adding a conjugated form of stative negative =la  to the adjective. If the adjective is {L}-toned, the 3Sg form is =la-( with a short vowel and H-tone. If the adjective contains a H-tone, the 3Sg form is =la :-( with a long vowel and rising tone. This is partially distinct from the situation with negative NP predicates. Even a {L}-toned noun becomes {LH}, or perhaps we should say {L}+H with an incremental edge tone, before =la   it is not , which therefore always has 3Sg form =la :-(. Compare adjectival gabu=la-(  he/she/it is not tall with nominal p[ :=la :(  it is not a sheep (from p[:  sheep ). On the other hand, adjectives and nouns that contain a H-tone have the same 3Sg =la :-(, e.g. adjective siy[=la :-(  he/she/it isn t good and noun Yn[ la :-(  it isn t a goat . (473) Negative adjectival predicate (3Sg) adj negative predicate gloss a. corresponding to m bo gabu gabu=la(  be not tall am am=la(  be not plump b. corresponding to  it is predicate na:r a na:r a=la(  be not easy ba : ba :=la :(  be not full siy[ siy[=la :(  be not good The pronominal-subject paradigm is (474).  Tall exemplifies a {L}-toned adjective,  good an adjective containing a H-tone. The only difference between them is in the 3Sg form. (474) subject  not be tall  not be good 1Sg gabu=lam siy[=lam 2Sg gabu=law siy[=law 1Pl gabu=lay siy[=lay 2Pl gabu=lay siy[=lay 3Sg gabu=la( siy[=la :( 3Pl gabu=la-y[ siy[=la-y[ ~ =l[: ~ =l[: For this construction in negative adjectival-predicate comparatives, see 12.1.1. When de  if is added, the clitics that end in a H-tone (i.e. all but 3Pl =la-y[) drop this final H-tone. If the adjective-clitic combination is entirely low-toned after this, de undergoes Rhythmic Tone-Raising, otherwise it remains L-toned: gabu=la( de  if he/she/it is not tall , siy[=la :-( de  if he/she/it is not good , gabu=la-m de  if I am not tall . We get the same tonal behavior before past clitic =b[-. Examples are gabu=la=b[-  was not tall , siy[=la:=b[-  was not good . Extension -i: in adjectival predicates The extension -i: (occasionally -y ) is optionally added to many adjective stems especially in predicative function. The stem drops to {L}-toned except for the extension itself. In some other Dogon languages, this extension productively converts adjectives into expressive adverbials. In YD a conspicuous stem-class shift does not appear to occur, to judge by the fact that the extension does not affect the morphosyntax of adjectival predication. However, bir -i:  stout in (834) in Text 4 seems to be a nonpredicative adverb. The extension is also subject to the unbounded intonational prolongation of its counterparts in some other languages. The extension is allowed by most adjectives. Usually it is added to a final consonant, or replaces a final short vowel (475a). In some cases a final non-high, non-rounded vowel is preserved (475b). (475) regular extended gloss a. added to final C or replaces final vowel gabu gab-i:  tall gTmT gTm-i:  bad na:r a na:r -i:  easy dembul dembul-i:  thick, massive ba n bar -i:  red [ l [l-i  sweet komo kom-i:  lean, not plump (variant) b. final vowel preserved komo komo-y  lean, not plump (variant) zala zala-y  short pil[ pil[-y  white c. suppletive sala sama-i:  bad d. not accepted ba :   full kanda   new siy[   good The extended form of the adjective requires -m bo- as the positive predicate. The negative of -m bo- is expressed by =la -, and in this case the adjectival word including the extension is {L}-toned, so the 3Sg form is =la-(. For past time, b[- replaces bo- in the positive, and =b[- is added to L-toned =la- in the negative. (476) a. gab-i: -m bo-( tall-Adj-Impf be-3SgS  He/she/it is tall. b. gab-i: -m b[-( tall-Adj-Impf be.Past-3SgS  He/she/it was tall. c. gab-i: =la-( tall-Adj=StatNeg-3SgS  He/she/it is not tall. d. gab-i: =la=b[-( tall-Adj=StatNeg-Past-3SgS  He/she/it was not tall. For the use of the extended form in comparative adjectival predicates, where bo- is absent and -i: is directly inflected for subject, see 12.1.1. Possessive predicates  Have (zo-),  not have (zo:n)  X have Y is expressed with X as subject and Y as object, as in English. The object is normally indefinite in form (i.e. without determiners). The predicate is a conjugated form of the defective stative quasi-verb zo  have , which does not combine with any suffixes marking aspect. The contexts range from (alienable) ownership ( I have/own a house ), to inalienable possession ( he has an ear/a sister ), to temporary possession ( do you have a lighter on you? ). Because zo is also the perfective2 inflectional suffix with regular verbs (10.3.1.2), one possible morphosyntactic analysis is that the  have verb is phonologically zero, but requires perfective2 zo. Another is that the perfective2 is structurally a combination of the main verb plus the  have quasi-verb. ( Have is also part of the progressive construction with m zo, 10.5.2.1). In positive utterances, zo requires existential particle ya. In this combination we always get H-toned zo-. The H-toned form is also found in other contexts after a {L}-toned constituent because of Rhythmic Tone-Raising. (477) a. Ylo ya zom house Exist have-1SgS  I have a house. b. [p[:mu ata:ndu] ya zw[: [sheep-AnPl An-three] Exist have-3PlS  They have three sheep. The negative ( not have ) is zo:n. It contains a stative negative suffix also used with derived stative verbs (10.5.3). Existential ya is not allowed in the negative construction. With referentially nonspecific animate objects, either the singular or the plural may be used (478b). The issue does not arise for inanimates, which have no morphological plural marking. (478) a. Ylo zo:num house have-StatNeg-1SgS  I do not have a house. b. p[:(mu) zo:niy[ sheep(-AnPl) have-StatNeg-3PlS  They don t have any sheep. The positive and negative paradigms are in (479). (479) category  have  not have basic with ya 1Sg zo-m ya zom zo:num 2Sg zo-w ya zow zo:ru 1Pl zo-y ya zoy zo:ri 2Pl zo-y ya zoy zo:ri 3Sg zo-( ya zo( zo:n( 3Pl zw-[: ya zw[: zo:niy[ ~ zo-y[ ~ ya zo-y[ There is an issue as to whether the lexical tone is H (zo-) or L (zo-). Existential ya is evidently the same morpheme as realis ya, which brings out the lexical tone, {H} or {LH}, of a following perfective verb (10.3.1.1). However, if  have is lexically L-toned zo-, it could easily become zo- after ya by Rhythmic Tone-Raising, just as happens with bo-  be (somewhere) , which has many other similarities to zo-. To isolate zo-, we can remove ya by focalizing a constituent, as in WH-questions. In this context, we get L-toned zo- (480a), except when it follows a {L}-toned constituent, which triggers Rhythmic Tone-Raising (480b). So L-toned zo- (like L-toned bo-  be ) is lexically basic. Alternatively, we could take the L-tone in (480a) as due to defocalization of the verb, but this would fail to predict the H-tone in (480b). (480) a. amba:=( Yn[ zo-w where?=Foc goat have-2SgS  Where do you-Sg have a goat? b. amba:=( p[: zo-w where?=Foc sheep have-2SgS  Where do you-Sg have a sheep? Like other statives,  have and  not have may be combined with conjugated past clitic =b[ ( X had Y ,  X did not have Y ). Depending on the context the forms are zo:=b[-. See 10.6.1.6 for the forms. In relative clauses,  have takes H-toned form zo (14.1.7.3). j[la ~ g[la  hold, have An alternative to zo  have is j[la (variant g[la)  hold, have . It is most often used in contexts of temporary possession or custodianship. In form it is a derived stative (10.5.1), cf. regular active verb j[liy[  take hold of . For the paradigm of j[la see (396) in 10.5.1. As expected, the negative is formed with stative negative n. Existential ya is present in positive clauses. (481) a. inju ya j[law ma water Exist hold.Stat-2SgS Q  Do you-Sg have any water (with you)? b. inju j[lanum water hold.Stat-StatNeg-1SgS  (No) I don t have any water (with me).  Belong to predicates The construction is exemplified in (482), with a question-answer sequence. The possessor ( who? ,  Seydou ) is followed by the beneficiary suffix K and then the  it is clitic. The negation is similar, but with the (suppletive)  it is not clitic (482c). (482) a. [Ylo L Kgo] amuK=( [houseL Prox.InanSg] who?-Benef=it.is  This house is whose? (= belongs to whom?) b. [Ylo L Kgo] sa yduK=( [houseL Prox.InanSg] S-Benef=t.is  This house is Seydou s. c. [Ylo L Kgo] sa yduK=la [houseL Prox.InanSg] S-Benef=it.is.not  This house is not Seydou s. If the predicated possessor is pronominal, its form is based on the postnominal alienable possessor forms, as in  my/your-Sg cow (6.2.2), plus the  it is clitic. For example, in (483) the topical NP ( house ) is inanimate singular, so the form of the 1Sg possessor predicate is based on Ymo  my (inanimate singular possession) . The  it is clitic =( requires falling pitch, so there is a pitch break after the first syllable: Ymo=(, phonetic [Ymooo]. (483) [Ylo L Kgo] Ymo=( [houseL Prox.InanSg] 1SgP=it.is  This house is mine. The full set of forms for 2Sg and 1Sg are in (484). Other pronominal possessor predicate forms can be constructed by analogy from the paradigm in 6.2.2. (484) category of topic NP  is/are yours-Sg  is/are mine InanSg oK=( Ymo=( InanPl Ty [=( miy [=( AnSg Ty [=( miy [=( AnPl omu=( miy [mu=( Comparatives Asymmetrical comparatives Comparative with conjugated adjectival predicate (i: ) In this construction, the  more particle siga is possible, but is often omitted. Instead, a conjugatable predicate adjective, with or without an adjectival extension i:  (glossed simply -Adj- in interlinears), is directly combined with a comparandum, in the form of a NP (or pronoun) plus purposive postposition dan (8.3.2), here translated as  than . Suffix i:  is found with adjectives whose lexical stem ends in u or o, and with consonant-final adjectives (ba n  red ) (485) a. [mi dan] gabi: ( [1Sg than] long-Adj-3SgS  He/She is taller than I (am). b. [[mi HTzT] dan] gabi m [[1SgP Hyounger.sib] than] long-Adj-1SgS  I am taller than my younger (same-sex) sibling (is). c. [gTlTgTlmu wo] [kil[mu dan] segiy [ [farmer-AnPl Def.AnPl] [herder-AnPl than] many-Adj-3PlS  There are more farmers than herders. The paradigm of the conjugated adjective with suffix i:  is (486). The vowel is shortened except in the 3Sg. There is no audible distinction between iy and i: . (486) Paradigm of Adjectival suffix i:  category form 1Sg im 2Sg iw 1Pl iy 2Sg iy 3Sg i: 3Pl iy [ The negative counterpart has the normal negative adjectival predicate ( is not long , etc.) with  it is not la (11.4.3) plus the comparandum. The adjectival i: morpheme is optional for the stems that allow it; when present, it is heard as Ltoned, unnasalized i: for all subject categories (the latter are marked on the suffix added to the  it is not clitic). (487) [na dan] gabu =lam   gabi: =lam [3Sg than] long(-Adj)- =it.is.not-1SgS  I am not taller than he/she (is). The past clitic may be added to i: . The combination is pronounced i:m=b[ for all subject categories; the m is probably the same as the imperfective m in adjectival predicates with following bo  be (11.4.1). The subject is specified in the suffix on the past clitic (488a). The form may be negated (488b). (488) a. [mi dan] gabi:m=b[w [1Sg than] long-be-Impf=Past-2SgS  You were (=used to be) taller than I (was). b. [mi dan] gabi:=la=b[w [1Sg than] long-be=it.is.not=Past-2SgS  You-Sg were not taller than I (was). Verbal predicate with siga  more The  more particle siga can be used with any verbal predicate. The purposive postposition dan (8.3.2) is used in optional  than X expressions, which specify the second comparandum. When the comparandum is expressed in this way, siga normally directly follows it and is prosodically grouped with it (489a,d); otherwise, it may follow another preverbal constituent (489c). (489) a. sa ydu za [mi dan] siga LYramu S meal [1Sg than] more L eat.meal-Impf-3SgS  Seydou eats more than I (do). b. [na dan] siga zTbam( [3Sg than] more run-Impf-1SgS  I run more than he/she (does). c. bid[ siga ya bid[( work(n) more Real work.Perf-3SgS  He/She worked more (=did more work). d. [mi dan] siga bid[ Lbid[( [1Sg than] more work(n) Lwork.Perf-3SgS  He/she did more work than I (did).  Surpass (na K) The verb na K  pass by, go past can be used in the sense  surpass with respect to some measurable quality. The comparandum is usually direct object. (490) a. oy ya naKe-m 2Sg-Acc Real pass.Perf-1SgS  I have surpassed you. b. [b[l[ na-K] oy ya naKe-( [wealth 3Sg-Poss.InanSg] 2Sg-Acc Real pass.Perf-3SgS  His wealth has surpassed you-Sg. (i.e.,  he has become wealthier than you. )  Be bigger (goloy ) A conjugatable stem goloy  means  be bigger (than) , in various senses including size and (for people) age, as in goloy m  I am bigger/older . It can sometimes be translated as  be more (than) but the context is amount (size) rather than number. The negative counterpart is with the  it is not clitic (491b). (491) a. yu: [[ma dan] goloy ( millet [sorghum than] bigger-3SgS  Millet is more (abundant/important) than sorghum. b. yu: [[ma dan] goloy =la( millet [sorghum than] bigger=it.is.not-3SgS  Millet is not more (abundant/important) than sorghum.  Be better  Be better (udo)  Be better is expressed by a defective stative verb udo. When a conjugated form of this verb is pronounced in isolation, it has a high tone (492). For 1st/2nd persons, the high tone is confined to the suffixal sonorant. In the 3rd person forms, it is on the o of the stem. In sentences with preverbal constituents, udo is generally heard as all-low toned. (492)  be better 1Sg udom 2Sg udow 1Pl udoy 2Pl udoy 3Sg udo( 3Pl udo(y)e The construction is [X [Y dan] udo]  X is better than Y (493). dan is glossed  than in interlinears in this construction, but it appears elsewhere as the purposive postposition (8.3.2). After {L}-toned words it appears as dan. (493) a. mi [na dan] Ludom 1Sg [3Sg than] Lbe.better-1SgS  I am better than he/she (is). b. na [mi dan] Ludo( 3Sg [1Sg than] Lbe.better-3SgS  He/She is better than I (am). c. maKgoro [kuda dan] Ludo( mango [wild.grape than] Lbe.better-3SgS  Mangoes are better than wild grapes (Lannea microcarpa). The negation is with =la  it is not and the same syntactic frame: 1Sg udo=lam  I am not better , etc. udo combines with past =b[ as udo=b[.  Be better (kay) An alternative  be better predicate is kay, which is uninflectable. The negative counterpart is kay=la with no further inflection. If the subject is pronominal, it is expressed by a preceding clitic rather than suffixally. The data do not suffice to make a clear semantic difference between kay and udo (preceding section), but the examples I do have of kay suggest a contextual sense  be preferable, more highly valued . (494) a. [na:nama dan] p[:nama kay [cow-meat than] sheep-meat be.better  Lamb meat (mutton) is better than beef. b. Kgo dan, [ja: a-K wo] this.Inan than, [hunger LogoSg-Poss.InanSg Def.InanSg] a-y kay ga] LogoSg-Acc be.better Topic]  (He said:) my hunger (=going hungry) is better than this. [from (809) in Text 2] c. zuwT bo kay(=la) knowledge 3PlS be.better(=Neg)  They are (not) more knowledgeable.  Best (gide=() A variant of the noun gide  front, forward (position) can be used as a predicate in superlative sense. The construction is roughly of the form  X is front , plural  Xs are fronts , with a conjugated form of the  it is clitic (11.2.1.1). The  front noun agrees with animate plural subjects, so I gloss it  leader . The basis of comparison may be added as an adjunct. (495) a. sa ydu gide=(-( Seydou leader(n)=it.is-3SgS  Seydou is the best. b. dTgT-mu=wo gide-mu=( Dogon-AnPl=Def.AnPl front-AnPl=it.is  The Dogon (people) are the best. c. mi nuKa-nuK gide=m 1SgS song-singer front=it.is.1SgS  I am the best singer. Symmetrical comparatives  Be as much as, be as big as (ba :) The verb ba :  be as much as, be as big as is used in symmetrical (egalitarian) comparisons. The normal positive form for present time reference or for timeless statements is the perfective2 ba:zo. The very common negative equivalent, which converts a symmetrical comparison into an asymmetrical one, is perfective negative ba:li. (496) a. [m[n[ Ym=o:] [m[n[ oK=o] [field 1SgP.InanSg=Def.InanSg] [field 2SgP=Def.InanSg] ba:zo( be.as.much-Perf2-3SgS  My field is as big as your-Sg field. b. [p[: Ty [ g[] [p[: miy [ g[] [sheep 2SgP-An Def.AnSg] [sheep 1SgP-An Def.AnSg] ba:li( be.as.much-PerfNeg-3SgS  Your-Sg sheep-Sg isn t as big as my sheep-Sg. Other inflected stems of ba : can be used in special contexts, for example with future time reference ( my sheep will be as big as your sheep next year ), which requires imperfective ba :mu.  Attain, equal (k[w-ndi-y[, dT) Verbs that can be used in the sense  become equal to X are k[w-ndi-y[  become equal, become level (inchoative) and dT  arrive at, attain, approach . (497) [ye Hmi] ya k[w-ndi-y[-( [1Pl HInst] Real equal-Inch-Inch.Perf-3SgS  He/She has equaled us.  A fortiori A relevant construction is exemplified in (498). (498) ozu un b[l[-na-m, walk(n) go get-ImpfNeg-1SgS, na! [zTbu Ldom gay]=la :( Advers [running(n) Ltalk(n) Top]=it.is.not-3SgS  I can t (even) walk, not to mention (=much less) run. More generally, the construction is [X Ldom]=la :(, [X gay]=la :(, or combining the two [X Ldom gay]=la :(. Here Ldom is the {L}-toned possessed form of dom  talk , although there is no audible change. In the  it is construction, we can distinguish do m=(  it is talk (with LHL pitch contour and prolonged nasal) from zTbu Ldom(  it is talk of running (with flat-low pitch contour on the final word). Cf. 3.8.1.1 on (apparent) lexically {L}-toned nouns like na:  cow . An informant equates gay in (498) with the Topic particle (19.1.1). Focalization and interrogation Focalization Subject focalization The verb takes a special subject-focalization form (interlinears:  .SFoc ) that includes specification of the relevant AMN category. The focalization form of the verb does not include pronominal-subject agreement as in main clauses. Instead, the focalized subject is separately expressed before the verb. For a NP, the preferred position is that following other full NPs and adverbs, but preceding any clitic-like pronominal object or pronominal PP that cannot be separated from the verb. However, in some examples in the data the focalized NP is clause-initial, preceding other NPs. The two examples in (499ab) differ only in the AMN category in the focalization form of the verb (imperfective and perfective, respectively). The focalized NP  Seydou follows other NPs (499ab), but precedes a pronominal object (499c) or pronominal PP (499d). (499) a. [p[: g[] sa ydu sema! [sheep Def.AnSg] S slaughter.Impf.SFoc  It s Seydou [focus] who will slaughter the sheep. b. [p[: g[] sa ydu sem[! [sheep Def.AnSg] S slaughter.Perf.SFoc  It was Seydou [focus] who slaughtered the sheep. c. sa ydu miy dem[! S 1Sg-Acc hit.Perf.SFoc  It was Seydou [focus] who hit me. d. sa ydu [mi Hber a] dam[! S [1Sg HDat] say.Perf.SFoc  It was Seydou [focus] who told me. If the focalized subject is a pronoun, it is expressed by the same set of preverbal subject pronominals that occur in nonsubject relatives of the type  the man who(m) I saw (4.3.1.1, 14.1.6), e.g. 1Sg mi (low-toned) and 2Sg o (high-toned). A low-toned subject pronominal like 1Sg mi or 1Pl ye induces a contrasting initial-syllable high tone on the focalization form of the verb (500ab,d) by Rhythmic Tone-Raising. (500) a. mi ur o: 1SgS go.Impf.SFoc  It is I [focus] who will go. b. [p[: g[] mi s[ma! [sheep Def.AnSg] 1SgS slaughter.Impf.SFoc  It is I [focus] who will slaughter the sheep-Sg. c. [p[: g[] o s[ma! [sheep Def.AnSg] 1SgS slaughter.Impf.SFoc  It is you-Sg [focus] who will slaughter the sheep-Sg. d. [p[: g[] ye s[ma! [sheep Def.AnSg] 1SgS slaughter.Impf.SFoc  It is you-Sg [focus] who will slaughter the sheep-Sg. A focalized subject pronoun occurs strictly in immediately preverbal position. It therefore follows even a pronominal object or pronominal PP (501). (501) a. miy o dim[ 1Sg-Acc 2SgS hit.Perf.SFoc  It was you-Sg [focus] who hit me. b. [mi Hbena] na dam[ [1Sg HDat] 3SgS say.Perf.SFoc  It was he/she [focus] who told me. Morphology of subject-focalization forms Positive AMN categories As noted above, in the presence of a focalized subject the verb takes a special focalization form. It is not a true participle since it does not agree morphologically with the subject (or any other NP). In focalized clauses, marked perfective-system AMN categories (perfective2, experiential perfect, recent perfect) are uncommon. The dominant form of the subject-focalization form is based transparently on the simple perfective, i.e. on the Estem of the verb. There is no pronominal-subject suffix. The final vowel is optionally prolonged especially with monosyllabic verbs; I take this to be an intonational prolongation (symbol () and do not transcribe it except in relevant textual examples. The word is all-low toned in its regular form. However, the onset is raised to high tone after a low-toned pronominal subject or other alllow toned constituent (such as am  who? ), resulting in <HL> monosyllabics, HL bisyllabics, and HLL trisyllabics. In (502), the perfective (as in main clauses) is shown alongside the subject-focalization forms. (502) Perfective subject-focalization forms of verbs perfective subject-focalization gloss regular after Ltone w[ w[ w[  see nT/[ nT/[ nT/[  go in go/e go/e go/e  go out ur [ ur [ ur [  go kaye kaye kaye  shave nd[ nd[ nd[  give Yr[ Yr[ Yr[  eat (meal) ub[ ub[ ub[  pour b[l[ b[l[ b[l[  get pide pide pide  shut tabe tabe tabe  touch kun-de kun-de kun-de  put ma:n[ ma:n[ ma:n[  think ibiy[ ibiy[ ibiy[  fear nindiye nindiye nindiye  listen Subject-focalization forms based on perfective2 zo and on recent perfect z[ were elicited with difficulty: & wozo  & came , & woz[  & has already come . I was unable to elicit a subject-focalization form with experiential perfect t[r[. Clearly the simple perfective forms in (503) are predominant in subject-focalization contexts. The corresponding imperfective subject-focalization form of the verb is based on the A/Ostem, with obligatorily lengthened final vowel. The word is alllow toned in its regular form, but like the perfective subject-focalization form its onset is raised to high tone after a low-toned subject pronominal or other constituent. (503) Imperfective subject-focalization forms of verbs A/Ostem subject-focalization gloss regular after Ltone wa wa: wa:  see nT/a nT/a: nT/a:  go in go go: go:  go out ur o ur o: ur o:  go ka: ka: ka:  shave nda nda: nda:  give Yra Yra: Yra:  eat (meal) uba uba: uba:  pour b[la b[la: b[la:  get pido pido: pido:  shut taba taba: taba:  touch kundo kun-do: kun-do:  put ma:na ma:na: ma:na:  think ibiya ibiya: ibiya:  fear nindiyo nindiyo: nindiyo:  listen Stative stems derived from regular verbs (like  sit ) can also occur in subject-focalization constructions. The verb takes an all-low toned form of the regular stative stem, with no pronominal-subject suffix. The tonal influence of a preceding low-toned subject pronoun or other constituent is as described above. Prolongation of the final vowel was observed in some tokens but is not required and appears to be intonational. (504) Stative subject-focalization forms of verbs stative subject-focalization gloss regular after Ltone obo obo obo  be sitting biyo biyo biyo  be lying down Underived statives also occur in the subject-focalization construction and have forms comparable to those of the derived statives in (505). Lengthening of the final vowel is regular with  be (somewhere) and with the basic  have quasi-verb zo. With  want , prolongation was observed in some tokens and is here taken to be intonational (eba!). (505) Subject-focalization forms of underived statives stative subject-focalization gloss regular after Ltone bo bo: bo:  be (somewhere) zo zo: zo:  have eba eba eba  want In the progressive, the final inflected (auxiliary) verb takes the subject-focalization form. (506) a. bid[ bidam mi jela work(n) work-Impf 1SgS Prog.SFoc  It s I [focus] who am working. b. bid[ bidam o j[la work(n) work-Impf 2SgS Prog.SFoc  It s you-Sg [focus] who are working. Combinations including past clitic =b[- may also occur in the subject-focalization construction. Attested combinations are the past perfect and the past imperfective. Both the main verb stem and =b[- are low-toned, but the verb undergoes the usual raising of its onset to high tone after a low-toned subject pronominal or other constituent. As usual, the past perfect is built on the bare stem of the verb, which is not lengthened. The following =b[- is prolonged intonationally in some but not all examples in the data. (507) a. o go=b[ 2SgS go.out.Impf=Past  It was you-Sg [focus] who had gone out. b. mi go=b[ 2SgS come.Impf=Past  It was I [focus] who had come. The past imperfective in main clauses is a combination of imperfective allomorph m plus past =b[ (10.6.1). In the subject-focalization construction, the m disappears, but the final vowel is lengthened consistently in monosyllabic stems and often in longer stems. (The same phonological mutations occur in the past imperfective negative in main clauses, 10.3.3.4.) (508) a. o wo:=b[ 2SgS come.Impf=Past  You-Sg [focus] were coming. b. nama mi kubo:=b[ meat 1SgS eat.meat.Impf=Past  I [focus] was eating meat. Negative AMN categories The subject-focalization forms of negative verbs follow the general pattern seen above. The verb is inflected for AMN category but not for pronominal-subject, and is all-low toned unless its onset is raised under the influence of a preceding low-toned subject pronominal or other constituent. Intonational prolongation is possible but not required. The basic forms for regular verbs are perfective negative li and imperfective negative nan. (509) a. o unli 2SgS go-PerfNeg.SFoc  It s you-Sg [focus] who did not go. b. mi unli 1SgS go-PerfNeg.SFoc  It s I [focus] who did not go. c. o unnan 2SgS go-ImpfNeg.SFoc  It s you-Sg [focus] who won t go. d. mi unnan 1SgS go-ImpfNeg.SFoc  It s I [focus] who won t go. The stative negative has n (510). (510) o obon 2SgS sit.Stat-StatNeg  It s you-Sg [focus] who is not sitting. The underived (lexical) and irregular stative negatives are shown in (511). Intonational prolongation is possible but not required. (511) Subject-focalization forms of underived negative statives negative subject-focalization gloss regular after Ltone onu onu onu  not be (somewhere) zon zon zon  not have [bu=la [bu=la [bu=la  not want The past perfect negative has l=b[ (512). (512) o gol=b[ 2SgS go.out-PerfNeg=Past.SFoc  It s you-Sg [focus] who had not gone out. The past imperfective negative has =bali following a lengthened form of the stem, as in main clauses (10.6.1.2). (513) o ur o:=bali 2SgS go.Impf=Past-PerfNeg.SFoc  It s you-Sg [focus] who was not going. Object focalization The verb has its regular main-clause form, including AMN and subject-pronominal agreement. The focalized object may have an accusative suffix, just as in main clauses. The preferred position for a focalized object is following other NPs and adverbs (514c), but preceding a pronominal PP (514d). These features do not clearly characterize a transitive clause as containing a focalized object. However, there are two clues suggesting the presence of a focalized constituent other than the verb: a) absence of realis particle ya in indicative statements with past or present time reference; and b) the alllow toned form of the final inflected verb. (514) a. Kgo Lb[l[m Prox.InanSg Lget.Perf-1SgS  This [focus] is what I got (or: found). b. Kgoy Lzuwam( Prox.InanSg-Acc Lknow-Impf-1SgS  This [focus] is what I know. c. sa ydu Kgo LYr[( S Prox.InanSg Leat.Perf-3SgS  This [focus] is what Seydou ate. d. Kgo [mi Hbena] Ldam[( Prox.InanSg [1Sg HDat] Lsay.Perf-3SgS  This [focus] is what he/she told me. e. oy dunom Lj[lam 2Sg-Acc look.for-Impf LProg-1SgS  It s you-Sg [focus] that I am looking for. Focalization of PP or other adverb As with object focalization, there is no sharp distinction in form between focalized and unfocalized constructions. A focalized PP or other adverb takes its usual form, as does the verb. The absence of realis ya where it would otherwise be expected (515a), and an the all-low toned contour on the verb (515b), are clues that a constituent other than the verb is focused. Instrumental examples are in (515). (515) a. [[s[w wo] mi] bid[-m Lzow [[ax Def.InanSg] with] work-Impf LProg-2SgS  It s with the ax [focus] that you-Sg are working. b. [[s[w wo] mi] Lbid[m [[ax Def.InanSg] with] Lwork.Perf-1SgS  It s with the ax [focus] that I worked. A dative example is (516). (516) [sa ydu ber a] LtT/[m [S Dat] Lsend.Perf-1SgS  It was to Seydou [focus] that I sent (it). A locative example is (517). (517) [[[mi Hde:] Lm[n[] na] LgTlam( [[[1SgP Hfather] Lfield] Loc] Ldo.farm.work-Impf-1SgS  It s in my father s field [focus] that I will farm. Focalization of postpositional complement& not! In PPs, it is not possible to focalize only the NP complement of the postposition. Instead, the entire PP is focalized. See just above. Interrogatives Polar (yes/no) interrogatives (ma) The particle ma is added to a main clause to produce a yes/no (polar) interrogative. The pitch is variable across examples, as we would expect from a pragmatically sensitive particle in clause-final position. Intonational prolongation (ma() is possible, but is most common in nonfinal (non-prepausal) position, see below. Allowing for intonational modifications, the basic phonological tone seems to be low. For example, in (518c), where ma follows a word ending in high tone, I do not hear a particularly high pitch on ma of the sort that would indicate tone spreading from the preceding word onto the particle. (518) a. [w unmuw ma tomorrow go-Impf-2SgS Q  Are you-Sg going tomorrow? b. [[dama woK] na] ar uK t[g[=b[( ma [[village 2PlP-InanSg] Loc] rain rain.fall=Past-3SgS Q  Has it rained in your-Pl village? c. woli( ma come-PerfNeg-3Sgs Q  Didn t he/she come? Yes/no questions provide the addressee with a choice between two polarities (positive, negative) for the relevant eventuality. Both poles of a question may be overtly uttered (519). When ma is nonfinal (i.e. not followed by a pause), it is usually prolonged intonationally (symbol !). In this context, ma can be interpreted either as a polar interrogative (bracketed with the clause to its left) or as the disjunction  or linking the two clauses. This raises a general problem (as for other Dogon languages) as to whether the polar interrogative and the disjunctive particle are meaninfully distinguishable. For more on disjunctive  or see 7.2.1. (519) womuw ma! wonaru come-Impf-2SgS Q come-ImpfNeg-2SgS  Are you-Sg coming, or aren t you coming? As in many languages, an explicit polar interrogative morpheme is not obligatory in functionally yes-no questions. An alternative in Yanda Dom is to utter the clause in its usual assertive form, but with an intonational rise on the final syllable. A polar interrogative clause ending in ma! can function as a complement clause with a main-clause verb  not know (that/whether& ) . For examples see 17.2.1. WH interrogative clauses (i.e. with  who? ,  where? , etc.) may also end in ma or in a final-syllable intonational rise, though these indicators of interrogation are somewhat redundant in this case. Content (WH) interrogatives These interrogative stems are variously nominal ( who? ,  what? ), adverbial ( how? etc.), or adjectival ( which? ). The syntax of the interrogative clause is predictable from the stem-class category of the interrogative stem. The interrogative word or phrase is focalized. This is particularly relevant to  who? or  what? as clause subject, which requires the subject-focalization form of the verb as described in 13.1. The clause-final question particle ma! is optionally added to content interrogative clauses.  Who? (am) The basic  who? stem, restricted to human referents, is am. A following verb or other morpheme may get a high tone by Rhythmic Tone-Raising. The accusative form is ami:. In a m=(  who is it? with the  it is clitic , phonetic [ammm], am behaves like underlying /a m/ with rising tone. A possessor form amuK plus the same  it is clitic produces the possessor ( Y belongs to whom? ) predicate am-uK=(, phonetic [amuKK]. Where the referent is understood to be nonsingular, the plural form amiy[ may be used (compare dialectal English who all?). (520) a. am Lpile who? Lfall.Perf.SFoc  Who fell? b. amiy[ Lpile who.Pl? Lfall.Perf.SFoc  Who-Pl fell? c. a m=( who?=it.is  Who is it? d. [[ba na] ami: Lw[w [market Loc] who?-Acc Lsee.Perf-2SgS  Who did you-Sg see in the market? For am and plural amiy[ as adjectives in the sense  which? with animate nouns, see 13.2.8, below.  What? (Yre, ciYre),  with what? ,  why? The interrogative stem  what? is Yre (contrast perfective Yr[  ate ). It is optionally extended as ciYre with ci  thing . Both the simple and extended variants can refer to nonhuman animals as well as to inanimates. (521) a. Kgo Yre=( Prox.InanSg what?=it.is  What s this? b. Yre LYr[w what? Leat.Perf-2SgS  What did you-Sg eat? c. ci-Yre oy Lb[l[ thing-what? 2Sg-Acc Lget.Perf.SFoc  What got you-Sg? (=  What has happened to you? , I was not able to elicit a plural form. However, a conjunction of the type  what and what? is in use when referring to a multiplicity of object types. (522) [ : [[ci-Yre mi!] [ci-Yre mi!]] Prox.InanPl [[thing-what? and] [thing-what? and]]  These (things) are what and what? Not surprisingly, the instrumental form (8.1.2) of  what? is used to inquire about the instrument or material used in an activity (523). (523) [ci-Yre mi!] LgTlamu [what? Instr] Ldo.farm.work-Impf-2SgS  With what (tool) do you work (in the fields)? Similarly,  why? is expressed as  for what? (524), with purposive postposition dan (8.3.2). Another  why? expression is Yre ni:. (524) [ciYre dan] Lwow [thing-what? Purp] Lcome.Perf-2SgS  Why (= for what?) did you-Sg come?  Where? (amba:) The  where? stem is amba:. It is common in adverbial use with a motion verb (525a), and can be made predicative by adding a conjugated form of bo  be (somewhere) (525b). (525) a. amba: Lunmu where? Lgo-Impf-2SgS  Where are you-Sg going? b. amba: boy where? be-2PlS  Where are you-Pl? An informant rejected the (redundant) use of locative postposition with  where? (#amba: na).  It is where? (= where is it? ) is amba:=(, pronounced with dying-quail intonation on the final vowel. This form can also be used to overtly focus  where? .  When? (a:r a, a:r a ga)  When? is a:r a, which can be extended by adding the Temporal (elsewhere also Adverbial) postposition (8.2.14) to form a:r a ga. (526) a. [a:r a ga] [yanda na] womu [when? Temp] [Y Loc] come-Impf-3SgS  When are you-Sg coming to Yanda? b. a:r a=( when?=it.is  When is it? Another expression, which can be used to inquire as to a time of the day, is wakatu Yri mi(, literally  with which time? .  How? (anja :) The basic  how? adverbial interrogative is anja :. (527) [yendu wo] anja : Lyedemi [basket Def.InanSg] how Lfix-Impf-1PlS  How are we going to fix the basket? anja : can be used with the  do verb kan in the sense  do what? , where the expected reply is the description of an action. (528) wo anja : Lkar ami 2Pl how? Ldo-Impf-2PlS  What are you-Pl going to do? The combination of  how? and  do can also be used in a subordinated clause ( doing how? ) with same-subject subordinator (15.2.3), as in (529). (529) [anja : kar [:] ye Lgomiy [how? do-NonP.and.SS] 1Pl Lgo.out-Impf-1PlS  (By) doing what (=how) are we going to get out?  How much/many? (aKa) With aKa  how much? or  how many? , if the noun denoting the unit type or substance is overt, it precedes the interrogative (animate nouns take plural mu). The noun retains its usual tones. The interrogative may follow in the unprefixed form aKa, or (often) it takes a prefixal classifier from the set also used by numerals (4.7.1.2). The prefixed inanimate form is yeaKa. The animate plural form is either aaKa (pronounced [aaKa] with a glottal stop separating the two a vowels) or boaKa. The initial high tone on aKa in yeaKa is due to the low-toned classifier. (530) a. [p[:mu aaKa] L[b[w [sheep-AnPl how.many?] Lbuy.Perf-2SgS  How many sheep did you-Sg buy? b. wo [n[m yeaKa] zoy 2Pl [salt Inan-how.much?] have-2PlS  How much salt do you-Pl have? The distributive reduplication aKaaKa is used to ask  how much? per unit (e.g. of sale). The ordinal is aKayno or aKa-n[  how-many-eth? (French quantime?).  Which? (aKgo, etc.) aKgo and the associated forms meaning  which? are modifying adjectives that may follow a noun (or a fuller core NP). The preceding noun is tone-dropped as usual with nouns modified by adjectives: Ylo  house , Ylo aKgo  which house? . The forms of  which? agree with the referent in animacy and number (531). For animates, the singular variant am and the plural form amiy[ are identical to the corresponding  who? interrogatives. In animate plural NPs, plural suffix mu is optionally present on the noun preceding amiy[. (531)  Which? aKgo inanimate singular ay[ inanimate plural aKg[ ( am animate singular (cf. am  who? ) amiy[ animate plural (also  who?-Pl ) For the animate forms, compare demonstrative TKg[  this , plural Tmiy[ (4.4.2.1). Examples are in (532). (532) a. [kTdT L aKgo] ebaw [calabashL which?.InanSg] want-2SgS  Which calabash do you-Sg want? (kTdT) b. [na:mu L amiy[] s[mamiy [cow-AnPlL which?.AnPl] slaughter-Impf-1PlS  Which cows will we slaughter? The partitive construction  which of/from (a set)? is expressed by combining the appropriate  which? form with a locative PP (533). The PP here is tonally independent of the  which? form. (533) [[[na:mu omu] ber a na] [[[cow-AnPl 2SgP-AnPl] interior] Loc] aKg[ dor amuw which?.AnSg sell-Impf-2SgS  Which of your-Sg cows will you sell? (lit.:  Inside your cows, which will you sell? ) Embedded interrogatives Interrogatives are commonly embedded, especially with  know or  be aware (of) in the higher clause. Two types of embedded polar (yes/no) interrogatives are in (534). In (534a), the pronominal subject of the embedded clause is expressed with quotative subject (QuotS) wa (17.1.2), and the verb ( come ) is not inflected for pronominal-subject category. In (534b), by contrast, the embedded interrogative has exactly the same main-clause form, including pronominal-subject inflection on the verb, that it would have if not embedded ( Are they here, or not? ). In context, the truth of the embedded clause is presupposed in (534a) but not in (534b), but this distinction (crucial in English, hence that versus whether) is not important in Yanda Dom. (534) a. [mi Hde:] [mi Hwa!] [ya we ma!] [1SgP Hfather] [1Sg HQuotS] [Real come.Perf Q] so: zon( awareness have-StatNeg-3SgS  My father is not aware that I have come. b. [Kgi ya b[: ma!] [here Exist be-3PlS Q] [oniye ma!] zuwTram [not.be-3PlS Q] know-ImpfNeg-1SgS  I don t know whether they are here or not. The following embedded content (WH) interrogatives should be understood to be followed by, and embedded under,  I don t know&  (zuwTram) or a similar phrase. In one construction, the embedded clause has its normal main-clause interrogative form, including the relevant WH interrogative like  who? (535). (535) (I don t know& ) a. am wo: ma! who? come.Impf.SFoc Q  & who is coming. b. ciYre LYrami ma! what? Leat-Impf-1PlS Q  & what we will eat. c. amba: b-[: ma! where? be Q  & where they are. In the alternative construction, the WH interrogative is replaced by the corresponding semantically light noun ( who? (  person ,  what? (  thing ,  where? (  place ,  when? (  time , etc.). The embedded interrogative clause is converted into a relative clause with this light noun as (low-toned) head. The construction is therefore literally of the type  I don t know the person who& (the thing that& , the place where & ) . (536) ( I don t know&  ) a. TmT L o bo placeL 2SgS be  & the place where you-Sg are b. no L wo: g[ personL come.Impf.Rel.AnSg Def.AnSg  & the person who will come Relativization Basics of relative clauses The following are the major structural features of relatives clauses in Yanda Dom. there is no relative morpheme; the regular verb of a main clause (inflected both for AMN and pronominal subject) is replaced by a relative verb that includes AMN marking; for negative categories, and some marked perfective categories, the form (mainly tonal) of the relative verb is different in subject and non-subject relatives; imperfective positive (but not other) relative verbs show participle-like agreement with the animacy and number categories of the head NP; the head NP is seemingly bifurcated into an internal head consisting maximally of N-Adj-Num plus a possessor, and a NP-tail following the relative verb and consisting of determiners and non-numeral quantifiers ( each ,  all ); the determiners agree with the head NP in animacy and number; the internal head is subject to tone-dropping; nonpronominal possessors, even if adjacent to the possessed NP (i.e. in alienable possession), are not included in the tone-dropping domain, but they lose their power to control a tone overlay on the possessed NP when the latter is relative head; proclitic pronominal possessors (which are obligatory in inalienable possession) are tone-dropped along with the possessed noun; in non-subject relatives (those whose head NP is not the subject of the relative clause), if the subject is pronominal it is expressed by a set of subject pronominals proclitic to the verb, some but not all of which are low-toned; if a possessor is the head, it takes regular internal-head form, but it no longer controls a tone overlay on the possessed NP, which reverts to its unpossessed form; when a NP complement of a postposition is relativized on, the postposition is either omitted or appears in its usual postnominal position, in L-toned form that could be interpreted either as lexical or as due to its being included in the domain of tone-lowering. Coordinated relatives with a shared head Instead of two relatives with a shared head NP, when two same-subject clauses are involved the first is expressed as a same-subject subordinated clause, with e: ( [: on the verb (15.2.3), or some similar chaining form. Therefore only the final verb has relative form. For examples see 14.1.8 below. Tone-dropping on the internal head in a relative clause Fieldwork on relative-clause tone-dropping was difficult for Yanda Dom especially in connection with internal head NPs that contain numerals and other elements. This is probably because of the extra prefix that adds an extra syllable to numerals in this language. My first informant would typically pronounce the tones on the same sequence differently in repetitions, making it difficult to detect a basic pattern. Some occurrences would sound like independent NPs (not relative heads), others would show systematic tone-lowering, and others were intermediate. My second informant had much more consistent tone patterns and I base the analysis chiefly on data from him. For him, the noun and all postnominal elements within the internal head NP were subject to tone-dropping (if not already tone-dropped), except that H-toned classifying prefixes on numerals often escaped tone-dropping, i.e. functioning as tiny, monosyllabic islands. In the formulae in (537), the middle column shows the form taken by a NP as internal relative-clause head. A tonosyntactic superscript attached to a bracketed phrase is understood to take the entire bracketed string as its domain. For example, [N Adj]L is understood to be expressed as [NL AdjL]. (& ( enclose tonosyntactic islands, i.e. strings that resist further tonosyntactic targeting. (537) regular as internal head NP gloss a. N ! NL ga: ga: L  cat Ylo YloL  house p[: p[: L  sheep na: na: L  cow b. [NL Adj] ! [N Adj]L ga: L jem[ [ga: jem[] L  black cat ga: L pil[ [ga: pil[] L  white cat ga: L p[y [ga: p[y] L  old cat c. animate plural N-mu ! N-mu L ga: mu ga: mu L  cats p[:mu p[:mu L  sheep-Pl na:mu na:mu L  cows d. [NL Adj-mu] ! [N Adj-mu]L ga: L jem[mu [ga: jem[mu] L  black cats ga: L pil[mu [ga: pil[mu] L  white cats ga: L p[ymu [ga: p[ymu] L  old cats e. [N Num] ! [N ((Prefix-()Num]L or [N (Prefix-)Num]L Ylo yeno: [Ylo (ye( no:] L  two houses   [Ylo yeno:] L   anmu (bo-)kule [anmu (bo-(kule] L  six men   [anmu (bo-)kule] L   anmu (a-)kule [anmu ((a-()kule] L  six men   [anmu (a-)kule] L   f. [NL Adj Num] ! [N Adj ((Prefix-()Num]L or [N Adj (Prefix)Num]L ga: L jem[mu (a)no: [ga: jem[mu ((a-()no:] L  two black cats   ga: L jem[mu (a-)no:   ga: L pil[mu ano: [ga: pil[mu ((a-()no:] L  two white cats   ga: L pil[mu (a-)no: L   ga: L p[ymu ano: [ga: p[ymu ((a-()no:] L  two old cats   ga: L p[ymu (a-)no: L   g. [N Poss] ] ! [N Poss]L Yn[ mi-y [ [Yn[ mi-y [] L  my goat Now consider the NPs with preposed possessors in (538), and the form they take as relative-clause heads. A double strike-through as in (Poss( HNL indicates cancellation of an earlier tonosyntactic overlay. (538) regular head NP gloss a. [Poss LN] ! (Poss( LNL amiru LYlo (amiru( LYlo L  chief s house b. [Poss HN] ! (Poss( HNL amiru [na Hde:] (amiru( [na Hde:] L]  chief s father c. [Poss HN] ! [Poss HN]L (for pronominal possessor) o Hde: [o Hde:] L  your-Sg father d. [[Poss HN] LN] ! ( Poss HN( LNL [o Hde:] LYlo (o Hde:( LYlo L  your father s house A nonpronominal possessor like  chief in (538a) is not subject to tone-dropping controlled by the relative clause. However, the possessed noun is subject to this tone-dropping, erasing (or blocking) the possessor-controlled overlay. In (538a),  house would be {L}-toned regardless of which controller was operative. However, in (538b) the possessed noun  father cancels its possessor-controlled {H} overlay to be tone-dropped by the relative clause. The same thing happens in (538c), but now the preposed possessor is pronominal. This sequence occurs only in inalienable possession (kin terms). A preposed pronominal possessor is included in the domain of tone-dropping controlled by the relative clause In (538d), we have stacked possession. The subordinated possessor ( your father ) is not subject to tone-dropping controlled by the relative clause, so I use island notation (Poss(. The higher possessed noun ( house ) is tone-dropped, but there is no way to determine whether this is controlled by its possessor or by the relative clause, so I hedge by putting the L superscript on both sides. The formulae above can be illustrated with a few actual examples here. (539a) illustrates the optional tone-dropping of the postnominal possessor ( your ). (539b) shows that a preposed nonpronominal possessor ( chief ) is not tone-dropped, though the possessed noun ( house ) is. In this example, the possessor-controlled {L} on  house is replaced by a homophonous {L} controlled by the relative clause. A clearer example of this cancellation is (539c), where the possessor-controlled {LH} on  uncle is replaced by the relative-controlled {L}. This example, and (539d) which adds an adjective, also show that a preposed pronominal possessor (which occurs with kin terms) is tone-dropped along with the noun (and adjective), though this is audible only for a H-toned pronoun like 2Sg o. (539) a. [[Ylo o-K] L pile-zo wo] [[house 2SgP-InanSg]L fall-Perf2.Rel Def.InanSg] amba: bo-( where? be-3SgS  Where is [your-Sg house that fell]? (< Ylo o-K  your house ) b. [[(ami:ro( LYlo L] pile-zo wo] [[chief LhouseL] fall-Perf2.Rel Def.InanSg] amba: bo-( where? be-3SgS  Where is [the chief s house that fell]? (< ami:ro LYlo  chief s house ) c. [o LHlezu] L pile g[] [2SgPoss LHuncle]L fall.Perf.Rel Def.AnSg] amba: bo-( where? be-3SgS  Where is [your uncle who fell]? (<o LHlezu  your-Sg uncle ) d. [o lezu gTmT] L pile g[] [2SgPoss LHuncle nasty]L fall.Perf.Rel Def.AnSg] amba: bo-( where? be-3SgS  Where is [your evil uncle who fell]? (<o lezu L gTmT  your-Sg nsaty uncle ) To repeat, elicitation with another informant produced a more varied (and less systematic data set). Restrictions on the head NP in a relative clause A personal pronoun may not head a relative, but it may occur as an independent pronoun in apposition to a relative, which may be headless (540a) or headed by a noun such as  person . (540) a. ye [Kgi bom=o:] abayi 1Pl [here be.Rel=Def.AnPl] accept-PerfNeg-1PlS  We who are here do not accept (=we refuse). b. ye [o no L gTlT gTla: g[] 1Pl [2Sg personL farming do.farm.work.Impf.Rel Def.AnSg] Lbadami Lhelp-Impf-1PlS  We will help you-Sg the person who is farming. In (819) in Text 3,  what I have brought and come , the head NP  thing belongs logically to the initial VP in a chain. Relative clause with conjoined NP as head The elicited example (541) has a conjoined head NP. I heard numerous repetitions of it and there was no sign of tone-dropping on either coordinand. I conclude that this is a tonological island that is impervious to relative-clause-head tone-dropping. (541) [[[y[mu mi! [anmu mi!]] [[[woman-AnPl and] [man-AnPl and]] za:niy am=o:] amba: b[: squabble-AnPl=Def.AnPl] where? be-3PlS  Where are the women and men who squabbled? Examples like this are uncommon, since most cases where the English translation has a conjoined head NP are expressed in Yanda Dom with two distinct NPs. For example,  the women and men who eat here is easily rephrased as  the women who eat here and the men who eat here . This rephrasing is not possible in (541), which involves reciprocal activity. Headless relative clause A predictable, contextually understood, or unspecified head NP may appear as a semantically light noun ( thing ,  person ,  critter ,  place ) (542a). Alternatively, it may be omitted entirely, resulting in a superficially headless relative (542b). (542) a. [ki L mi [ba wo] Kgi onu( [thingL 1SgS want.Rel Def.InanSg] here not.be-3SgS  The thing that I want isn t here. b. [mi [ba wo] Kgi onu( [1SgS want.Rel Def.InanSg] here not.be-3SgS  What I want isn t here. For headless relatives as complements, see 17.5.1 ( consent ) and 17.5.2 ( want ). For headless relatives as adverbial clauses, see 15.4.3. Preverbal subject pronominal in relative clause In non-subject relatives, if the subject happens to be a pronoun it is expressed by a preverbal pronominal clitic, immediately adjacent to the relative verb. The forms are those in (543). Note that some are high-toned (2Sg, 3Logophoric) and others low-toned. The same pronominal forms are used in inalienable possessor function (with kin terms); see (186) in 6.2.4.1. (543) Subject pronouns in relative clauses 1Sg mi 2Sg o 1Pl ye 2Pl wo 3Sg na 3Pl bo Logo (Sg=Pl) a Some examples of non-subject relatives with a pronoun as subject are in (544). (544) a. Ylo L mi [b[ wo houseL 1SgS buy.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg  the house that I bought b. izen L oy bo w[ wo dayL 2Sg-Acc 3PlS see.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg  the day (when) they saw you-Sg c. TmT L [p[: g[] o placeL [sheep Def.AnSg] 2SgS s[maK wo slaughter-Impf.Rel.InanSg Def.InanSg  the place (where) you-Sg will slaughter the sheep-Sg The only form that can intervene between a preverbal subject pronoun and the relative verb is a preceding chained verb; see 14.1.8. Relative verb The relative form of the verb lacks pronominal-subject suffixation. It does mark the AMN category. In the imperfective positive there is also partial marking of the intrinsic nominal category (animacy/number) of the head NP, but this category is expressed more reliably by a following determiner, which can follow a relative verb of any AMN category. I therefore do not refer to the Yanda Dom relative verb as a participle. Relative forms of positive perfective-system verbs For the regular perfective (positive), the form used in relative clauses (hereafter: perfective relative) is segmentally the same as the Estem, as in the regular conjugated perfective. There is some fluctuation (probably low-level) between e and o, between [ and T, and between Cw[ and CT, in the presence of a following definite morpheme. However, the data overall point to the Estem, and even the variants with back rounded vowel respect the lexical ATR value. The perfective relative verb is identical to the conjugated main-clause perfective stem. Nonmonosyllabic {H}-toned verbs tend to have declining pitch from one syllable to the other(s), and I initially transcribed them as H.L or trisyllabic H.L.L, but in careful pronunciation the {H} melody can be heard. There is no distinction in form between nonsubject and subject relative perfective verbs. For animate plural head NP, the usual animate plural suffix mu is added to the verb. (545) Perfective relative verb bare stem perfective Perf.Rel gloss a. wT w[ w[  see y[ y[ y[  weep b. nT nT/[ nT/[  hear nT nT/[ nT/[  go in go go/e go/e  go out to: to/e to/e  spit c. ka: kaye kaye  shave ma : maye maye  make (bricks) na : naye naye  spend night d. un ur [ ur [  go nd[ nd[ nd[  give Yl[ Yl[ Yl[  go up tabu tabe tabe  touch obiyo obiye obiye  sit down e. dTgT dTg[ dTg[  leave nindiyo nindiye nindiye  listen (~ nindiye) barm[ barm[ barm[  be wounded The tones of the relative verb are not affected by a preceding alllow toned word. Examples showing the various animacy/number values for head NPs are in (546). (546) a. an L nama dTg[ g[ manL meat leave.Perf.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who left (some) meat (variant & dTgT g[) b. an L nama dTg[m=o: manL meat leave.Perf.Rel-AnPl=Def.AnPl  the men who left (some) meat (variant & dTgTm=o:) c. izen L nama mi dTg[ wo dayL meat 1SgS leave.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg  the day (when) I left (some) meat . (may contract to & dTg=o:) d. izen L nama mi dTg[ g[ dayL meat 1SgS leave.Perf.Rel Def.InanPl  the days (when) I left (some) meat . (variant & dTgT g[) My first informant regularly used this Estem perfective form in relatives corresponding to the perfective-2 (-zo-) in main clauses, suggesting that the perfective2 tends to be neutralized with the Estem perfective in this construction. However, relative clauses with a perfective2 suffix on the verb did pop up; see e.g. (174) in 6.2.2, (311c) in 10.1.1, and (644a) in 15.4.1The suffix appears as H-toned -zo- in all such relative examples. zo (probably here a cliticized form of the  have quasi-verb) also occurs in some other relative combinations to be described below, and a relative form based on the perfective2 is used as an imperfective in relative clauses; see (555) in 14.1.7.2 just below. The recent perfect with suffix z[ (10.3.1.4) has relative forms as illustrated in (547). For subject relatives, main-clause z[ usually corresponds to an extended form z[zo-, though simple z[ is also acceptable. The extended form is not attested in nonsubject relatives. Aside from this, the tones are different in subject and nonsubject relatives. In subject relatives, an initial H- or L-tone regularly spreads to the end of the stem, followed by z[(-zo) with rhythmically alternating H- and L-tones. In nonsubject relatives, the stem has its lexical tones, and z[ is H-toned (it is articulated like a separate verb, i.e. with a renewed high-pitched onset). (547) Recent perfect relative stem RecPf RecPf relative gloss subject nonsubject a. initial H-tone nT nTz[ nTz[(zo) nTz[  go in ka: ka:z[ ka:z[(zo) ka:z[  shave obiyo obiyoz[ obiyoz[(zo) obiyoz[  sit b. initial L-tone ma : ma :z[ ma:z[(zo) ma :z[  make (bricks) gTlT gTlTz[ gTlTz[(zo) gTlTz[  do farm work nindiyo nindiyoz[ nindiyoz[(zo) nindiyoz[  listen c. irregular zi n zi n-z[ zi n-z[(zo) zi n-z[  take away Examples of recent perfect relatives are in (548). (548) a. an L za Yr[z[zo g[ manL meal eat.meal-RecPf-An.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who has finished eating (a meal) b. an L za Yr[z[zom=o: manL meal eat.meal-RecPf-An.Rel-AnPl=Def.AnPl  the men who have finished eating (a meal) c. izen L za mi Yr[z[ wo dayL meal 1SgS eat.meal-RecPf.Rel Def.InanSg  the day (when) I finished eating (a meal). d. izen L za mi Yr[z[ g[ dayL meal 1SgS eat.meal-RecPf.Rel Def.InanPl  the days (when) I finished eating (meals). e. an L gTlT gTlTz[(zo)-mu=wo manL farming do.farming-RecPf.Rel-AnPl=Def.AnPl  the men who have finished farming f. izen L gTlT mi gTlTz[ g[ dayL farming 1SgS eat.meal-RecPf.Rel Def.InanPl  the days (when) I finished farming. The experiential perfect has suffix complex t[r[b[ or t[r[zo in positive main clauses (10.3.1.3). The relative form is t[r[ and omits the following auxiliary-like element (549). In subject relatives, the verb has the same tones as in the main-clause experiential perfect. In nonsubject relatives, it has the same tones as in the bare stem. (549) Experiential perfect relative stem RecPf ExpPf relative gloss subject nonsubject a. stem {H} or {LH} before main-clause t[r[ nT nTt[r[ nTt[r[ nTt[r[  go in ka: ka:t[r[ ka:t[r[ ka:t[r[  shave obiyo obiyot[r[ obiyot[r[ obiyot[r[  sit na : na :t[r[ na :t[r[ na :t[r[  spend night b. stem {L}-toned before main-clause t[r[ go got[r[ got[r[ got[r[  go out ma : ma:t[r[ ma:t[r[ ma :t[r[  make (bricks) gTlT gTlTt[r[ gTlTt[r[ gTlTt[r[  do farm work nindiyo nindiyot[r[ nindiyot[r[ nindiyot[r[  listen Some examples of the experiential perfect relative forms are in (550). (550) a. an L goy e wTt[r[ g[ manL elephant see-ExpPf.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who has (ever) seen an elephant b. an L goy e wTt[r[m=o: manL elephant see-ExpPf.Rel-AnPl=Def.AnPl  the men who have (ever) seen an elephant c. TmT L goy emu mi wTt[r[ wo placeL elephant-AnPl 1SgS see-ExpPf.Rel Def.InanSg  the place where I have (ever) seen elephants. d. TmT L goy emu mi wTt[r[ g[ placeL elephant-AnPl 1SgS see-ExpPf.Rel Def.InanPl  the places where I have (ever) seen elephants. Relative forms of positive imperfective-system verbs (K etc.) The regular main-clause imperfective is characterized by a suffix m, added to the A/O-stem, to which an additional pronominal-subject suffix can be added. The corresponding relative forms lack this m, though they do have suffixes like K and vowel-lengthening that may have originated as *-m. The morpheme nr[ is likely from K plus *y[, an ancient animacy-number classifier. There is no difference between subject and nonsubject forms of the verb. Paradigms for  leave (551) and  fall (552) illustrate the forms. ch nr[ versus r[ (551) Imperfective relative forms of dTgT  leave simple with definite inanimate singular dTgaK dTgaK=wo plural dTga: dTga: g[ dTga-nr[ dTga-nr[ g[ animate singular dTga: dTga: g[ dTga-nr[ dTga-nr[ g[ plural dTga:mu dTga:mu=wo dTga-nr[mu dTga-nr[mu=wo (552) Imperfective relative forms of pile  fall simple with definite inanimate singular pileK pileK=wo plural pilo: pilo: g[ pile-nr[ pile-nr[ g[ animate singular pilo: pilo: g[ pile-nr[ pile-nr[ g[ plural pilo:mu pilo:mu=wo pile-nr[mu pile-nr[-mu= wo The forms with lengthened stem-final vowel resemble the form taken by the imperfective stem in the past imperfective negative with cliticized =bali (10.6.1.2). For example, past imperfective (positive) dTgam=b[  was leaving is negated as dTga:=bali  was not leaving , and the latter likely originated as *dTgam=bali, with the medial *am contracting later to a:. For -K in instrumental relative compounds ( water for drinking ), see 5.1.16. Representative imperfective relative forms are given in (553). These show the form with final lengthening used in the inanimate plural and animate singular, and the form with K for the inanimate singular. The animate plural form is easily constructed from the lengthened form by adding mu. (553) Imperfective relative stem imperfective Impf relative gloss InanPl/AnSg InanSg a. wT wamu wa: waK  see y[ yamu ya: yaK  weep b. nT nT/amu nT/a: nT/aK  hear nT nT/amu nT/a: nT/aK  go in go gomu ga: goK  go out to: to:mu to: to:K  spit c. ka: ka:mu ka: ka:K  shave ma : ma :mu ma : ma  :K  make (bricks) d. un unmu ur o: ur uK  go nd[ ndamu nda: ndaK  give Yl[ Ylamu Yla: YlaK  go up tabu tabamu taba: tabaK  touch obiyo obiyomu obi-yo: obi-yoK  sit down e. dTgT dTgTmu dTga: dTgaK  leave nindiyo nindiyomu nindiyo: nindiyoK  listen barm[ barmamu barma: barmaK  be wounded For verbs of two or more moras (Cv:, CvCv, etc.), the lexical distinction between {H} and {LH} is respected, and the {LH} stems all begin with a low-tone segment. The remainder of the stem is high-toned in the -K form, and in the lengthened form except for the terminal falling tone. One informant indicated that the -K form can also optionally replace the lengthened form for inanimate plural, at least in position before definite inanimate plural g[. Therefore (554b) with plural head NP ( days ) has two variants. (554) a. izen L mi YlaK=o: dayL 1SgS go.up.-Impf.Rel.InanSg=Def.InanSg  the day (when) I will go up. b. izen L mi Yla: g[   YlaK   the days (when) I will go up. There is an alternative to the imperfective relative as described above. This alternative includes the morpheme zo. Morphophonologically, this relative form is identical to the perfective2 form with suffix zo in main clauses, though the aspectual value is different and pronominal-subject marking is not possible. All such forms are probably related historically to quasi-verb zo  have . Examples of the relative form are in (555). (555) Imperfective relative (form with zo-) stem Impf relative gloss a. Cv with low-tone wT wTzo  see go gozo  go out b. Cv with high tone nT nTzo  go in zo zozo  bring c. Cv: ka: ka:zo  shave ma : ma :zo  make (bricks) na : na :zo  spend night d. {H} toned nonmonosyllabic tolo tolozo  pound (in mortar) obiyo obiyozo  sit e. {LH} toned nonmonosyllabic dTgT dTgTzo  leave nindiyo nindiyozo  listen An immediately preceding alllow toned constituent, such as a low-toned subject pronominal, raises the tone of the initial syllable of the relative form. Therefore gozo as in (556) becomes gozo in (557) after low-toned 1Sg subject mi. (556) izen L o gozo dayL 2SgS go.out-Impf.Rel  the day (when) you-Sg will go out (557) izen L mi gozo dayL 1SgS go.out-Impf.Rel  the day (when) I will go out Relative forms of stative verbs Stative derivatives of regular verbs (10.5.1) can be used in relative clauses. The vocalism and tone are the same as in the inflectable stative in main clauses. There is no difference between subject and nonsubject relative verb forms. (558) stem stative stative Rel gloss a. obiyo obo obo  be sitting (seated) Yriy[ Yra Yra  be stopped piye piyo piyo  (door) be shut b. bambiy[ bamba bamba  have on one s back j[liy[ j[la j[la  be holding in hand c. diy[ dT/a dT/a  be carrying on head Underived statives ( be ,  have ,  want ) have the relative forms in (559). Note the initial high tone. (559) stem relative gloss bo bo  be (somewhere) zo zo  have [ba [ba  want Progressive verb complexes that end in an auxiliary-like stative make use of the the latter s relative form (560). The imperfective verb with m has its regular tones. (560) y[ L inju diyam j[la g[ womanL water bathe-Impf Prog.Rel Def.AnSg  a woman who is bathing Adjectival predicates do not normally occur in relative clauses ( a dog that is black is instead expressed as  a black dog ). Relative forms of negative perfective-system verbs The conjugated main-clause perfective negative has a suffix li of variable tone. This suffix also appears in corresponding relative forms, in L-toned form. There is a tonal distinction between nonsubject and subject relatives for some verbs (561a) but not others (561b). The nonsubject relatives follow the tones of the bare stem, while the subject relatives follow those of the main-clause perfective negative. (561) Perfective negative relative stem PerfNeg PerfNeg Rel gloss nonsubj subj a. tone difference between nonsubject and subject relative wo woli woli woli  come wT wali wali wali  see go goli goli goli  go out nd[ ndali ndali ndali  give ma : ma:li ma :li ma:li  make (bricks) dTgT dTgali dTgali dTgali  leave nindiyo nindiyoli nindiyoli nindiyoli  listen b. no tone difference between nonsubject and subject relative zo zoli zoli zoli  bring tT tT/ali tT/ali tT/ali  slash earth (to sow) ka: ka:li ka:li ka:li  shave tolo tololi tololi tololi  pound (in mortar) obiyo obiyoli obiyoli obiyoli  sit na : na :li na :li na :li  spend night Examples of perfective negative relatives are in (562). (562a-b) are subject relatives, (562c-d) are nonsubject relatives.  Go out has different tones in (562a,c) while  go in has the same tones in (562b,d). (562) a. an L goli g[ manL go.out-PerfNeg.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who did not go out b. an L nT/ali g[ man L go.in-PerfNeg.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who did not go in c. izen L mi goli day L 1SgS go.out-PerfNeg.Rel  the day I didn t go out d. izen L mi nT/ali day L 1SgS go.in-PerfNeg.Rel  the day I didn t go in Relative forms of negative imperfective-system verbs The basic imperfective negative, in its conjugatable main-clause form, has nan( ran. The imperfective negative relative has a suffix n. There is a tonal distinction between relative forms in nonsubject and subject relatives. The bare stem is the model for nonsubject relatives, while the conjugated imperfective negative is the basis for subject relatives. Irregular forms occur with the two primary verbs of conveyance and with n-final verbs ( take away belongs to both sets) (563b). First, after an n-final stem, the suffix is syllable (nu). Secondly, the tones for these irregular forms are distinct from the regular ones. (563) Imperfective negative relative stem ImpfNeg ImpfNeg Rel gloss nonsubj subj a. wo wonan wo-n won  come wT wTnan wT-n wTn  see go gonan go-n gon  go out y[ y[-nan- y[-n y[n  weep b. irregular zo zonan zo-n zon  bring ~ zon zi n zinnan zi nnu zinnu  take away un unnan unnu unnu  go c. tT tT-nan- tT-n tTn  slash earth (to sow) ka: ka:-nan- ka:-n ka:n  shave nd[ nd[-nan- nd[-n nd[-n  give tolo tolo-nan- tolo-n tolon  pound (in mortar) obiyo obiyo-nan- obiyo-n obiyon  sit d. ma : ma:nan ma :-n ma:n  make (bricks) na : na:-nan- na :-n na:n  spend night dTgT dTganan dTgT-n dTgTn  leave nindiyo nindiyonan nindiyo-n nindiyon  listen Examples (564a-b) are nonsubject relatives; see also (706) in 17.6.5. (564c) is a subject relative. (564) a. izen L mi ka:n dayL 1SgS shave-ImpfNeg.Rel  a day (when) I do not shave (< /ka:n/) b. [na: L ye em[nm=o:] [cowL 1PlS milk(v)ImpfNeg.Rel-AnPl=Def.AnPl] amba: b[: where? be-3PlS  Where are the cows that we are not going to milk? c. [no L bid[ bid[n] [bulam [personL work(n) work-ImpfNeg.Rel] want-StatNeg-1SgS  I don t like/want a person who doesn t work. Relative forms of negative stative verbs The stative negative relative is identical in form to the conjugatable stative negative (565). The suffix is stative negative n, after a low-toned form of the derived stative stem. (565) stem stative Neg Stat Neg Rel gloss a. obiyo obon obon  not be sitting (seated) Yriy[ Yran Yran  not be stopped piye piyon piyon  (door) not be shut b. bambiy[ bamban bamban  not have on one s back j[liy[ j[lan j[lan  not be holding in hand c. diy[ dT/an dT/an  not be carrying on head Examples of the stative negative relative are in (566). The relative forms are subject to Tone-Raising after a low-toned constituent such as a low-toned pronominal subject (566b). (566) a. an L bu:du j[lan manL money hold.Stat-StatNeg.Rel  a man who has no money (on him) b. izen L bu:du mi jelan g[ dayL money 1SgS hold.Stat-StatNeg.Rel Def.InanPl  the days (when) I don t have any money (on me) Negative relative forms of underived statives ( be ,  have ,  want ) are in (567). (567) negative negative relative gloss onu onu  not be (somewhere) zon zon  not have [bu=la [bu=la  not want An example of a progressive negative relative (with the relative form of the final stative auxiliary) is (568). (568) an L za Yram j[lan g[ manL meal eat.meal-Impf Prog-StatNeg.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who is not eating With some difficulty, relative clauses with negated adjectival and NP predicates based on the clitic =la  it is not (11.4.3, 11.2.1.2) were elicited (569). An informant expressed discomfort with the adjectival examples, preferring alternative phrasings, e.g.  I m looking for a short person in place of (569a). (569) a. [no L gabu=la]y dunom( [personL tall=it.is.not.Rel]-Acc look.for-Impf-1SgS  I m looking for someone who is not tall b. [no L dTgT=la]y dunom( [person L Dogon=it.is.not.Rel]-Acc look.for-Impf-1SgS  I m looking for someone who is not a Dogon. Relative forms of past clitic =b[ A brief summary of the relationship between the conjugated (main-clause) and relative forms including past =b[ is (570). The only segmental difference is in the past imperfective positive, where the m- morpheme is replaced by vowel-lengthening in the relative (this replacement also occurs in negative forms, both main-clause and relative). Tonal differences, both in the stem and in the suffix-clitic complexes, will be described below. (570) Participle of past clitic (positive polarity) category conjugated relative past perfect =b[ =b[   negative l(=b[ l(=b[ past imperfective m=b[ :=b[   negative :=bali :=bali past recent perfect z[=b[ z[=b[   negative zali=b[ zal=b[ past stative :=b[ :=b[   negative :=bali :=bali The past perfect relative, like the conjugated main-clause past perfect (10.6.1.1), is based segmentally on the bare stem (including the Ustem for ufinal verbs). However, the past perfect relative makes a tonal distinction between nonsubject and subject relatives. In nonsubject relatives, the stem tones are those of the bare stem. In subject relatives, the stem tones are those of the main-clause past perfect. The distinction is audible for the verbs in (571a-b), i.e. for those verbs that have {L}-toned stem before =b[ in main clauses. There is no audible distinction for the verbs in (571c-d), since these stems are {H}- or {LH}-toned both in the bare stem and before =b[ in main clauses. (571) stem past Pf past Pf Rel gloss nonsubj subj a. wo wo=b[ wo=b[ wo=b[  come go go=b[ go=b[ go=b[  go out Yl[ Yl[=b[ Yl[=b[ Yl[=b[  go up b. ma : ma:=b[ ma :=b[ ma:=b[  make (bricks) der [ der [=b[ der [=b[ der [=b[  spend day gTlT gTlT=b[ gTlT=b[ gTlT=b[  do farm work diy[ diy[=b[ diy[=b[ diy[=b[  carry on head manu manu=b[ manu=b[ manu=b[  cook nindiyo nindiyo=b[ nindiyo=b[ nindiyo=b[  listen c. y[ y[=b[ y[=b[  weep nT nT=b[ nT=b[  go in ka: ka:=b[ ka:=b[  shave un un=b[ un=b[  go Yr[ Yr[=b[ Yr[=b[  eat (meal) ubT ubT=b[ ubT=b[  pour nd[ nd[=b[ nd[=b[  give tolo tolo=b[ tolo=b[  pound (in mortar) obiyo obiyo=b[ obiyo=b[  sit tabu tabu=b[ tabu=b[  touch d. na : na :=b[ na :=b[  spend night Example (572a) is a nonsubject past perfect relative, and (572b) is a corresponding subject relative. Note the difference in verb-stem tones. (572) a. izen L gTlT mi gTlT=b[ wo dayL farming 1SgS do.farm.work=Past.Rel Def.InanSg  the day (when) I had done farm work b. an L gTlT gTlT=b[ g[ manL farming do.farm.work=Past.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who had done farm work The past perfect negative relative is based on the 3Sg form of the past perfect negative, which ends in li(=b[(, usually truncated to l(=b[(. The corresponding relative form is therefore l(i)=b[. Again there is a difference between nonsubject (573a) and subject relatives (573b) in the case of verbs that that {L}-toned form in the past perfect (positive and negative). (573) a. izen L gTlT mi gTla-li=b[( wo dayL farming 1SgS do.farm.work-PerfNeg=Past.Rel Def.InanSg  the day when I had not done farm work b. gTlT an gTlal=b[ g[ farming manL do.farm.work-PerfNeg=Past.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who had not farmed [also: an gTlT gTlal=b[ g[] The conjugated main-clause past imperfective is based on the imperfective form with suffix m followed by the conjugated past clitic (10.6.1.2). The past imperfective relative is based on the same form of the stem observed in the conjugated past imperfective negative (N.B not positive). That is, the m suffix is absent, the stem-final vowel is lengthened, and the overall tone contour of the stem is {(L)HL}, with the initial low tone expressed only in lexically {LH} verbs of at least two moras, and the medial high tone limited to at most one syllable. Compare the forms in (574) with the negative forms in (413) in 10.6.1.2. No distinction between nonsubject and subject relatives has been observed. (574) stem past Impf past Impf Rel gloss a. wT wam=b[ wa:=b[  see go gom=b[ go:=b[  go out zo zom=b[ zo:=b[  bring b. nT nT/am=b[ nT/a:=b[  go in dT dT/am=b[ dT/a:=b[  insult c. to: to:m=b[ to:=b[  spit ka: ka:m=b[ ka:=b[  shave Yr[ Yram=b[ Yra:=b[  eat (meal) ubT ubam=b[ uba:=b[  pour c[d[ cedam=b[ ceda:=b[  gather (firewood) nd[ ndam=b[ nda:=b[  give simbe simbom=b[ simbo:=b[  roast, grill obiyo obiyom=b[ obiyo:=b[  sit tabu tabam=b[ taba:=b[  touch d. ma : ma :m=b[ ma: b[  make (bricks) na : na :m=b[ na:=b[  spend night der [ der am=b[ der a:=b[  spend day gTlT gTlam=b[ gTla:=b[  do farm work diy[ diyam=b[ diya:=b[  carry on head manu manam=b[ mana:=b[  cook nindiyo nindiyom=b[ nindiyo:=b[  listen e. un ur um=b[ ur o:=b[  go Example (575a) is a nonsubject relative, (575b) a subject relative. The relative verb has the same form in both. (575) a. izen L gTlT mi gTla:=b[ wo dayL farming 1SgS do.farm.work.Impf=Past.Rel Def.InanSg  the day (when) I was doing farm work b. an L gTlT gTla:=b[ g[ manL farming do.farm.work.Impf=Past.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who was doing farm work The past imperfective negative relative is consistent in stem form with the conjugated past imperfective negative. It therefore ends in :=bali, and differs only in its final morpheme from the past imperfective relative just illustrated. Nonsubject (576a) and subject (576b) relatives have the same form of the verb. (576) a. izen L gTlT mi dayL farming 1SgS gTla:=bali wo do.farm.work-Impf=Past-PerfNeg.Rel Def.InanSg  the day when I was not doing farm work b. an L gTlT gTla:=bali g[ manL farming do.farm.work-Impf=Past-PerfNeg.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who was not farming The past recent perfect relative is directly related to the corresponding conjugated past recent perfect (10.6.1.5), but may differ tonally. For verbs like  do farm work that take {L}-toned form before z[=b[ in main clauses, the same tone pattern occurs in subject relatives (577b), but the lexical stem tone emerges in the nonsubject relative form (577a). For stems with a H-tone before z[=b[ in main clauses, nonsubject (577b) and subject (577a) relative verbs are distinguished by tones in the suffix/clitic complex, z[=b[ versus z[=b[. (577) a. izen L gTlT mi gTlTz[=b[ wo dayL farming 1SgS do.farm.work-RecPf=Past.Rel Def.InanSg  the day when I had finished farming b. an L gTlT gTlTz[=b[ g[ manL farming do.farm.work-RecPf=Past.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who had finished farming c. izen L tol mi toloz[=b[ wo dayL pounding 1SgS pound-RecPf=Past.Rel Def.InanSg  the day when I had finished pounding d. y[ L tol toloz[=b[ g[ womanL pounding pound-RecPf=Past.Rel Def.AnSg  the woman who had finished pounding The past recent perfect negative relative is based on the 3Sg form of the conjugated past recent perfect negative (10.6.1.5). The stem-tones for all verbs follow the same patterns as for the corresponding positive; note the difference in stem tones in (578a-b). The suffix/clitic complex has consistent tones for a given verb, hence zali=b[ after a L-tone in (578a-b) and zali=b[ after a H-tone in (578c-d). (578) a. izen L gTlT mi dayL farming 1SgS gTlTzali=b[ wo do.farm.work-RecPf-PerfNeg=Past.Rel Def.InanSg  the day when I had not finished doing farm work b. an L gTlT gTlTzali=b[ g[ manL farming do.farm.work-RecPf-PerfNeg=Past.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who had not finished farming c. izen L tol mi tolozali=b[ wo dayL pounding 1SgS pound-RecPf=Past.Rel Def.InanSg  the day when I had not finished pounding d. y[ L tol tolozali=b[ g[ womanL pounding pound-RecPf-PerfNeg=Past.Rel Def.AnSg  the woman who had not finished pounding The derived stative past relative is illustrated in (579). The relative forms are closely related to the corresponding conjugated forms (10.5.1). There is no difference in the form of the relative verb in nonsubject and subject relatives. (579) a. izen L mi obo:=b[ wo dayL 1SgS sit.Stat=Past.Rel Def.AnSg  the day when I was sitting b. an L obo:=b[ g[ manL sit.Stat=Past.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who was sitting The derived stative past negative relative is illustrated in (580). There is no difference in the form of the relative verb in nonsubject and subject relatives. (580) a. izen L mi obo:=bali wo dayL 1SgS sit.Stat=Past-PerfNeg.Rel Def.AnSg  the day when I was not sitting b. an L obo:=bali g[ manL sit.Stat=Past-PerfNeg.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who was not sitting Passive relative (-ya) A special passive relative form is attested in texts. There appears to be no exactly equivalent main-clause verb form. The verb ends in -ya, which vaguely resembles 3Pl perfective suffix -a and mediopassive -y[, but is not identical with either. (581) a. [izen L s[:d[-ma guni-ya wo] [dayL set-Hort say-Pass.Rel Def.InanSg] dT na kar [-y arrive 3SgS do-Past.and.then  The day that had been set arrived, &  (excerpt from (778) in Text 1) b. [izen L dami-ya wo] [dayL speak-Pass.Rel Def.InanSg] [wo-y ya dT/-a] [come-Past.and.then Real arrive-Perf.3PlS]  On the day that was spoken of they came (back) (excerpt from 779 in Text 1) c. [[[ko na-K] na] ci L kundi-ya] [[[head 3Sg-Poss] Loc] thingL put-Pass.Rel] [zamturu-suwa L bal kundi-ya] [donkey-shitL gather put-Pass.Rel] [ko bo wo] wana] [InanSg be Def.InanSg] other] [a kar a-li ni(] [LogoSgS do-PerfNeg Subjunct]  The thing that was put on his head (=blamed on him), the donkey dung that had been put (there), that he hadn t done it& . (excerpt from (794) in Text 1) Relative clause involving verb- or VP-chain When two verbs are tightly-chained (without overt subordination), as in (582a), the corresponding relative clause is formed by changing the final verb in the chain into its morphological relative form. The nonfinal chained verb is unaffected (582b). (582) a. suwo b[l[nan( go.down be.able-ImpfNeg-3SgS  He/She cannot get down. b. y[ L suwo b[l[n g[ womanL go.down be.able-ImpfNeg.Rel Def.AnSg  the woman who cannot get down If a nonsubject relative containing a pronominal suffix has a tight chain like this, the preverbal subject pronominal precedes the chain. The effect is that the two chained verbs are not separated. Note the position of 1Sg subject mi in (583b), a relativize clause related to the main clause (583a). (583) a. [ene g[] dem[ b[l[nam [child Def.AnSg] hit be.able-ImpfNeg-1SgS  I cannot hit the child. b. ene L mi dem[ b[l[n g[ childL 1SgS hit be.able-ImpfNeg.Rel Def.AnSg  the child that I cannot hit In chain-like combinations where the nonfinal verb is morphologically marked, the relative-clause version again marks only the final verb in the sequence as relative. For example, (584b) is the relative-clause version of (584a); both show the same-subject subordinating suffix e: ( [: on the first verb. Another example with this subordinator is (584c). (584) a. ur [: Lwom( go-and.SS Lcome-Impf-1SgS  I will go and come (back here). b. an ur [: wo: g[ man go-NonP.and.SS come.Impf.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who will go and come (back here) c. [no L [kir a giz-e:] [personL [bone throw-NonP.and.SS] s[mb[-n L bo:] [bu-la-m sweep-ImpfNeg.RelL NearDist-AnPl want-StatNeg-1SgS  I don t like those people who throw bones and do not sweep up. (< giz-e:, s[mb[-n) The overtly marked subordinated clause with e: ( [: does not have to be adjacent to the final verb. Other constituents may intervene between the two verbs. In (585a), a proclitic subject pronoun intervenes. In (585b), a direct object specifically associated with the final verb intervenes. (585) a. izen L ur [: mi woK dayL go-NonP.and.SS 1SgS come-Impf.Rel.InanSg  (the) day (when) I will go and come (back here) b. [no L Kgi w-e :] [personL here come-NonP.and.SS] za Yra:-mu=wo] meal eat.Impf.Rel-AnPl=Def.AnPl] bo ami-y[ 3PlS who?-Pl  The people who come and eat (meals) here, who are they? [also variant with & za Yri-mu=wo & ] Determiners following the relative verb Determiners associated with the clause-internal head NP follow the relative verb. Definite morphemes are very common in relative clauses, and numerous examples occur in preceding sections, for example inanimate singular definite wo in (539ab) in 14.1.2. Definite morphemes are not tonosyntactically active in any context, so there is no new issue in relatives. Demonstrative pronouns also follow the verb in a relative clause. Since demonstratives control {L} on preceding words in NPs, there is an issue as to how they behave tonosyntactically in relatives. What happens is that the verb itself is subject to tone-dropping from the demonstrative. In nonsubject relatives, a proclitic subject pronoun (if present) is also tone-dropped; this is audible with lexically H-toned proclitics like 2Sg o. In (586-70), the (a) examples are definite. The (b) examples end in demonstratives and show a tone-dropped verb and subject proclitic (the brackets are tonosyntactic). Variants with nr[ (likely < *K y[), cf. (169) in 6.2.1.2 and (551-2) in 14.1.7.2 above, are shown in parentheses below relevant inanimate plural and animate singular forms (587-9). (586) a. Ylo L o wa-K wo houseL 2SgS see-ImpfRel.InanSg Def.InanSg  the house that you-Sg see b. Ylo L [o wa-K] L Kgo houseL [2SgS see-ImpfRel.InanSg]L Prox.InanSg  this house that you-Sg see (587) a. Ylo L o wa: g[ houseL 2SgS see.ImpfRel.InanPl Def.InanSg  the houses that you-Sg see [also: & wa-nr[ g[] b. Ylo L [o wa-K] L y[ : houseL [2SgS see-ImpfRel.InanPl]L Prox.InanPl  these houses that you-Sg see [also: & wa-nr[] L y[ :] (588) a. an L o wa: g[ manL 2SgS see.ImpfRel.AnSg Def.InanSg  the man who(m) you-Sg see [also: & wa-nr[ g[] b. an L [o wa:] L na g[ manL [2SgS see-ImpfRel.AnSg]L NearDist.AnSg Def.InanSg  that man who(m) you-Sg see [also: & wa-nr[] L na g[] (589) a. an L o wa:-mu=wo manL 2SgS see.Impf.Rel-AnPl=Def.AnPl  the men that you see [also: & wa-nr[-mu=wo] b. an L [o wa:] L bo: manL 2SgS see.Impf.Rel NearDist.AnPl  those men whom you see [also: [o wa-nr[] L bo: ] (590) a. izen L mi Yl[ wo dayL 1SgS go.up.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg  the day when I went up b. izen L [mi Yl[] L maKgo dayL [1SgS go.up.Perf.Rel]L FarDist.InanSg  that other day when I went up Likewise, in (584c) in 14.1.8, the imperfective negative relative form s[mb[-n ( does not sweep ) drops its final Htone to s[mb[-n before the demonstrative bo:. Non-numeral quantifiers following the relative verb c[m  all can follow relative verbs, as can pu!, which can have either sense. These quantifiers do not control tonosyntactic overlays. (591) a. na:-mu o dTg[-mu=wo pu! cow-AnPl 2SgS leave.Perf.Rel-AnPl=Def.AnPl all  all the cows that you have left (there) b. na:-mu o ema-l(i)-mu=wo c[m cow-AnPl 2SgS milk(v)-PerfNeg.Rel-AnPl=Def.AnPl all  all the cows that you have not milked The very restricted distributive kama quantifier, as in noL kama  each person; everybody (6.6.2), and other distributives such as tu-tumay (< numeral  1 ), are syntactically adjectives and so remain with the internal head in relatives and are themselves tone-lowered. (592) a. [no kama] L we-mu=wo c[m [person each]L come.Perf.Rel-AnPl=Def.AnPl all  every person who came b. [[Ylo tu-tumay] L ye TnzT-zo g[] [[house Rdp-one]L 1PlS build-Perf2.Rel Def.AnPl]  each house that we have built Subject relative clause The head NP, which may appear in various positions before the verb, undergoes tone-dropping. Determiners and non-numeral quantifiers associated with the head NP appear after the verb. The verb takes the regular relative form appropriate to the AMN category, but does not agree with the head NP. Since the subject NP is normally overt, and is nonpronominal, there is no separate subject pronominal preceding the verb. Examples are in (593). The lexical form of the head noun is in parentheses after the free translation. The head NP (usually just a noun) is bolded in the interlinear. (593) a. [[ba na] an L miy w[ g[ [market Loc] manL 1Sg-Acc see.Perf.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who saw me in the market (an) b. no-mo L [[ba na] miy w[ mo: person-AnPl L [market Loc] 1Sg-Acc see.Perf.Rel Pl-Def.AnPl  the people who saw me in the market (no-mo) c. s[w L miy tT/[ wo axL 1Sg-Acc cut.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg  the ax that cut me (s[w) d. s[w L miy tT/[ g[ axL 1Sg-Acc cut.Perf.Rel Def.InanPl  the axes that cut me (s[w) e. an L pile g[ manL fall.Perf.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who fell (an) f. an L pile m=o: manL fall.Perf.Rel Pl=Def.AnPl  the men who fell (an) [also anmu pile m=o:, with Pl suffix on the head noun] g. cin L pile wo stoneL fall.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg  the stone that fell (cin) h. cin L pile g[ stoneL fall.Perf.Rel Def.InanPl  the stones that fell (cin) i. an L miy dema: g[ manL 1Sg-Acc hit-Impf.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who will hit me (an) j. an L miy dema: m=o: manL 1Sg-Acc hit-Impf.Rel Pl-Def.AnPl  the men who will hit me (an) k. s[w L miy tT/aK wo axL 1Sg-Acc cut-Impf.Rel Def.InanSg  the ax that will cut me (s[w) l. s[w L miy tT/a: g[ axL 1Sg-Acc cut.Impf.Rel Def.InanPl  the axes that will cut me (s[w) m. an L unli g[ manL go-PerfNeg.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who didn t go n. an L unnu g[ manL go-ImpfNeg.Rel Def.AnSg  the man who will not go Object relative clause The core of the head NP is clause-internal, in tone-dropped form. It is not marked for accusative case. Determiners and other late-NP elements appear after the verb, but refer to the head NP. If the subject is pronominal, it is expressed as a proclitic to the verb. The object-relative examples in (594) illustrate the four animacy and grammatical number categories of the head NPs:  stone(s) ,  cow(s) . The verb takes the perfective form dTgT in all of the examples, but the following definite morpheme agrees with the head NP. (594) a. [cin L mi dTgT wo] amba: bo( [stoneL 1SgS leave.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg] where? be-3SgS  Where is the stone that I left? b. [cin L mi dTgT g[] amba: bo( [stoneL 1SgS leave.Perf.Rel Def.InanPl] where? be-3SgS  Where are the stones that I left? c. [na: L mi dTgT g[] amba: bo( [cowL 1SgS leave.Perf.Rel Def.AnSg] where? be-3SgS  Where is the cow that I left? d. [na:mu L mi dTgT m=o:] [cow-AnPlL 1SgS leave.Perf.Rel PlDef.AnPl] amba: b[: where? be-3PlS  Where are the cows that I left? Imperfective examples are in (595). (595) a. [cin L o dTgaK=o:] aKgo=( [stoneL 2SgS leave.Impf.Rel=Def.InanSg] which?InanSg=it.is  Which is the stone that you will leave? b. [cin L o dTga: g[] ay[=( [stoneL 2SgS leave.Impf.Rel Def.InanPl] which?InanPl=it.is  Which are the stones that you will leave? c. [na: L o dTga: g[] aKg[=( [cowL 2SgS leave.Impf.Rel Def.AnSg] which?AnSg=it.is  Which is the cow that you will leave? d. [na: L o dTgam=o:] amba: b[: [cowL 2SgS leave.Impf.Rel-AnPl-Def.AnPl] where? be-3PlS  Where are the cows that you will leave? Possessor relative clause Example (596) illustrates the possessor-relative structure, with the possessed noun  head directly following the low-toned head noun  man/men . The final definite morpheme agrees with the relative-clause head  man/men . The possessed noun does not undergo tone-dropping, as it is effectively freed from the (morphophonological) influence of the possessor in this construction. Compare an ko:  (a/the) head of a man , where ko: drops its tones following the possessor. (596) a. an L ko: ceyo g[ manL head hurt.Stat Def.AnSg  the man whose head hurts b. an L ko: ceyom=o: manL head hurt.Stat-AnPl=Def.AnPl  the men whose head hurts (=whose heads hurt) Cues of this syntactic type were often rephrased in Yanda Dom. In (597a),  the man whose house fell was rephrased as  the man (who is) the owner of (the) house that fell . Here  owner of (the) house that fell as a unit is treated as an adjectival modifier of  man . (597b), with a resumptive possessor pronoun, is partially analogous to nonstandard English examples of the type  the childrenx who theirx father died , but the definite morpheme agrees in number with the relative-clause subject ( father ) rather than with  children . (597) a. [an L [[ilo L pile] Lbadu] g[] [manL [[houseL fall.Perf.Rel] Lowner] Def.AnSg] amba: bo( where? be-3SgS  Where is the man (who is) the owner of the house that fell? b. [ene L [bo Hde:] tib[ g[] amba: b[: [child.PlL [3PlS Hfather] die.Perf.Rel Def.AnSg] where? be-3PlS  Where are the children whose father died? Relativization on the complement of a postposition When the NP complement of a PP is relativized on, one possibility is for the postposition to be omitted. Thus compare (598a), with audible locative postposition na, and its relativized counterpart (598b), which omits the postposition. (598) a. [bondo na] ya pilew [hole in] Real fall.Perf-2SgS  You-Sg fell into the pit. b. [bondo L o pile wo] aKgo=( [pitL 2SgS fall.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg] which?=it.is  Which (one) is the pit that you-Sg fell (into)? If the postposition is overt in the relative clause, it follows its complement noun as usual. However, both the noun and the postposition are low-toned. In other words, the noun is tone-dropped, and it does not induce Rhythmic Tone-Raising on the postposition. The postposition is perhaps included in the domain of relative-controlled tone-dropping, but we cannot prove this conclusively since the relevant (noncomposite) postpositions elsewhere have L- as well as H-toned forms, so the L-toned forms in relatives might just be lexical. (599) a. [bondo L na] o pile wo [pitL Loc] 2SgS fall.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg  the pit that you-Sg fell into b. [Kgo [an L mi] o dam[ g[] [Prox.InanSg [manL to] 2SgS speak.Perf.Rel Def.AnSg  the man to whom you-Sg said that c. [an L ber a] bu:du o tT/[ g[ [manL Dat] money 2SgS send.Perf.Rel Def.AnSg  the man to whom you-Sg sent money Verb (VP) chaining and adverbial clauses A direct chain of verbs or VPs is one where the nonfinal verbs take their bare-stem form, with no overt subordinator. The chain is completed by a single verb with full inflection. Direct chains in Dogon languages express co-events that are conceptually integrated into a larger whole, but the languages differ as to how strict the criteria for conceptual integration are. Compared to other Dogon languages, Yanda Dom has relatively few direct chains. This is because it has some highly productive subordinators (notably those for same-subject VP chains) that are used in combinations that correspond to direct chains in some other Dogon languages such as Jamsay. A loose chain is one where the nonfinal VP or clause does have an overt subordinator. In such a chain, each VP or clause usually has some degree of syntactic and semantic autonomy. However, the VPs in same-subject chains often share some constituents, and some syntactic integration may be apparent. A useful test of syntactic autonomy is the position of a preverbal subject pronominal (P) in a relative clause. In relative clauses not involving a chain, such pronouns immediately precede the verb. In a relative involving a chain, if the order is & P verb1 verb2, we conclude that the two verbs form a tight, compound-like unit. If the order is & verb1 P verb2, then the VP or clause ending in verb1 has at least some syntactic autonomy. Direct chains (without chaining morpheme) Direct chains, where the nonfinal verb appears as a bare stem (with no inflectional or subordinating suffix), are limited to integrated events that can be decomposed into two simultaneous or at least overlapping aspects (co-events) which are marked by different verbs. When two events are sequential rather than simultaneous, a suffixally marked chain-like subordinated form is used. For example,  go and come (back) is not expressed as a direct chain; see 15.2.2.2. As a result, direct chains are more restricted in YD than in, say, Jamsay. Some complement-like constructions that are expressed as direct chains are described in 17.4. These include the  be able to VP construction expressed with final  get verb (17.4.2) and a  finish VPing construction (17.4.1). Only very few elements, basically proclitics to verbs, may intervene between chained verbs, and even these elements do so only optionally. These are realis ya (used with perfective positive verbs and with statives) and pronominal subject proclitics, as in relative clauses. Adding realis ya to a V1 V2 chain, we get either [V1 ya V2] (600a) or [ya V1 V2] (600b). The 1Sg proclitic subject pronoun mi likewise combines with the chain as [V1 mi V2] (600c) or [mi V1 V2] (600d). (600) a. pile ya suwe-( fall Real go.down.Perf-3SgS  He/She fell down. b. ya pile Lsuwe-( Real fall Lgo.down.Perf-3SgS [= (a)] c. izen L pile mi suwe wo dayL fall 1SgS go.down.Ppl.Perf Def.InanSg  the day when I fell down d. izen L mi pile suwe wo dayL 1SgS fall go.down.Ppl.Perf Def.InanSg [= (c)] When V1 and V2 are adjacent, under some conditions one or the other appears in {L}-toned form. If V1 is {H}/{H}-toned, its tones are stable, but an immediately following clause-final V2 usually drops to {L}-toned regardless of its lexical tones, as with suwe-( in (600b) This is an instance of a general pattern for verbs to drop tones clause-finally when preceded by other full constituents, as especially in focalized clauses. The final determiner in (600c-d) protects suwe from dropping its tones. Likewise, when realis ya intervenes between V1 and V2, it protects V2 from tone-dropping, as in (600a), contrast (600b) where ya precedes both verbs and V2 drops tones. Further examples of tonal relationships are in (601). Here V1 is a {H}/{H}-toned verb kundo which is stable tonally. The immediately following {LH}/{L}-toned verb  abandon is {L}-toned throughout, not only in the negative forms (601b,d) where it is regularly {L}-toned, but also in the perfective, imperfective, and imperative where it would otherwise have at least one H-tone (601a,c,e). (601) a. [ezu wo] ya kundo Lb[z-o [waterjar Def.AnSg] Real put.in Labandon.Perf-3PlS  They put in and left the waterjar. b. ko kundo beze-li-( InanSg put.in abandon-PerfNeg-3SgS  He/She did not put it in and leave it. c. ko kundo Lbezo-m-u InanSg put.in Labandon-Impf-3SgS  He/She will put it in and leave it. d. ko kundo beze-naK-( InanSg put.in abandon-Impf-3SgS  He/She will not put it in and leave it. e. ko kundo Lbezo InanSg put.in Labandon.Imprt  Put-2Sg it in and leave it! The chain pile suwo  fall down has exactly the same tonal patterns as kundo beze when V1 and V2 are adjacent and V2 is clause-final. For example, elsewhere the perfective negative of  go down is suwo-li- with {H}-toned stem. However, when chained to preceding pile  fall we get pile suwo-li-  did not fall down . Now consider what happens when V1 is lexically {LH}/{L}-toned, like d[d[  set, put (e.g. container) down . The verb appears with its regular {LH}-tones in the perfective and imperfective (602a,c). However, in the perfective negative, imperfective negative, and imperative, we get {L}-toned d[d[, and an initial H-tone appears on V2 (602b,d-e). (602) a. [ezu wo] ya d[-d[ Lb[z-o [waterjar Def.AnSg] Real put.down-Tr Labandon.Perf-3PlS  They put down and left the waterjar. b. ko d[-d[ beze-li-( InanSg put.down-Tr abandon-PerfNeg-3SgS  He/She did not put it down and leave it. [for tones compare ye:de beze-zo-m in (769) in Text 1] c. ko d[-d[ Lbezo-m-u InanSg put.down-Tr Labandon-Impf-3SgS  He/She will put it down and leave it. d. ko d[-d[ beze-naK-( InanSg put.down-Tr abandon-Impf-3SgS  He/She will not put it down and leave it. e. ko d[-d[ Lbezo InanSg put.down-Tr Labandon.Imprt  Put-2Sg it down and leave it! There are two ways to analyse the aberrant (602b,d-e). One is to allow the initial L-tone of d[-d[ to spread rightward to the end of the word. At this point both verbs are {L}-toned, and we could allow Rhythmic Tone-Raising to raise the tone of the first syllable of V2. An alternative analysis is that the final H-tone of d[-d[ jumps across the word boundary and docks on the first syllable of V2. For another case of this phonological issue, see discussion of (83c) in 3.8.4. Verbal noun of directly chained verbs Verb chains can form a verbal noun in compound form. The final verb takes its usual verbal noun form. The nonfinal verb has its regular bare stem form but drops tones, like initials in many noun-noun compounds. For example, pile suyo-  fall down ( fall plus  go down ) becomes pile-[su y-(]  (act of) falling down . Presence of AN suffix in nonfinal verb in direct chains In direct chains, by definition inflectional or subordinating suffixes are absent on the nonfinal verbs in the chain. In some other Dogon languages, an auxiliary-like element Y can appear in an [X-Y]-Z verb chain, functioning as a perfective marker for the X verb. This construction is not known in YD, since perfectivity entails sequencing, and since YD does not express sequential events as direct verb chains. Arguments of directly chained verbs As noted earlier, chained verbs are typically adjacent, allowing only certain elements (realis ya, subject proclitics) to intervene, and then only optionally. Overt subject and object NPs, adverbial phrases, and other clausal elements precede both verbs. See (601a,c,e) in 15.1 above for examples involving direct objects. Negation of direct verb chains Only the final verb in the chain is inflectable. As a consequence, the only possible negation is wide-scoped and is expressed by suffixation on the final verb. See (601b,d) in 15.1 above for examples. Negation of verb chains is probably rare in discourse. Direct chains including a motion verb or  pick up, take The combination  fall plus  go down meaning  fall down is illustrated in 15.1 above. It was difficult to elicit other examples. Meanings like  X came singing and  X ran up the hill are expressed using various loose-chain constructions, not as direct chains of two simple (uniterated) verbs. For a construction that does involve iteration, see the following section. Loose-chain constructions covered elsewhere are illustrated in (603a-c) to make the point that direct chaining is not usual with motion verbs. (603) a. [nuKa nuKa-m] we-( [song sing-Impf] come.Perf-3SgS  He/She came singing (a song). [imperfective clause, 15.2.1] b. zTbT-y ya Yl[-( run-Past.and.then Real go.up.Perf-3SgS  He/She ran up (e.g. a hill). [-y with coindexed subject, 15.2.2.2] c. [tolo L na] w-o [poundL Purp] come-Perf.3PlS  They came to pound (grain). [purposive clause, 17.6.1] Durative verb-iterations chained to a following verb The construction in (604) has an iterated bare verb stem functioning as a durative clause chained to a following verb. Prolonged duration is emphasized. The first occurrence of the verb has the tones of the regular bare stem, while the second and any subsequent iterations are {L}-toned. The regular bare stems are shown in parentheses after the free translations. (604) a. [nuKa nuKT-nuKT] we-( [song Iter-sing] come.Perf-3SgS  He/She came singing (a song). (nuKT) b. [anja : kan-kan] za b[la-m g[la-( ma! wa [how? Iter-do] food get-Impf Prog-3SgS Q Quot  (He asked:) By doing what (=how) do you keep getting food? (kan) (excerpt from (800) in Text 2) c. [KKTy [za wo] [thus [meal Def.InanSg] Yr[-Yr[ b[la-m j[la-( de gay] Iter-eat get-Impf Prog-3SgS if Top]  (He said:) if this is how you keep getting the food, &  (Yr[) (excerpt from (809) in Text 2) Perfective auxiliary t[ after another verb t[ can be chained to a preceding verb. It is elicitable with any verb, but the only textual attstion is with dTgT  leave, abandon . Other than emphasizing perfectivity, it adds little to the meaning of the preceding verb. It is probably cognate to similar elements like Jamsay ti, which (as auxiliaries) are likewise predominantly found with a handful of verbs like  leave . In these other languages the relevant form is often associated with perfective-1b suffix (Jamsay -ti-) and/or with a verb meaning  send (Jamsay ti:), but YD tT-  send is not a perfect match. t[ has a full paradigm, e.g. (still chained to  leave ) perfective dTgT t[-, perfective negative dTgT ta-li-  did not leave (with {L}-toned dTgT), imperfective dTgT ta-m-. However, t[ is especially useful in subordinated forms where a regular perfective verb form would not work, as in (605) with subordinator -y (15.2.2), giving the sense  after having VPed, &  . See also sa: t[- in (791) in Text 1, and dTgT t[-zo-( de in (821) in Text 3. (605) [dTgT t[-y] a ur [ wo [leave Perf-and] 3LogoS go.Ppl.Perf Def.InanSg  when I left (it) and went (excerpt from (788) in Text 1) Adverbial clauses with overt chaining or subordinating morpheme Imperfective subordinator -m The suffix m, without explicit pronominal-subject marking, produces imperfective subordinated clauses that form part of various combinations including the progressive constructions described in 10.5.2, above. In this case,  imperfective can extend to statives (15.2.1.3). This type of clause is called for when the activity or state in question overlaps with the time interval of a main-clause predicate. The two clauses often have the same subject, whose pronominal expression is limited to the main clause. However, disjoint subjects are also possible; see 15.2.1.3 for examples. (606) a. [gTlT gTlam] yomT=b[( [farming do.farm.work-Impf] be.long.time=Past-3SgS  He/She did farm work for a long time. b. [za Yram] magi ya obo( [meal eat-Impf] over.there Real sit.Stat-3SgS  He/She is sitting over there eating. This construction should be distinguished from logophoric-subject clauses with m, on which see 10.4.3 and 18.2.1.2. Imperfective -m on activity verb plus time-of-day verb A verb with a meaning like  spend (day, night, etc.) denoting an extended time interval can readily combine with a preceding imperfective clause with the same subject. The imperfective verb ends in m without pronominal-subject conjugation. (607) a. [te: zandam] Lder a [tea cook-Impf] Lspend.day.Perf-3PlS  They spent all day making tea. b. [ja jem] na :m[ [dance(n) dance-Impf] spend.night-Impf-3PlS  They will spend the night dancing. Imperfective -m in different-subject complements While imperfective m occurs most often in constructions where the two clauses share a subject, and in general are tightly fused, it is also possible for it to form imperfective complements of main-clause verbs of perception ( see ,  hear ,  find ), cf. 17.2.3. In this construction, the subject of the imperfective clause must be represented by a preverbal subject pronoun, even when a full subject NP is also present. (608) a. [no-mo wo] zaK bo zaniyam] [person-AnPl Def.AnPl] fight(n) 3PlS fight-Impf] Lt[mb[m Lfind.Perf-1SgS  I found the people fighting (squabbling). b. [[y[mu wo] tol bo tolom] [[woman-AnPl DefAnPl] pounding 3PlS pound-Impf] wT=b[m see=Past-1SgS  I saw the women pounding (in mortars). c. [denda: ga] satara bon na baram] [night Loc] young.man tomtom 3SgS beat-Impf] nT=b[m hear=Past-1SgS  At night I heard a young man play(ing) a tomtom. Imperfective -m complements of stative verbs Although the conjugated derived stative form of verbs (e.g.  be sitting ) does not include m or other recognizable allomorph of the imperfective suffix, in constructions like those of the preceding section, e.g. with  find as main-clause verb, imperfective m is added to the stative verb in the complement. (609) a. [sa ydu na obom] Lt[mb[m [S 3SgS sit.Stat-Impf] Lfind.Perf-1SgS  I found Seydou sitting. b. [hawa ene na bambam] Lt[mb[m [H child 3SgS carry.on.back.Stat-Impf] Lfind.Perf-1SgS  I found Haouwa carrying a baby on her back. See also bo-m  (while) being with the locational  be quasi-verb; see (118b) in 4.7.1.1. Imperfective subordinate clauses with -m=T:, plural -m g[ This construction is common in texts. The form -m-T: consists of -m (presumably imperfective) plus inanimate singular definite wo. For the contracted pronunciation, cf. phonetic [mT:] from animate plural definite /-mu wo/. This morphemic analysis is supported by the plural form -m g[, with inanimate plural definite g[. This subordinated clause type is common medially in narrative text segments, with no obviously imperfective aspectual quality. An informant usually translates it with  when &  (French lorsque & ), setting up a following foregrounded clause. The subject pronominal category is expressed by a preverbal clitic pronominal, with a (elsewhere reflexive or 3Logophoric) for 3Sg. (610) a. amba [ene L bo:] God [childrenL those.NearDist] a bale-m=T:, 3ReflSg gather-Impf=Def.InanSg  God gathered (=adopted) those children, &  (excerpt from (845) in Text 5) b. bo-y a pode-m g[, & 3Pl-Acc 3ReflSgS greet-Impf Def.AnSg, &  when she had greeted them, &  (excerpt from (853) in Text 5) Clauses with y  and then (past, anterior) This subordinator connects its clause with an immediately following clause. The conditions for using -y are those in (611). (611) a. the event denoted by the subordinated clause precedes that denoted by the following main clause; b. the two events are part of a single episode; c. the event denoted by the subordinated clause (and therefore the entire sequence) is completed. In interlinears, the gloss is  Past.and.then . For future and other imperfective contexts, -y is replaced by another subordinator, e: ~ [:, see 15.2.3 below. The subjects of the two clauses may be coindexed or disjoint, see 15.2.2.1-2 below. In the disjoint case, a proclitic subject pronoun is obligatory, and (perhaps under the influence of this proclitic) the y form of the verb is {H}-toned. In the coindexed case, lexical tones affect the tones of the y form. Lexical {H} is realized as {H}, while lexical {LH} spreads its initial tone all the way to the right to result in {L}. Irregular {HL} stems preserve the full contour. The stem takes the E-stem, as in the simple perfective. Vowel-length is preserved in Cv:- stems, except that Ca:- stems take their bisyllabic form Caye-. In the presence of w or another labial or rounded segment, a final e is often heard as o, hence we-y ~ wo-y ( come ), kube-y ~ kubo-y ( eat [meat] ). By contrast, final [ is distinctly audible. (612) bare stem perfective Past.and.DS gloss (coindexed) a. Cv- +ATR, {L} go go/e go/ey  go out wo we wey ~ wo-y  come -ATR, {L} wT w[ w[y  see y[ y[ y[y  weep -ATR, {H} nT nT/[ nT/[y  go in +ATR, {HL} zo zo/e zo/ey  bring b. Cv:- Co:- to: to/e: to/e:y  spit Co:- t[: t[: t[:y  sprout Ca:- ma : maye mayey  make (bricks) na : naye nayey  spend night ka: kaye kayey  shave c. CvCv- (along with Cvn-, nCv-) {H} un ur [ ur [y  go nd[ nd[ nd[y  give Yr[ Yr[ Yr[y  eat (meal) Yl[ Yl[ Yl[y  go up tolo tole toley  pound (in mortar) ubT ub[ ub[y  pour tabu tabe tabey  touch {L} der [ der [ der [y  spend day gTlT gTl[ gTl[y  do farm work diy[ diy[ diy[y  carry on head d. trisyllabic obiyo obiye obiyey  sit nindiyo nindiye nindiyey  listen -y with disjoint subjects If the subjects are disjoint, the subject of the subordinated clause must be expressed as a subject pronoun proclitic to the verb (1Sg mi, 2Sg o, etc.), and the -y verb appears as {H}-toned. A resumptive third person subject proclitic is required even when the subject is already expressed as a full NP (613b). The presence of a subject proclitic tips the listener off to the fact that the following clause has a disjoint subject. (613) a. [[suK wo] mi diliyey] [[rope Def.InanSg] 1SgS pull-Past.and.then] [ya puliye(] [Real snap-MP-3SgS]  I pulled the rope and (then) it snapped. b. [se ydu [suK wo] na diliyey] [Seydou [rope Def.InanSg] 3SgS pull-Past.and.then] [ya puliye(] [Real snap-MP-3SgS]  Seydou pulled the rope and (then) it snapped. c. [[suK wo] o diliyey] [[rope Def.InanSg] 2SgS pull-Past.and.then] [ya puliye(] [Real snap-MP-3SgS]  You-Sg pulled the rope and (then) it snapped. In (613a-b), the second (i.e. main) clause is shown in its full form, with realis ya (which requires the regular tones of the following simple perfective verb). It is also possible to omit ya in (613ab), in which case the perfective verb drops to {L} tone. For example, (613a) has a variant (614). This reduction of the main clause is similar to reductions within perfective clauses that have preverbal constituents, especially if focal. (614) [[suK wo] mi diliyey] [[rope Def.InanSg] 1SgS pull-Past.and.then] Lpuliye( Lsnap-MP.Perf-3SgS  I pulled the rope and (then) it snapped. -y with coindexed subjects The subordinated and main clauses may also have coindexed subjects. Examples are (615ab), which are explicit about the agency of the snapping event. In this construction, there are no preverbal subject clitics in the subordinated clause. In (615a), the final 1Sg suffix in the main clause is sufficient. A nonpronominal subject NP normally occurs at the beginning of the construction (though one can argue about bracketing), and there is no resumptive subject proclitic (615b). (615) a. [[suK wo] diliyey] [[rope Def.InanSg] pull-Past.and.then] [ya pullem] [Real snap-Tr-1SgS]  I pulled the rope and made it snap. b. [se ydu [suK wo] diliyey] [S [rope Def.InanSg] pull-Past.and.then] [ya pulle(] [Real snap-Tr-3SgS]  Seydou pulled the rope and made it snap. With coindexed subjects, sometimes the -y clause denotes a prolonged activity or situation rather than a temporally contained event. The prolonged activity leads up to the event denoted by the following clause, as in (616). The free translation often has  until . (616) zTbTy [ya pile(] run-Past.and.then [Real fall.Perf-3SgS]  He ran (=kept running) until he fell. The  be tired construction (see just below) makes use of this. The coindexed-subject construction with -y competes to a limited extent with direct chains. The latter usually denote single events that can be unpacked into co-events. For example, direct chain pile suyo-  fall down ( fall plus  go down ) denotes a single event that can be decomposed into manner and direction. The subordinated construction pile-y suyo- can also be used to denote a typical falling event, but unlike the direct chain it can also be used to denote a sequence of events ( fall followed by  go down ). In perfective positive contexts, realis ya may precede both verbs in a direct chain (617a), but may not precede a subordinated clause with -y (617b). (617) a. ya pile Lsuye( Real fall Lgo.down.Perf-3SgS  He/She fell down. b. pile-y [ya suye(] fall-Past.and.then [Real go.down.Perf-3SgS]  He/She fell down. or  He/She fell and (then) went down. For nonpast time frames, there is a similar competition between direct chains and -e: ~ -[: subordinated clauses. A nonsubject constituent may be logically shared by the subordinated and main verbs. Such constituents usually appear to the left of the subordinated verb, but bracketing may be ambiguous. (618) [p[: a-y [] s[m[-y [sheep 3ReflP-AnSg] slaughter-Past.and.then Lpane-( Lskin&butcher.Perf-3SgS  He slaughtered and (then) skinned and butchered his sheep-Sg. A construction with -y plus bo-  be (negative counterpart onu-  not be ) is attested. See (280b) in 8.4.7.3. -y clause plus  be tired main clause A special case of the coindexed-subject construction is a combination (common in narrative style) with the verb  become tired in the main clause. This verb does not necessarily predicate physical weariness, or at least does not emphasize it. It may primarily exaggerate the duration and intensity of the activity denoted by the subordinated clause. Compare English shop until you drop. (619) [nama kuboy] [ya Tr[m] [meat eat-and.DS] [Real be.tired.Perf-1SgS]  I ate meat until I was tired. (=  I gorged myself on meat ) Negation and -y clauses The -y clause itself cannot be negated. The main clause can of course be negated. In this case, usually the negation does not have scope over the subordinated clause (620). In free translations,  but is often appropriate. (620) a. [[mi Hde:] ber a] bu:du mi n[mil[y, [[1SgP Hfather] Dat] money 1SgS ask-Past.and.then miy ndali( 1Sg-Acc give-PerfNeg-3SgS  I asked my father for money but he didn t give me (any). b. [[suK wo] diliyey] [[rope Def.InanSg] pull-Past.and.then] pullo-lum snap-Tr-PerfNeg-1SgS  I pulled the rope but did not make it snap. c. ur e: wo n( go-and.SS come-PerfNeg-3PlS  They went and/but didn t come (back here). If the first clause is separately negated, it does not appear in subordinated-clause form. Instead, a regular negative main clause is followed directly by the second clause (621). (621) sembalum [miy Llaliy[(] sweep-PerfNeg-1SgS [1Sg-Acc Lchase.away.Perf-3SgS]  I didn t sweep up and (so) he/she drove me out. e: ( [: after {L}  and (same-subject, anterior, nonpast time) This form is used to link a clause to a following clause under the following conditions: (622) a. the two clauses have coindexed subjects (usually not repeated); b. the events denoted by the two clauses are chronologically sequenced; c. the two-event sequence as a whole is not in the past (it can be present or, more often, future) The clause following the e: ( [: clause may be imperfective or a modal form (imperative, hortative). The construction is common with regularly paired events ( eat and drink ), and combinations where the second event reverses the first ( go and come back ,  go up and go down ). The first clause ends in a verb with {L}-toned stem followed by e: ( [: replacing the stem-final vowel. Arguably this is just an extension of the final {e[} of the E-stem, as in the simple perfective. A few examples are in (623). The gloss is  NonP.and.SS . (623) a. ur -[: wo-m-( go-NonP.and.SS come-Impf-1SgS  I will go and come (back). b. ur -[: wo go-NonP.and.SS come.Imprt  Go-2Sg and come (back)! c. [[ko: Ymo] kay-e:] ur u-m-( [[head 1SgP.InanSg] shave-NonP.and.SS] go-Impf-1SgS  I will shave (my head) and go. d. Yr[: unman eat.meal-and.SS go-Hort-PlAddr  Let s (you-Pl and I) eat and (then) go! The same clause type occurs as the same-subject complement of  want , see 17.5.2, for past as well as nonpast time. The suffix is [: or e: depending on the ATR-harmonic class of the verb (especially its final vowel). Representative forms are given in (624). (624) bare stem  and.SS gloss a. Cv- +ATR wo we :  come go go/e :  go out zo zo/e :  bring -ATR y[ y[ :  weep wT w[ :  see tT tT/[ :  slash earth (to sow) nT nT/[ :  go in b. Cv:- +ATR to: to/e :  spit ka: kaye:  shave -ATR ma : may[:  make (bricks) na : nay[:  spend night c. CvCv- (and Cvn-) +ATR pile pile:  fall tolo tole:  pound (in mortar) tabu tabe:  touch manu mane:  cook -ATR un ur [:  go s[m[ s[m[:  slaughter Yr[ Yr[:  eat (meal) Yl[ Yl[:  go up der [ der [:  spend day gTlT gTl[:  do farm work diy[ diy[:  carry on head d. trisyllabic obiyo obiye:  sit nindiyo nindiye:  listen In cases involving tight integration of two co-events, whose chronological sequencing is blurry, the construction with e: ( [: may compete with direct chains, where the first verb occurs in its bare stem form. For example,  fall and  go down combine in a tight chain to denote the event usually expresed in English as fall down (625a). They can also combine using e: ( [:, a phrasing that allows for a time lapse between the two events, as when the fall occurs on a roof and the victim then comes down on a ladder (625b). (625) a. pile suwo-m-u fall go.down-Impf-3SgS  He/She will fall down. b. pil-e: suwo-m-u fall-NonP.and.SS go.down-Impf-3SgS  He/She will fall and (then) go down. For past time frames, a similar competition occurs between -y subordinated clauses and direct chains. Negation of the main clause is usually understood not to have scope over the subordinated clause. However, since the subordinated clause cannot be separately negated, alternative wide-scope readings are occasionally possible (626a). (626) a. ur [: wo-la go-NonP.and.SS come-Prohib  If you go, don t come (back here)!  Don t-2Sg go and come (back here)! b. ur [: wo-raK-( go-NonP.and-SS come-ImpfNeg-3SgS  He/she will go and not come (back). Often both the subordinated verb and the final inflected verb share nonsubject constituents. For example, if both are transitive they may have a direct object NP in common. Shared constituents (NPs, PPs, other adverbs) typically precede the subordinated verb. Bracketing is difficult in such cases. (627) [w p[: s[m[: panam( tomorrow sheep slaughter-and.SS skin&butcher-Impf-1SgS  Tomorrow I will slaughter and skin (and butcher) a sheep. In relative clauses, only the final inflected verb takes relative form. In a nonsubject relative clause, a pronominal subject is expressed by a preverbal subject pronoun as usual. In the present construction, this subject pronoun directly precedes the final relative verb. This is a further indication that the  and.SS verb is not inseparable from the final verb. (628) izen L ur [: mi woK dayL go-and.SS 1SgS come-Impf.Rel.InanSg  the day (when) I will go and come (back here) Verbs commonly found in suffixally marked chained form The verbs described below are frequently chained to following verbs, using suffix -y for past time and -[: or allomorph for nonpast time.  Be/do together verbs (mu:mbi-y[, mor T) Mediopassive mu:mbi-y[  assemble, come together or underived mor T  do together can be chained to a following verb denoting an activity. The chained verb takes -y for past time and -[: for nonpast time. For ya: in (629a-b) see (102) in 4.3.1.2. (629) a. y-a: mu:mbi-y-[: un-m-iy 1Pl-all.together assemble-MP-NonP.and.SS go-Impf-1PlS  We will all get together and go (=go together). b. y-a: mTr -[: un-m-iy 1Pl-all.together assemble-and.then go-Impf-1PlS  We will all get together and go (=go together).  (Go) with, (take) along chains including j[li-y[-  hold There is no close counterpart to elements such as Jamsay jij[ that function something like nonfinal chained verbs with the sense  (go/come) with/accompanied by (sth) . This is expressed in YD not by a direct chain, rather by a regular marked chain with subordinator -y (past time) or -[: (nonpast time) added to any verb with a meaning like  hold or  keep . This is normally followed by a verb of motion or conveyance. (630) [[inj[ g[] j[li-y[-y] ur [-m [[dog Def.AnSg] hold-MP-and.then] go.Perf-1SgS  I went, taking the dog along. Other temporal adverbial clauses  Since &  clause with na ( r a Clauses of the type  (ever) since &  , denoting an extended time interval that began with a specified event and continues to the present (or a similar temporal reference point), are expressed by adding a suffix na to the verb of the  since clause. The allomorph r a is optionall, except after the two verbs that ends in n. For the use of this form in  as soon as&  clauses, see 15.3.4. The subject of the  since clause proper is always expressed by a preverbal pronoun (e.g. 1Sg mi, 2Sg o). This pronoun is required even if the subject has just been spelled out by a fuller NP (which is treated syntactically as a topic), and regardless of whether the subordinated and main clauses have the same or different subjects. For example, (631a) is literally  the goat, since (=from the moment) it came here, it hasn t eaten. (631) a. [Yn[ g[] [na wena] [goat Def.AnSg] [3SgS come-since] Yr[l[ Yrali( eat-VblN eat-PerfNeg-3SgS  The goat hasn t eaten (anything) since it came (here). b. [mi nT/[na] golum [1SgS go.in-since] go.out-PerfNeg-1SgS  Since I went in, I haven t gone out. c. ar uK [na t[g[na] rain [3SgS rain.fall-since] [[izenL pu(] [oy na] ur um bo(] [[dayL all] [field Loc] go-Impf be-3SgS]  Since it rained, he has been going to the fields every day. d. [na sa:m=o:] [bo tib[na] [3SgP sister-AnPl=Def.AnPl] [3PlS die-since] [Kgi woli(] [here come-PerfNeg-3SgS]  Since his sisters died, he hasn t come here. As shown by the data in (632), na  since is added to a form identical to that of the conjugated perfective stem. The only minor exception is that Co: verbs like  spit (632c) take the form Cwe: with long e: before the  since suffix. (632) bare stem  since&  gloss a. wo we-na  come wT w[-na  see y[ y[-na  weep b. go go/e-na  go out nT nT/[-na  go in zo zo/e-na  bring c. to: to/e:-na  spit d. ma : maye-na  make (bricks) na : naye-na  spend night ka: kaye-na  shave e. un ur [-na  go nd[ nd[-na  give Yr[ Yr[-na  eat (meal) Yl[ Yl[-na  go up tolo tole-na  pound (in mortar) ubT ub[-na  pour tabu tabe-na  touch obiyo obi-ye-na  sit f. der [ der [-na  spend day gTlT gTl[-na  do farm work diy[ diy[-na  carry on head nindiyo nindiye-na  listen A distinct morpheme ba!  since is used with a NP complement: niKa: ba!  since yesterday . Another phrasing for this sense is [X go mer a]  (since) before X went out or [X go/ena]  since X went out , based on the verb go  go out (10.2.1.4). (633) a. [niKa: ba!] bid[ bida-m j[lay [morning since] work(n) work-Impf Prog-1PlS  We have been working since morning. b. [niKa: go mer a] bid[ bida-m j[lay [morning go.out before] work(n) work-Impf Prog-1PlS  We have been working since morning.  No sooner (, than ( (na ( r a, imperfective plus !) Two constructions are observed when the event denoted by the second clause is specified as immediately (and unexpectedly) following (the completion of) the event denoted by the first clause. In the first construction, the first clause contains the same na ( r a subordinator on the verb, and has the same obligatory preverbal subject pronominal, that we saw in  since&  clauses (15.3.1). This construction was regularly elicited when the sequence of closely spaced events took place in the past. The second clause is reduced by omission of realis ya before the perfective verb. The latter appears in low-toned form (634a,d), unless it is preceded by a low-toned constituent within its clause, in which case it appears in its lexically-toned form (634bc). The absence of ya and the tone-dropping are characteristic of perfective verbs in clauses with focalized constituents. (634) a. [[Ylo na] mi dT/[na] biyem [[house Loc] 1SgS arrive-since] lie.down.Perf-1SgS  As soon as I arrived at the house, I lay down (to sleep). b. [[Ylo na] mi dT/[na] [[house Loc] 1SgS arrive-since] [ar uK t[gili-y[(] [rain(n) rain.fall-Inch.Perf-3SgS]  As soon as I arrived at the house, rain began to fall. c. [na wena] [yaK tTl[(] [3SgS come-since] [weeping begin.Perf-3SgS]  As soon as she came, she started crying. d. [ar uK na t[giliy[na] [[Ylo na] LnT/[(] [rain 3SgS rain.fall-Inchsince] [[house Loc] Lgo.in.Perf-3SgS]  As soon as rain started to fall, he/she went into the house. e. [[mi LHla l] mondo miy na nd[na] [[1SgP LHfriend] motorcycle 1Sg-Acc 3SgS give-since] [[mi LHdere] [mi Hber a] ya [l[z[( [[1SgP LHelder.sib] [1Sg HDat] Real dispossess-RecPf-3SgS  As soon as my friend gave me a motorcycle, my older (same-sex) sibling took (it) away from me. The second construction was produced when the sequence of events is in the nonpast (either future, or present habitual). The verbs of the first clause is imperfective, with regular pronominal-subject inflection. The second clause is usually likewise imperfective, but it can also be an imperative or hortative. The first clause has realis ya, since its reality is presupposed in this context. The only  subordinator is an obligatory prolongation of the final segment (symbol !) of the imperfective verb of the first clause. In (635a), the m is prolonged, while in (635b) the final vowel is prolonged. (635) a. [[dumozan na] ya dT/am(!] [[D Loc] Real arrive-Impf-1SgS] biyom(] lie.down-Impf-1SgS  As soon as I (will) arrive in Douentza, I will lie down (=go to bed). or:  (Habitually) as soon as I arrive in Douentza, I lie down. b. [[dumozan na] ya dT/am[!] [[D Loc] Real arrive-Impf-3PlS] biyom[ lie.down-Impf-3PlS  As soon as they arrive in Douentza, they will lie down (=go to bed). Noun-headed temporal clause ( the time when ( ) A noun denoting a temporal moment or interval ( time ,  year ,  day ,  era , etc.) can serve as head of a relative clause that functions as a temporal adverbial clause ( when&  ). The relative clause can function as complement of the instrumental postposition mi  with (8.1.2), as in (636a), or a postposition may be absent but implied (636b). (636) a. [wagadu L mi pile wo] mi, [timeL 1SgS fall.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg] with, pol g[la:=balum knife have.Impf=Past-PerfNeg-1SgS  At the time when I fell, I didn t have a knife (on me). b. modube [izenL na we wo], holy.man [dayL 3SgS come.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg], [dama wo c[m] ya mumbiya [village Def.InanSg all] Real assemble-MP.Perf-3PlS  The holy man, the day when he came, the whole village (=all the villagers) assembled. Reverse anteriority clause  before ( (mer a, mi) The clause-final particle mer a is added to a high-toned form of the bare stem of the verb to constitute a  before&  clause, which may precede or follow its main clause. A preverbal subject pronominal is required, even if the subject is also expressed by a full NP. This construction is regular when the  before&  clause and the main clause have different subjects. (637) a. [niKa: ga] [[ar uK wo] na t[g[ mer a] [yesterday in] [[rain Def.InanSg] 3SgS rain.fall] before] [Ylo na] nTz[=b[m [house Loc] go.in-RecPf=Past-1SgS  Yesterday, before the rain fell, I had (already) gone into the house. b. [niK wo] tedeman] [mat Def.InanSg] lay.out-Hort-PlAddr] [nononzum=o:] bo wo mer a] [guest-AnPl=Def.AnPl] 3Pl come before]  Let s set out the mats before the guests come. c. [na go mer a] [[saK wo] pido] [3SgS go.out before] [[door Def.InanSg] shut.Imprt]  Shut-2Sg the door, before he/she comes out. Representative forms of the verb with mer a are in (638). (638) bare stem  before &  gloss a. go go mer a  go out y[ y[ mer a  weep tT tT mer a  slash earth (to sow) nT nT mer a  go in nT nT mer a  hear b. wo wo mer a  come wT wT mer a  see dT dT mer a  arrive, reach dT dT mer a  insult c. zo zo mer a  bring zi n zin mer a  take away d. to: to: mer a  spit ka: ka: mer a  shave na : na: mer a  spend night Yr[ Yr[ mer a  eat (meal) Yl[ Yl[ mer a  go up ubT ubT mer a  pour nd[ nd[ mer a  give tolo tolo mer a  pound (in mortar) obiyo obiyo mer a  sit e. ma : ma: mer a  make (bricks) der [ der [ mer a  spend day gTlT golT mer a  do farm work diy[ diy[ mer a  carry on head f. un un mer a  go g. simbe simbe mer a  roast, grill cezo cezo mer a  cut (slice) h. tabu tabu mer a  touch na m nam mer a  grind (into flour) manu manu mer a  cook Of course [[before X] Y] can also be rephrased as [Y [then X]]. Translation cues with  before&  are often rephrased in this way when the two clauses have the same subjects. (639a) makes use of the same-subject ( and.SS ) subordinator [:, which specifies temporal sequencing (15.2.3). (639b) likewise contains the  and then subordinator y, in its same-subject function (15.2.2). (639) a. [bid[ bid[:] [za Yramiy] [work(n) work-and.SS] [meal eat-Impf-1PlS]  We ll work and then we ll eat. (=  We ll work before we eat. ) b. [bid[ bid[z[y] [za LYr[(] [work(n) work-RecPf-until.SS] [meal Leat.Perf-3SgS]  He/She finished working and then ate. (=  & finished working before eating ) See also the discussion of the immediate future form -za- in 10.3.2.3. (820) in Text 3 has an interesting combination of instrumental postposition mi with a complement consisting of a relativized  begin clause, in the sense  as X was about to VP . Nonpast durative -n clauses A clause with suffix -n on the verb is found in durative clauses preceding  until clauses, when the time frame for the overall construction is imperfective, i.e. future (640a) or present (640b). Corresponding constructions referring to past time intervals have imperfective -m (640c). (640) a. [bid[ ye bida-n] [hale te: Lwo-m-u] [work(n) 1PlS work-NonPDur] [until tea Lcome-Impf-3SgS]  We will work until the tea comes. b. [izen L c[m] bid[ ye bida-n] [dayL all] work(n) 1PlS work-NonPDur] [hale te: Lwo-m-u] [until tea Lcome-Impf-3SgS]  Every day, we work until the tea comes. c. [niKa: ye bida-m] [hale te: Lwe-(] [yesterday 1PlS work-Impf] [until tea Lcome.Perf-3SgS]  Yesterday we worked until the tea came. The durative clause and the  until clause may have disjoint subjects as in (640a-b). If the subject of the durative clause is nonpronominal, a resumptive preverbal subject pronoun is required. Therefore  children requires a 3Pl subject proclitic pronoun in (641). In the disjoint-subject construction, L-toned proclitic pronouns shift to H-tone in this construction, hence 1Pl ye in (640a-b) above and 3Pl bo in (641). The verb is also {L}-toned before -n in this construction. (641) [ene bid[ bo bida-n] [children work(n) 3PlS work-NonPDur] [hale te: wo-K LdT/am-u] [until tea come-and Larrive-Impf-3SgS]  The children will work until the tea comes. Alternatively the two clauses may have coindexed subjects. In this case, the subject is not expressed in the durative clause (though a topical NP may be preposed to the entire construction). The verb stem with -n has lexical tones in the coindexed-subject construction (642). (642) [bid[ bida-n] [hale [w LdT/a-m-iy] [work(n) work-NonPDur] [until tomorrow Larrive-Impf-1PlS]  We will work until we arrive at tomorrow (=until tomorrow). See also (651) in 16.2.. In (702a) in 17.6.4, de (presumably the  if morpheme) follows -n. Representative forms of verb with -n are in (643). The verb has lexical tones in the coindexed version, {L} overlay in the disjoint version. The vocalism is that of the A/O-stem. Mediopassive -yv- is dropped before -n unless this would result in a monosyllabic stem ( lie down ). (643) Verbs with nonpast durative subordinator -n stem NonPDur if subjects are& gloss & disjoint & coindexed a. monosyllabic -ATR tT/[ tT/a-n tT/a-n  sow y[ ya-n ya-n  weep +ATR je je-n je-n  dance to: to:-n to: -n  spit Ca: ka: ka:-n ka: -n  shave b. bisyllabic or longer -ATR bid[ bida-n bida-n  work nuKT nuKa-n nuKa-n  sing +ATR niye niyo-n niyo-n  sleep kubo kubo-n kubo-n  eat (meat) di:ze di:zo-n di:zo-n  file meKgire meKguro-n meKguro-n  roll into a ball mediopassive -yv- omitted obi-yo obo-n obo-n  sit bi-yo bi-yo-n bi-yo-n  lie down nundi-ye nundo-n nundo-n  listen CaC(u) etc. na m nama-n nama-n  grind Spatial and manner adverbials Spatial adverbial clause ( where ( ) The basic  where&  adverbial clause is a relative clause headed by TmT  place , which of course drops tones as relative head. Because it is inanimate, the relative clause generally ends in inanimate singular definite wo. In (644a), the relative clause functions as a NP, and specifically as subject of the adjectival predicate. In (644bc), a similar NP is complement of the locative postposition na, and the PP as a whole functions as a spatial adverbial clause. (644) a. [mombil TmT L mTdiy[zo wo] [vehicle placeL be.stuckPerf2.Rel Def.InanSg] wajum bo( distant-Adj be-3SgS  The place where the vehicle got stuck is far away. b. [[TmT L mi barm[ wo] na] [[placeL 1SgS be.wounded.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg] Loc] [dTgTtTrT onu(] [doctor not.be-3SgS]  There is no doctor (in the place) where I got hurt. c. [[goy emu wo] TmT L mi [elephant-Pl Def.AnPl] placeL 1SgS w[ wo] na] Lkonam( see.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg] Loc] Lgo.back-Impf-1SgS  I will go back to the place where I saw (the) elephants. d. TmT L za ye YraK wo placeL meal 1PlS eat.meal-Impf.Rel.InanSg Def.InanSg  (the place) where we are going to eat (a meal) Manner adverbial clause ( how ( ) A relative clause of the type  the way/manner&  has gide or syonym aKa y  manner (8.4.5) as head NP, in low-toned form gide or aKa y (645a). A clause of this type may function as a regular NP argument in its clause, such as the object NP in (645b). To convert this into a manner adverbial clause, a clause-final yeK  like or variant is needed, as in (645c) here and in (787) in Text 1. (645) a. niKa: dom aKay L o dam[ wo yesterday talk(n) mannerL 2SgS speak.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg  the way you-Sg talked yesterday b. [dom aKay L o damaK L ko] [talk(n) mannerL 2SgS speak-Impf.Rel.InanSgL NearDist.InanSg] [bu=lam want=it.is.not-1SgS  I don t like the way you-Sg talk. c. [[aKay L na dam[] yeK] [[mannerL 3SgS speak.Perf.Rel] like] [mi Hla] koy Ldamam( [1Sg Htoo] thus Lspeak-Impf-1SgS  I speak like he/she speaks. [lit.:  Like the way he/she speaks, I too speak like that. ] Headless adverbial clause as spatiotemporal or manner clause Other Dogon languages that construct manner and spatiotemporal adverbial clauses as relatives ( where/when/the way &  ) generally allow the implied head to be omitted. A possible textual example is (646), where  he went has relative form but appears to have no overt head NP. (646) [zomT koy bo-m] [na ur [ la] [hare just.over.here be-Impf] [3SgS go.Perf.Rel too] [[zuwo kanda] dT/a-li-( koy] [[week even] arrive-PerfNeg-3SgS Emph  (Since) Hare was there and had gone away, not even a week had elapsed. (excerpt from (778) in Text 1)  From X, until (or: all the way to) Y (hali) The regionally widespread particle hali  until, all the way to can precede a spatial or temporal expression, emphasizing completeness and distance of the trajectory. Depending on the verb, the translation may be allative ( to, until ) or ablative ( from, since ). (647) a. [hali bamakT na] [na: mi] un-m-iy [until Bamako Loc] [foot Inst] go-Impf-1PlS  We will walk all the way to Bamako. b. [na: mi] [hali bamakT na] un-m-iy [foot Inst] [until Bamako Loc] go-Impf-1PlS  We walked (here) all the way from Bamako. Conditional constructions The  if particle is de, in clause-final position following the verb or other predicate. Its phonological tone is usually low, but the high tone of perfective negative 3Sg li( (which drops its vowel in this combination) and 3Pl n-( is realized on the  if particle. Like other clause-final subordinators, de is subject to additional intonational effects. Hypothetical conditional with de  if When the antecedent denotes a single hypothetical future event, or the negation of such an event, its verb takes perfective form (648ab). The consequent is most often a clause with imperfective verb (648a), though it is occasionally perfective as in (648b) where the verb in question is generally perfective in form (denoting the state of safety after a dangerous close call). The consequent may also be an imperative, hortative, etc. (648) a. [oy ya w[( de] [o demamu] [2Sg-Acc Real see.Perf-3SgS if] [2Sg hit-Impf-3SgS]  If she sees you-Sg, she ll hit you. b. [oy wal( de] [ya pa:biy[w] [2Sg-Acc see-PerfNeg-3SgS if] [Real protect-MP.Perf-2SgS]  If she doesn t see you-Sg, you will safe (=will have been protected). The antecedent may denote a recurrent activity, and in this case its verb takes imperfective form (649). (649) a. [za Yramuw de] amamuw [meal eat-Impf-2SgS if] be.goodsized-Impf-2SgS  If you-Sg eat, you ll grow (to a good size). b. [za Yr[raru de] doKamu [meal eat-ImpfNeg-2SgS if] be.skinny-Impf-2SgS  If you-Sg don t eat, you ll become skinny. Conditional  if often shades into future-oriented temporal  when . In (774) in Text 1, ye appears to be a variant of de. Alternative  if particles  Even if ( (dan, kanda, de la) There are a few ways to express  even if , i.e. to assert that the actualization of the antecedent condition would have no bearing on that of the consequent. Purposive-causal dan (8.3.2) can replace de. The pragmatic sense is to claim that the consequent is causally independent of the antecedent. The free translation is  even if&  . The examples with dan that were obtained in elicitation regularly use the perfective2 form of the verb in the antecedent clause. (650) a. ar uK [diya ga] t[g[zo dan] rain [big Adv] rain.fall-Perf2-3SgS even] [[m[n[ oK] na] goran(] [[field 2SgP-InanSg] Loc] go.out-ImpfNeg-3SgS]  Even if rain falls heavily, your-Sg field won t yield (much). [lit.:  & it won t come out in your field ] b. [za Yr[z[: dan] amnar[ [meal eat-Perf2-3PlS even] be.goodsized-ImpfNeg-3PlS  Even if they eat, they don t grow (to a good size). c. [woz[: dan] [Kgi za Yr[rar[] [come-Perf2-3PlS even] [here meal eat.meal-ImpfNeg-3PlS]  Even if they come, they won t eat here.  As soon as ( I did not find any  as soon as particles replacing de at the end of the antecedent clause, emphasizing the immediacy of the consequent eventuality on the actualization of the antecedent condition. Cues with French ds que were rendered by ordinary conditional clauses with de. An explicit  as soon as requires a significant rephrasing using a stative form dimba- from the verb dimbi-y[  follow . Both the substantive verb and  follow appear with nonpast durative subordinator -n (15.3.5). (651) wo-n na dimba-n, go-NonPDur 3SgS follow.Stat-NonPDur, za Yra-m-iy meal eat.meal-Impf-1PlS  As soon as he/she comes, we ll eat. Another rephrasing is to relativize both clauses with covert inanimate head, and conjoin them. An example is (652), literally  (the time/situation) where they see each other and (the time/situation) where they fight, i.e. they are one and the same situation. This construction describes recurrent eventualities. (652) [[a tomu] bo waK mi!] [[3Refl Recip] 3PlS see-Ppl.Impf.InanSg and] [bo za:niyaK mi!] [3PlS fight-Ppl.Impf.InanSg and]  (Whenever) they see each other, they fight. Willy-nilly and disjunctive antecedents ( whether X or Y ( ) In a willy-nilly conditional, two mutually exclusive antecedents that together exhaust all possibilities are juxtaposed, with dying-quail intonation on both, and with optional final pu!  all . There is no final de  if . Usually the two antecedents are paired positive and negative clauses, the second one being reduced to a single negative verb. The consequent has its normal (i.e. most often imperfective) form, and is understood to be asserted regardless of which of the two antecedents turns out to be true. (653) [bo woz[:( won(( pu!] [3Pl come-Perf2-3PlS come-PerfNeg-3PlS all] [ye [p[du yeK] kar amiy] [1Pl [feast 1PlS-Poss.InanSg] do-Impf-1PlS]  Whether they come or not, we re going to have our feast. In a true disjunctive antecedent, where either of two antecedents can serve as the condition for the consquent, the antecedent has the usual form of a clausal disjunction, followed by a single occurrence of de  if , as in (654). If spoken without a prosodic break, the second (postpausal)  or may be omitted. (654) [nju onu( ma!], [ma! nju ba n=( de] [water not.be-3SgS or], [or water red=it.is if] [[bidT: Lnju wo] niy amiy] [[can Lwater Def.InanSg] drink-Impf-1PlS]  If there is no water or (the) water is brown, we ll drink the water of (=in) the can. Counterfactual conditional In a counterfactual, where the antecedent proposition is understood not to have occurred, both the antecedent and the consequent are expressed with conjugated past clitic =b[. The antecedent clause is past perfect, and the consequent is past imperfective. For example, (655a) is of the literal type  if (they) had come, they were eating (or: were going to eat). (655) a. [bo nono:mu wo] iye wa: [3Pl person-two-AnPl Def.AnSg] today morning wo=ba de, cinda kubo:=ba come=Past-3PlS if, liver eat.meat.Impf=Past-3PlS  If the two of them had come this morning, they would have eaten some liver. b. [ka:mu won(=ba de], [grasshopper-AnPl come-PerfNeg-3PlS=Past-3PlS if, ye yu: b[la:=b[y 1Pl millet get.Impf=Past-1PlS  If the locusts hadn t come, we d have gotten (=harvested) millet. Complement and purposive clauses Quotative complement Quoted speech and thought is expressed by one or more of the following features: inflectable  say verb da m or gu n (11.3.1-2), preceding or following the quotation, but often omitted; uninflectable quotative particle wa following a quoted clause and usually also following a referentially specific subject (subject quotative), 17.1.3; instead of wa, a clause-final subjunctive particle ni in propositional belief complements (17.1.4); clause-initial subject pronouns instead of pronominal-subject suffixes on verbs (17.1.2); 3Logophoric pronouns substituting for (original) first person pronouns (17.1.1 and 18.2.1.1); logophoric subject is also expressed by a suffix on the verb that has the form (but not function) of a 1Sg subject suffix (18.2.1); original addressee is expressed by regular third person pronominals (17.1.1). Overt  say verbs are frequently omitted in favor of the quotative particle. Inflectional verb categories are not changed in quotative complements. In particular, aspect-negation and mood categories are preserved. There is no  that complementizer other than the quotative and subjunctive particles. Pronominal conversions in quotative complements If the original speaker and addressee are disjoint to the current speaker and addressee, original first person pronouns are converted into 3Logophorics, and original second person pronouns are usually merged with regular third person. For example, original  I will give it to you is quoted as  LogoSg will give it to 3Sg (him/her) . In (656), the initial 3Sg pronoun denotes the original addressee, while the original speaker is referred to by the (dative) 3Logophoric. (656) [na wa!] [pal zamn[-y] [3Sg Quot] [sesame steal-Past.and.then] [a ber a] [sadu sadu na] wo-zo-( wa, [LogoSg Dat] [question ask Loc] come-Perf2-3SgS Quot,   You-Sg stole some sesame and you have come to me to ask (questions), she said. (excerpt from (818) in Text 3) As a result, regular (nonlogophoric) third person pronouns in quotative clauses are ambiguous between original-addressee reference and reference to any other referent. When true first and second person pronouns occur in quoted speech, they normally refer to the current speaker and addressee, respectively (657). (657) [o wa] miy ya w[ wa [2SgS Quot] 1Sg-Acc Real see.Perf Quot  (X) said that you-Sg saw me. Exceptionally, in (793) in Text 1, the original 2Sg o is preserved in subject quotative [o wa!] ni. Interrogative topic marker ni makes the translation roughly  how about you, & ? , and this may account for the unusual direct quotative aspect. Clause-initial subjects Nonpronominal subject NPs are already clause-initial in nonquotative indicative clauses, except that they may be preceded by temporal-setting adverbs like  yesterday . In quotative clauses, pronominal subjects are also expressed by clause-initial proclitics, and the usual pronominal-subject suffixes on verbs are omitted. The proclitic pronouns are Clause-initial subjects in quotations have Quotative particle wa, which is optional for nonpronominal NPs with specific reference and more or less obligatory for pronouns. wa cliticizes to and contracts with pronouns ending in a (3Sg na, 3Logophoric a). Quotative subjects are often set off prosodically from the remainder the sentence, and post-subject wa may be prolonged intonationally especially after pronominals; if so, this is indicated by !. Adverbs like  yesterday follow quotative subjects. (658) a. [sa ydu (wa)] niKa: p[: ya sem[ wa [Seydou (Quot)S] yesterday sheep Real slaughter.Perf Quot  (X) said,  Seydou slaughtered a sheep yesterday.  b. [o wa(!)] niKa: p[: ya sem[ wa [2SgS QuotS] yesterday sheep Real slaughter.Perf Quot  (X) said,  you-Sg slaughtered a sheep yesterday.  x. a=a(!) wo-m-( wa LogoSg=QuotS come-Impf-LogoS Quot  Hex said that hex was coming. Pseudo-subjects in certain fixed subject-verb collocations are not treated as true subjects for this purpose. They are not directly followed by wa and they may follow temporal-setting adverbs. See 11.1.4 for examples. Quotative subject marker wa may be followed by certain discourse-functional particles that have scope over the subject NP: la  also, too (802) in Text 2, topic marker gay (859) in Text 5. Quotative particle wa Quotative particle wa is not inflected for pronominal category. In a quoted indicative sentence, it regularly occurs twice, once with the subject and once at the end of the clause (preceding, however, clause-final particles like koy 19.5.1). For the post-subject occurrence, see the preceding section. With an indicative clause, wa can have hearsay evidential quality ( allegedly, supposedly ), but for the most part it can be thought of as an audible quotation mark, and it can be used with quoted imperatives and other non-indicative clauses (17.1.5). It can also be used in clarification requests with any word or phrase: X wa  (did you say)  X ? wa is used when the implicit  say predication is positive ( X said ). The clitic is omitted on quoted clauses that are immediately followed by an inflected  say verb (11.3.1.2). Subjunctive ni in propositional belief complements Subjunctive ni occurs clause-finally in clauses that denote a proposition formulated mentally by a referent. The proposition may be a belief, a hope, or an intention. The current speaker does not vouch for the truth of the proposition. (659) a. [[ma:nu boK] na] [[thought 3PlP-InanSg] Loc] sa ydu [dama na] ur [( ni zw[:, S [village Loc] go.Perf-3SgS Sbjnct have-3PlS, ga: nar a=la( but truth=it.is.not-3SgS  In their belief, Seydou went to the village, but it isn t true. b. [gTlT ya gTlTza ni] [farming Real do.farm.work-RecPf-3PlS Sbjnct] LnT/[m Lhear.Perf-1SgS  I heard (=was told) that they had finished farming. For subjunctive ni as complement of  begin , see 17.6.1.2. For ni after imperfective negative verb in a negative purposive clause, see 17.6.3. I see no clear semantic relationship between this subjunctive particle and interrogative-topic particle ni (19.1.2), which I suspect is a reduced variant of ni:  now (the latter is often topical). However, subjunctive ni may be related to ni:  intending , see (773) in Text 1, cf. also Yre ni:.  why? (13.2.2.2). Jussive complement (reported imperative or hortative) Quoted imperative As with other reported utterances, reported imperatives have a final quotative verb (gu n, da m) or particle. The verb takes invariant imperative singular form (10.7.1.1). A pronominal subject is expressed at the beginning of the clause and is not obligatory. Quotative subject morpheme wa! (with pronominals) or wa (with nonpronominal NPs) is regularly present. (660) a. [na wa!] p[: s[ma Lgun[m [3Sg QuotS] sheep slaughter.Imprt Lsay.Perf-1SgS  I told him/her to slaughter a sheep. b. [bo wa!] p[: s[ma Lgun[m [3Pl QuotS] sheep slaughter.Imprt Lsay.Perf-1SgS  I told them to slaughter a sheep. c. [sa ydu wa!] p[: s[ma Lgun[m [3Pl QuotS] sheep slaughter.Imprt Lsay.Perf-1SgS  I told Seydou to slaughter a sheep. d. [mi wa!] wo Lguna [1Sg QuotS] come.Imprt Lsay.Perf-3SgS  They told me to come. e. [o Hde:] [o Hwa!] [2SgP Hfather] [2Sg HQuotS] we : a tiga Lgun[( come-and.SS LogoSgO look.Imprt Lsay.Perf-3SgS  Your-Sg father said for you-Sg to come and see him. Reported prohibitives are illustrated in (661). The verb takes singular-addressee prohibitive form (10.7.1.2). (661) a. [mi wa!] wola wa [1Sg QuotS] come-Prohib Quot  (He/she/they) told me not to come. b. [bo wa!] p[: sem[la Lgun[m [3Pl QuotS] sheep slaughter-Prohib Lsay.Perf-1SgS  I told them not to slaughter a sheep. Embedded hortative In a reported hortative, the usual paraphernalia of quoted speech (final quotative verb or particle, quotative subject form at the beginning of the clause) is present. The verb takes invariant hortative form with ma (10.7.2). (662) a. [mi wa!] unma wa [1Sg QuotS] go-Hort say  (He/she/they) told me, let s go! b. nim[m Yr[ma Lgun[w now eat-Hort Lsay.Perf-2SgS  You-Sg said (to me), let s eat! A reported hortative negative clause is in (663). The verb is in the regular hortative negative form (10.7.3). (663) sa ydu [mi wa!] za Yremela wa S [1Sg QuotS] meal eat-Hort-Neg say  Seydou said to me, let s not eat! Factive (indicative) complements A factive clause corresponds to a  that&  complement in English with a verb like  know or  see/hear that denotes or implies a mental representation of a proposition. The factive clause has the same form as a main clause. However, it functions syntactically like a NP, and it may be followed by inanimate singular definite wo. NPs in factive complements are not subject to logophoric anaphora. In (664a), the 3Sg object pronoun may or may not be coindexed with Seydou. By contrast, in quotative complements such indexation is explicit. In (664b), the object is coindexed with Seydou, and in (664c) it is not. (664) a. sa ydu [nay wT=b[m] zuwamu S [3Sg-Acc see=Past-1SgS] know-Impf-3SgS  Seydoux knows that I saw himx/hery. b. sa ydu [mi wa!] ay wT=b[ wa S [1Sg QuotS] Logo-Acc see=Past say  Seydoux says/said that I saw himx. c. sa ydu [mi wa!] nay wT=b[ wa S [1Sg QuotS] 3Sg-Acc see=Past say  Seydoux says/said that I saw hery.  Know that/whether ( complement clause When not negated or questioned, the verb  know takes a factive complement, in the same form as a main clause but often followed by definite wo (665). (665) a. [woraru wo] zuwam( [come-ImpfNeg-2SgS Def.InanSg] know-Impf-1SgS  I know that you-Sg are not coming. b. [sa ydu [dama na] ya ur [( wo] [S [village Loc] Real go.Perf-3SgS Def.InanSg] zuwamuw know-Impf-2SgS  You-Sg know that Seydou went to the village. When  know is negated or questioned, the complement takes polar interrogative form with clause-final particle ma! (13.2.1). There is no distinction between e.g.  he doesn t know that she died (presupposing the truth of the embedded proposition) and  he doesn t know whether (or not) she died , and the Yanda Dom phrasing follows the modal quality of the latter translation. For example, in (666a)  I am here is clearly true, but the syntax is parallel to that in (666b). (666) a. [[mi wa!] Kgi ya bo ma!] zuwT-ran( [[1Sg QuotS] here Exist be Q] know-ImpfNeg-3SgS  He/She doesn t know that/whether I am here. b. [gTlT ya gTlTza ma!] [farming Real do.farm.work-RecPf-3PlS Q] zuwTram know-ImpfNeg-1SgS  I don t know whether they have finished farming.  See that (  See takes a factive complement with definite wo when the context is that the observer has used visual evidence to draw a conclusion, generally of a situation, such as the completion of an activity. (667) a. [bid[ ya bid[za wo] [work(n) Real work-RecPf-3PlS Def.InanSg] ya w[m Real see.Perf-1SgS  I saw that they had finished the work. b. [[te: wo] ya ije( wo] [[tea Def.InanSg] Real be.finished.Perf-3SgS Def.InanSg] wam bom see-Impf be-1SgS  I see that the tea is finished (=we re out of tea).  Find (=discover) that ( The transitive verb t[mb[  find (by accident) is used with a factive complement in contexts such as  (I went there and) I found (=discovered, learned) that &  , with reference to a completed event. Definite wo is absent in the attested examples. (668) a. [[yu: wo] t[yali(] Lt[mb[m [[millet Def.InanSg] sprout-PerfNeg-3SgS] Lfind.Perf-1SgS  I found that the millet had not sprouted. b. [[mi Hde:] ya goz[(] Lt[mb[m [1SgP Hfather] Real go.out-RecPf-3SgS] Lfind.Perf-1SgS  I found that my father had gone out. For the morphology of verbal nouns, see 4.2.2. Verbal-noun complements may include nonsubject arguments and adverbs. Verbal-noun complement A verbal-noun complement is a subjectless verb phrase. In addition to the verb itself, nonsubject arguments and adjuncts may occur. (669a) shows a direct object for  hit . However, if the object is generic (and therefore undetermined) it is often incorporated as a {L}-toned compound initial. (669) a. [[ene amu] bundo-le] ya dTg[( [[children 3ReflSg-Poss.AnPl] hit-VblN] Real leave.Perf-3SgS  He/She has ceased beating his children. b. inju-niy-( ya dTg[( water-drink-VblN Real leave.Perf-3SgS  He/She has ceased drinking water.  Dare (dadu, namiy[) with verbal-noun complement These essentially synonymous verbs take nominal complements. In (670a), either of two types of verbal noun occur in the complement. In (670b), a relative clause with implied inanimate singular head is used. (670) a. nji wo-y / wo-le ya namiy[( dade( here come / come-VblN Real dare.Perf-3SgS  He/She dared to come here. b. [oy dT/aK] ya namiy[( 2Sg-Acc insult-Impf.Rel.InanSg Real dare.Perf-3SgS  He/She dared to insult you-Sg.  Cease (dTgT) with verbal-noun complement dTgT is a simple transitive meaning  leave, abandon . It can also be used with a verbal-noun (or other nominal) complement in the sense  cease (doing), desist from (doing) . (671) a. te:niy -( ya dTg[( tea-drink-VblN Real leave.Perf-3SgS  He/She has ceased to drink tea. (te:) b. ku-ba gTlT ya dTga there farming Real leave.Perf-3PlS  They have ceased to farm there. c. bonba n-( ya dTga tomtom-beat-VblN Real leave.Perf-3PlS  They have ceased to beat (=play) tomtoms.  Forget (id[) with verbal-noun complement This verb takes nominal complements, ranging from simple NPs (672a) to verbal-noun complements with covert coindexed subjects (672b). (672) a. [dama a-K] ya id[-( [village 3ReflSg-Poss.InanSg] Real forget.Perf-3SgS  Hex forgot hisx village. b. [[[dama a-K] na] un-(] un-le] [[[village 3ReflSg-Poss.InanSg] Loc] go-VblN] ya id[-( Real forget.Perf-3SgS  Hex forgot to go to hisx village.  Forget can also take finite factive complements (673). (673) [ya tib-a wo] id[=b[-m [Real die.Perf-3PlS Def.InanSg] forget=Past-1SgS  I forgot that they had died. Predicative tilay or wa:zibu  obligation with verbal-noun subject A noun meaning  obligation, duty , either tilay or wa:zibu, takes impersonal predicative form. The required action is expressed as a verbal-noun or similar nominal complement, with a possessor denoting the agent. The  it is clitic =( (11.2.1.1) is present, one presumes, but it is usually not audible. (674) [[bamakT na] un-( na-K] tilay(=() un-le wa:zibu(=() [[Bamako Loc] go-VblN 3Sg-Poss.InanSg] obligation=it.is  He/She must go (=is obligated to go) to Bamako.  Be afraid to (ibi-y[) with verbal-noun complement The transitive verb  be afraid of X can also be used with a verbal-noun complement as in (675). The experiencer is expressed as main-clause subject and does not appear in the complement. (675) [bamakT na] un-(] ibi-ya-m( un-le] [Bamako Loc] go-VblN] fear-MP-Impf-1SgS  He/She is afraid to go to Bamako. If the lower subject is not coindexed to the matrix subject, the complement is a finite polar interrogative clause, with an imperfective verb (assuming that the feared eventuality is not yet actualized). (676) [miy demamu ma!] ibi-ya-m( [1Sg-Acc hit-Impf-3SgS Q] fear-MP-Impf-1SgS  I fear that he/she might hit me.  Be afraid that is logically different from  be afraid to since it does not involve the subject s future agency. (843) in Text 5 is a good example of  be afraid that , and has a subjunctive (ni) complement.  Help (badu) with verbal-noun adjunct or chained verb badu  help may be a special sense of badu  add, increase , in the sense that the agent adds himself/herself to a joint action. The person who is helped is expressed as a direct object of badu. In (677a), a subjectless verbal-noun or other complement is added as an adjunct, roughly  & helped me [in walking] . In (677b), the two verbs are chained, roughly  & tie-help you . (677) a. ozu-[un-(] miy badu=b[( road-[go-VblN] 1Sg-Acc help=Past-3SgS  He/She helped me to walk. b. [na: g[] o(y) kTmT bada-m( [cow Def.AnSg] 2Sg(-Acc) tie help-Impf-1SgS  I will help you-Sg tie up the cow. Directly chained VP as complement Direct verb chains are those with no overt subordinator on the nonfinal verbs (15.1). In some cases the verbs simply describe different aspects of a single event. However, there are also some verbs that regularly combine with other VPs in a semantically specialized manner. One can speak informally of the chained VP as a complement for the specialized verb. tadu  try to VP with preceding chained VP tadu  try is chained to a preceding VP ending in bare-stem verb in the sense  try to VP or  see if one can VP . The rather common imperative form is {L}-toned tada. The historical relationship, if any, of this verb to mediopassive tadi-y[  be posted (affixed), be on (wall) is unclear. tadu usually forms a direct chain with the other verb. (678) a. [na: g[] ya kTmT tade-m [cow Def.AnSg] Real tie try.Perf-1SgS  I tried to tie up the cow. b. nT tada hear try.Imprt  Try-2Sg to hear! tTlT  begin to VP (17.6.1.2) can also be used in contexts roughly translatable as  try to VP , as when one attempts/begins to lift a large rock and fails to complete the act.  Be able to, can (b[l[) with preceding or following chained VP As a simple transitive verb, b[l[ means  get, obtain . With a preceding chained VP it means  be able to, can (do) . (679) a. [koKo na] Yl[ b[lamuw ma! [mountain Loc] go.up get-Impf-2SgS Q  Can you-Sg go up on (=climb) the mountain? b. [bamakT na] o ni:nd[] b[l[nam (~b[:r am) [[B Loc] 2SgO accompany] get-ImpfNeg-1SgS  I cannot accompany you-Sg to Bamako. c. [ba ya go de] gTlT gTlT Lb[lam( [next year] farming do.farm.work Lget-Impf-1SgS  Next year I ll be able to farm. d. [gol ga] toK tT b[lalum [last.year Loc] sowing sow get-PerfNeg-1SgS  Last year I was unable to sow (=plant the seeds). In some examples, a preceding chained verb that normally ends in a high-toned syllable (in the bare stem) is heard with low tones, followed by an initial high tone on the relevant form of b[l[. This is seen in (680), and cf. (681), below. (680) zTbT b[lalum run be.able-PerfNeg-1SgS  I was not able to run. (zTbT) Although the semantic connection between  get, obtain and  be able to seems stretched to westerners, a construal of  be able to as  get makes sense if one supplies an object such as  (the) means . This accounts for examples like (681a), where b[l[ precedes rather than follows the other verb. Using his practical experience, the speaker apparently reasoned that  be unable to farm implies  be unable to obtain the resources (seedstock, tools, transportation, and/or workforce) to farm . In this reading, it is reasonable (iconically) to position b[l[  get before  do farm work . A textual example of b[l[ before a chained verb is (681b). Here the other animals were dissuaded from entering Hare s field by sounds of (apparent) danger. (681) a. [gol ga] gTlT b[l[ gTlalum [last.year Loc] farming get do.farm.work-PerfNeg-1SgS  Last year I was unable to farm. b. [[[zomT K] Lm[n[ wo] na] [[[hare Poss] Lfield Def.AnSg] Loc] b[l[ tiKa-n( get cross-PerfNeg-3PlS  They could not cross over into hare s field. (excerpt from (838) in Text 4) As these examples show, b[l[ appears as {L}-toned b[l[ in this construction, as is regular for {LH}-toned verbs in nonfinal position in chains. The final verb has {HL} stem tones and H-toned suffix, regardless of lexical tone. The initial H-tone is arguably conditioned by the preceding {L}-toned verb and so is marked with . An example of the usual  be able to construction with in a relative clause is (682). The verb  go and  be able are fused in a compound-like sequence, so the preverbal subject pronominal precedes both of them. (682) sa ydu izen L na un b[l[ wo S dayL 3SgS go be.able.Rel.Perf Def.InanSg  the day when Seydou was able to go  Finish, complete (ide, kiliy[, ije) with preceding chained VP The usual expression of  have finished VPing , referring to an activity, is by adding recent perfect suffix z[ (10.3.1.4) to the verb. It is possible to argue that this is really a chained verb rather than a suffix, cf. 10.1.1. In this analysis, one could take the preceding material as constituting a subordinated clause. Alternative constructions involve adding a final chained verb ide or kiliy[  finish, bring to an end (an activity) , or ije  cease (the latter can be used for inanimate subjects, e.g.  rain has stopped falling ). All three of these combine with a preceding chained verb (i.e. VP). It is likely that ije and ide are historically related (transitive versus mediopassive), but the morphology is now obscure. ide will serve as illustration. This verb is also used with NP object in the sense  finish up, run out of, deplete (e.g. one s supply of sugar) , and it is probably historically related to intransitive ije, which is found in contexts like  (film) be finished, be over and  (sugar, tea) be depleted, be used up . Examples of ide with clausal complement are in (683). (683) a. [w [[Yn[ g[] Lnama] kubo] idemiy tomorrow [[goat Def.AnSg] Lmeat] eat.meat] finish-Impf-1PlS  Tomorrow we will finish eating the meat of the goat. b. [laya na dT mer a] [feast.of.ram 3SgS arrive before] [[Ylo TnzT] ido] [[house build] finish.Imprt]  Finish-2Sg building the house, before the Feast of the Ram (arrives)! A relative-clause example is (684). (684) izen L nama mi kubo ide wo dayL meat 1SgS eat.meat finish.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg  the day (when) I finished eating the meat As an alternative to the direct-chain construction, ide  finish may also take a complement with y subordinating suffix on the verb. This suffix indicates that the eventuality denoted by its clause precedes in time the eventuality denoted by the main clause. This arguably makes sense in the case of  finish , as in  I ate the meat and then finished . The relative clause (684), above, can therefore also be expressed as (685). Note that the subject pronoun mi in (685) does intervene between the two verbs, which is not possible in the direct-chain construction (684). (685) izen L nama kuboy dayL meat eat.meat-Past.and.then mi ide wo 1SgS finish.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg  the day (when) I finished eating the meat  Nearly (do) (nema-li) with preceding chained verb The verb nem[  taste has a regular perfective negative nema-li-  did not taste , with {LH} stem tone, see (349b) in 10.2.2.4. With a preceding chained VP, the sense is  nearly (VP) ,  not miss (VPing) by much . (686) pile nema-lu-m fall taste-PerfNeg-1SgS  I nearly fell. (lit.  I didn t taste fall ). Other complements  Consent (abiy[) with relative complement The common verb for  consent, agree (to do something) is abiy[  accept, receive . The equivalent of the English infinitival complement is expressed as a headless imperfective relative in inanimate singular form (suffix K). A literal rendering would be of the type  X accept [(fact/situation) that&  A final definite wo is optional. Examples with same-subject complements are in (687). In this construction, there is no overt marking of the pronominal subject in the complement clause. (687) a. woK ya abiy[( come-Impf.Rel.InanSg Real accept-MP-3SgS  He/She has agreed (=consented) to come. b. [[p[: g[] [baK] ya abiya [sheep Def.AnSg] buy-Impf.Rel.InanSg] Real accept-MP-3PlS  They have agreed (=consented) to buy the sheep-Sg. Examples (688a-b) show the different-subject version of the construction. The subject in the complement is expressed by a preverbal pronoun, even when it is also expressed by a full NP (688b). (688) a. [mi Hde:] [[bamakT na] mi unuK [1SgP Hfather] [[B Loc] 1SgS go-Impf.Rel.InanSg wo] ya abiy[( Def.InanSg] Real accept-MP-3SgS  My father has agreed that I (may) go to Bamako. b. [mi Hde:] [sa ydu [[bamakT na] na [1SgP Hfather] [S [[B Loc] 3SgS unuK wo] ya abiy[( go-Impf.Rel.InanSg Def.InanSg] Real accept-MP-3SgS  My father has agreed that Seydou (may) go to Bamako.  Want ([ba=bo-) with e: ( [: or relative complement [ba=bo- (for the forms see 11.2.4) can take a NP complement. Alternatively it can take a clausal complement. When the complement clause has the same subject as the main clause, the same-subject subordinator e: ( [: (15.2.3) occurs on the complement verb. There is no pronominal marking of the subject in the complement clause (689). Since [ba=bo- is usually nonfocal in this construction, the clitic bo- is usually heard as L-toned. (689) a. [TdTninju Yr[:] [ba=bo( [baobab-sauce eat.meal-and.SS] want=be-3SgS  He/She wants to eat millet cakes (with baobab sauce). b. [[dama na] ur [:] [ba=bom [[village Loc] go-and.SS] want=be-1SgS  I would like to go to the village. c. [[[dama aK] na] ur [:] [bu=la( [[[village 3ReflP-InanSg] Loc] go-and.SS] want=it.is.not-3SgS  He doesn t want to go to his (own) village. If the subjects are disjoint, the complement takes the form of a headless imperfective relative clause with inanimate singular agreement (K on the verb), with or without definite wo. The subject must be represented as a preverbal subject pronoun (690). (690) a. [mi Hde:] [1SgP Hfather] [[dama na] mi ur uK (wo)] [[village Loc] 1SgS go-Impf.Rel.InanSg (Def.InanSg)] [ba=bo( want=be-3SgS  My father wants me to go to the village. b. [ene [gomu na] bo nT/aK [children [courtyard Loc] 3PlS go.in-Impf.Rel.InanSg wo] [bu=la m Def.InanSg] want=it.is.not-1SgS  I don t want children to enter the courtyard. The alternative  want form nama=bo- has similar syntax and can be substituted for [ba=bo- in the examples above.  Prevent, obstruct (garu) with juxtaposed clause Cues of the type  X prevent Y from [Y& ] were rephrased with negated causative verbs. Thus  X prevented Y from [Y bring& ] was phrased as  X didn t make (=let) Y bring&  . If the verb garu  obstruct is present, it is in a juxtaposed clause (691a). (691) a. [ar uK miy Lgar[(] [rain 1Sg-Acc Lobstruct.Perf-3SgS [yu: wo] miy zomali( [millet Def.InanSg] 1Sg-Acc bring-Caus-PerfNeg-3SgS  The rain obstructed me, it didn t let me bring the millet. b. [p[: g[] miy sem[mali( [sheep Def.AnSg] 1Sg-Acc slaughter-Caus-PerfNeg-3SgS  He/She prevented me from slaughtering the sheep. Purposive and causal clauses Purposive clause with na (same-subject, positive) Simple adjoined purposive clauses The purposive morpheme na, arguably a special case of the high-toned form of locative postposition na (8.2.3), occurs clause-finally after a {L}-toned nominalized form of the verb. To avoid confusion it will be glossed  Purp in interlinears in this construction. An object NP or other clausal constituent, in its regular form, may precede the verb (692ab), but no such constituent is required (692c). The purposive clause may be nested within the main clause, following some of the latter s constituents such as locative adverbs (692ab). The subject of the purposive clause is understood to be coindexed with that of the main clause. The main clause is usually a verb of motion ( go ,  come ). (692) a. [dama na] [[mi Hde:] tige L na] Lur um( [village Loc] [[1SgP Hfather] visitL Purp] Lgo-Impf-1SgS  I m going to the village to visit my father. b. [dama na] [[mi Hni:] badu L na] Lur um( [village Loc] [[1SgP Hmother] helpL Purp] Lgo-Impf-1SgS  I m going to the village to help my mother. c. [sumu L na] Lur um( [restL Purp] Lgo-Impf-1SgS  I m going over there to rest. The form of the purposive (nominal plus na) for representative verb stems is given in (693). It consists of a low-toned form of the stem with no further suffix. The two basic verbs of conveyance,  bring and  take away , have high tones and are followed by low-toned na (693c). These are also the only two verbs that have this tonal pattern in the imperfective negative (10.2.1.8, 10.2.1.12). (693) bare stem purposive gloss a. go go L na  go out y[ y[ L na  weep tT tT L na  slash earth (to sow) nT nT L na  go in nT nT L na  hear b. wo wo L na  come wT wT L na  see dT dT L na  arrive, reach dT dT L na  insult c. zo zo na  bring zi n zin na  take away d. to: to: L na  spit ka: ka: L na  shave Yr[ Yr[ L na  eat (meal) Yl[ Yl[ L na  go up ubT ubT L na  pour nd[ nd[ L na  give tolo tolo L na  pound (in mortar) obiyo obi-yo L na  sit e. ma : ma: L na  make (bricks) na : na: L na  spend night der [ der [ L na  spend day gTlT gTlT L na  do farm work diy[ diy[ L na  carry on head f. un un L na  go g. simbe simbe L na  roast, grill cezo cezo L na  cut (slice) h. tabu tabu L na  touch na m nam L na  grind (into flour) manu manu L na  cook The low-toned verb forms are subject to Rhythmic Tone-Raising when preceded within the clause by a low-toned constituent, such as a cognate nominal. In this case the postposition takes low-toned form na (694ab). (694) a. [yaK y[ L na] Lur [( [weeping weep L Purp] Lgo.Perf-3SgS  He/She went (there) to weep. b. [gTlT gTlo L na] Lur [( [farming do.farm.work L Purp] Lgo.Perf-3SgS  He/She went (there) to farm. In (818) in Text 3, [sadu sadu L na] wo-zo-(  (you) have come to ask questions is another example with a cognate noun-verb sequence (sadu  question[n] ). In (814) in the same text, in [[[[dunu wo] duno L] na] ur u-m  she went around to do the (re-)search , dunu is a cognate nominal with definite marking; similar elicited examples are in the comments to (814). Purposive complement with  begin (tTlT) The transitive verb  begin is tTlT (695a). It has an intransitive counterpart with mediopassive suffix tTliy[ (695b). (695) a. bid[ ya tTla work(n) Real begin.Perf-3PlS  They have begun the work. b. bid[ ya tTliy[( work(n) Real begin-MP-3SgS  The work has begun. When the complement is clausal, it must have the same subject as the main clause. There are two distinct complement constructions. In one, the clause-final subordinating morpheme is purposive na (arguably related to the locative postposition), after a low-toned verb with the vocalism of the [+ATR] stem. In other words, the complement clause is purposive in form; see the preceding section. (696) a. [za Yr[ L na] ya tTl[( [meal eat.mealL Purp] Real begin.Perf-3SgS  He/She has begun to eat (the meal). b. ene [yaK ye L na] ya tTla children [weeping weepL Purp] Real begin.Perf-3PlS  The children began to weep. The alternative construction is with subjunctive ni (17.1.4) following a verb ending in imperfective m. The verb has {HL} tones. (697) [ya y [iy[ la] [there.Def [again too] k[n[ kundo-m ni] tTla-m-u mouth put.in-Impf Sbjnct] begin-Impf-3SgS  (The dog) would again begin to put his mouth in there. (excerpt from (807) in Text 2) Purposive clause (different-subject, positive) One construction that is used in (translation equivalents of) different-subject purposive clauses is a manner adverbial clause, either headless (698a) or with explicit head noun aKay  manner (low-toned form) (698b). The clause ends in an imperfective relative verb with K suffix agreeing with  manner (inanimate singular), with no following determiner (698). The construction is literally of the type  (in) such a manner that& , compare English so that& The purposive clause may precede or follow the main clause. (698) a. [gide n [siy[ ga] bo niyoK] [sleep [good Adv] 3PlS sleep-Impf.Rel.InanSg] matla Lt[dam( mattress Llay.out-Impf-1SgS  I ll lay out the mattress(es), so they may sleep well. b. [[za wo] zo:] [[meal Def.InanSg] bring.Imprt] [aKay L Kgi ye YraK] [mannerL here 1PlS eat-Impf.Rel.InanSg  Bring-2Sg the meal, so we may eat here! A second construction is based on a verb with suffix ma. This resembles the hortative suffix, but the tone of the verb is not always the same in the two contexts. The subject of the purposive clause appears in the form of a preverbal pronoun, even when it is also specified by a full NP. An example is (699). (699) [arajo: ja] [radio kill.Imprt] [sa ydu telefTn [siy[ ga] na nindiyoma] [S telephone [good Adv] 3SgS listen-Purp]  Turn off-2Sg the radio, so Seydou can listen to (=hear) the telephone well! Examples of the purposive with ma, plus the hortative for comparison, are in (700). In (700ab), the two forms differ tonally, but in (700cd) there is no audible difference. The purposive forms that do not already begin with a high tone are subject to Tone-Raising after a low-toned subject pronominal, as in (699), above. (700) Purposive ma bare stem hortative purposive gloss a. wT wTma wTma  see go go-ma goma  go out y[ y[ma y[ma  weep nT nTma nTma  hear dT dTma dTma  arrive, reach der [ der [ma der [ma  spend day gTlT gTlTma gTlTma  do farm work diy[ diy[ma diy[ma  carry on head manu manuma manuma  cook nindiyo nindiyoma nindiyoma  listen b. ma : ma:ma ma :ma  make (bricks) nd[ nd[ma nd[ma  give Yl[ Yl[ma Yl[ma  go up ubT ubTma ubTma  pour abu abuma abuma  accept, receive c. nT nTma nTma  go in tT tTma tTma  slash earth (to sow) dT dTma dTma  insult zo zoma zoma  bring tolo toloma toloma  pound (in mortar) tabu tabuma tabuma  touch obiyo obiyoma obiyoma  sit d. na : na :ma na :ma  spend night Yr[ Yr[ma Yr[ma  eat (meal) Purposive clause with -na-m plus ni or dan (same subject, negative) In a negative purposive clause with same subject as the main clause, two constructions are observed. In the first, the verb takes a suffix na-m ( ra-m. This is morphologically the 1Sg subject form of the imperfective negative. Here it is really a pseudo-1Sg form functioning to mark the subject as logophoric (i.e. coindexed with the attributed author of the thinking). This verb is followed by either subjunctive ni indicating an intention (17.1.4), or purposive-causal postposition dan  like . An example is (701), where ni and dan are interchangeable. The only difference is that subjunctive (Sbjnct) ni directly reports the protagonist s thought process. (701) [gTlT gTlTna-m ni / dan] [farming do.farm.work-ImpfNeg-LogoS Sbjnct / Purp] [gale na] Lur [( [city Loc] Lgo.Perf-3SgS  He went away to the city in order not to do farm work. Negative purposive clause with verbal noun plus dan (same subject) A construction that can function somewhat like a negative purposive clause involves purposive-causal dan following a verbal noun with suffix le. The core sense is approximately  instead of VPing . (702) a. [gide n niye-le dan] [sleep(n) sleep-VblN Purp] [[s[:zu na] obon de na:mu] [[chair Loc] sit.Stat if spend.night-Impf-3SgS]  He/She will spend the night sitting in a chair instead of sleeping. b. bo-y garu-le dan, 3Pl-Acc disturb-VblN Purp, cem! waji-ndiy-[: biyo-m-u a.little far-Inch-NonP.and.SS lie.down-Impf-3SgS  In order not to bother them, he will go some distance away and lie down (to sleep). Other negative purposive clauses Some constructions involving logically disjoint subjects can be converted into same-subject constructions by causativizing the verb of the purposive clause. An example is (703), where  we ll replaster the wall, so it won t fall is phrased as  we ll replaster the wall, in order (for us) not to make/have/let it fall . (703) [[gagabu wo] suwo-m[-na-m ni] [[wall Def.InanSg] go.down-Caus-ImpfNeg-LogoS Sbjnc] Ltada-m-iy Lplaster-Impf-1PlS  We ll replaster the wall, so it won t come down. Prohibitive -la may also be used in negative purposive contexts. Adverbial ga occurs clause-finally. The conversion to same-subject using the causative is found in (704a), while in (704b) the two clauses keep their disjoint subjects. (704) a. [[ene g[] dTmda] [[child Def.AnSg] console.Imprt] [yaK y[-m[-la ga] [weeping(n) weep-Caus-Prohib Adv]  Console-2Sg the child, so it won t weep. (< y[-me-la) b. [[d[bu wo] [suwola ga] [[roof Def.InanSg] [go.down-Prohib Adv] Ltadamiy] Lreplaster-Impf-1PlS  We ll replaster the roof so it (=roof) won t fall. In (705), the purposive clause is positive and imperfective in form but negative pragmatically (cf.  lest clauses). Adverbial ga is again present. (705) [Ylo tada] [suwo-m-u ga] [house plaster.Imprt] [go.down-Impf-3SgS Adv]  Replaster-2Sg the house, lest it fall ( otherwise it will fall ) Another strategy to form a negative purposive clause is to phrase it as a manner adverbial clause with  manner as head and negative imperfective relative verb (706). (706) [[Yn[ g[] Lc[n[ wo]] kTmamiy] [[goat Def.AnSg] Lmouth Def.InanSg] tie-Impf-1PlS] [aKay L na kodon] [mannerL 3SgS bleat-ImpfNeg.Rel]  We ll tie up the goat s mouth so it (=goat) won t bleat. Causal ( because ) clause (dan) Purposive dan can be used in  because clauses (generally retrospective) as well as in purposive  for clauses (generally prospective). Causal clauses are in (707). (707) a. [[mi Hde:] s[lla-li-( dan] [[1SgP Hfather] be.healthy-PerfNeg.3SgS Purp] [[dama na] ur u-m-(] [[village Loc] go-Impf-1SgS  I m going to the village because my father is ill. b. [[na Hde:] na-y ya lali-y[-( dan] [[3SgP Hfather] 3Sg-Acc Real chase-MP-3SgS Purp] nji Lwe-( here Lcome.Perf-3SgS  He/She came here because his/her father drove him/her out. c. mondo bo-y gara-n-( dan, motorcycle 3Pl-Acc disturb-PerfNeg.3PlS Purp, Tc-i: Lw-o fast-Adj Lcome.Perf-3PlS  Since the motorcycles didn t disturb them (i.e. didn t break down), they came early.  Because of (dan) Purposive-causal postposition dan can be used with a NP complement in the sense  because of ,  on account of . (708) [[ar uK wo] dan] [Ylo na] LnT/[-( [[rain Def.InanSg] Purp] [house Loc] Lgo.in.Perf-3SgS  He went into the house because of the rain. Anaphora The key linguistic form in this chapter is a, which functions as a third person reflexive (3Refl), a third person subject-to-subject coindexation indicator, and a third person logophoric (3Logo). In all of these constructions, a marks coindexation to a preceding antecedent. Also covered in this chapter is the reciprocal construction, and emphatic forms of pronouns. Reflexive Reflexive object (accusative pronominal, 3Reflexive a-y) Reflexive objects can be expressed by simple accusative-marked pronouns. The 1st/2nd person forms are identical to those used in nonreflexive contexts, i.e. with non-coindexed subjects. (709) a. ye-y ya cese-y 1Pl-Acc Real cut.Perf-1PlS  We cut ourselves. b. o-y cese-y-o la ma 2Sg-Acc cut-PerfNeg-2SgS Q Q  You-Sg didn t cut yourself? For third person subject, singular or plural, the object is expressed by the accusative form of 3Reflexive a. (710) a. a-y ceso-li-( 3Refl-Acc cut-PerfNeg-3SgS  He/She didn t cut himself/herself. b. a-y ceso-n-( 3Refl-Acc cut-PerfNeg-3PlS  They didn t cut themselves. Reflexive object (1Sg ko:mu etc.) Marked reflexive object forms can also be used. They are based on possessed forms of ko:  head , so that e.g.  I hit myself is expressed literally as  I hit my head . The 1Sg form is contracted from ko: Ymo to ko:-mu. The other forms are regular in form, but 2Sg ko: o-K can contract to ko:-K, and ko: in the remaining combinations can be shortened to ko. I will transcribe all of the forms as single words. (711) category Reflexive Object 1Sg ko:mu 2Sg ko:-oK ~ ko:-K 1Pl ko:-yeK ~ ko-ye-K 2Pl ko:-woK ~ ko-wo-K 3Sg, 3Pl ko- aK ~ ko-a-K Some examples are in (712). (712) a. (mi) ko:mu ya cezem (1Sg) 1SgRefl Real cut.Perf-1SgS  I cut myself. b. ye ko(:)-yeK ya cezey 1Pl 1PlRefl Real cut.Perf-1PlS  We cut ourselves. c. ene=wo ko(:)aK ya cezo children=Def.AnPl 3Refl Real cut.Perf-3PlS  The children cut themselves. Simple and marked reflexives as postpositional complements The same options described above for direct objects are also available for complements of postpositions that are coindexed to the clausemate subject. Simple possessor pronouns are in (713), with a complex postposition  behind X expressed as  at [X s rear] . For third person subject, the 3Refl form aK is used. (713) a. [godu wo] [[tunu Ymo] na] Lt[mb[m [hat Def.InanSg] [[rear 1SgP] Loc] Lfind.Perf-1SgS  I found the hat behind me. b. [godu wo] [[tunu aK] na] Lt[mb[( [hat Def.InanSg] [[rear 3ReflP] Loc] Lfind.Perf-1SgS  He/She found the hat behind himself/herself. Marked reflexive pronouns based on possessed forms of  head are in (714). (714) a. [ko:-mu mi] damb[-m [1SgRefl Inst] speak.Perf-1SgS  I spoke to/with myself. b. [ko:-a-K mi] Lbida-m-u [3Refl Inst] Lwork-Impf-3SgS  He/She works for himself/herself. Reflexive possessor (third person a) Reflexive alienable possessor When the clausemate subject is a 1st/2nd person pronoun, a coindexed possessor on the direct object (for example) has its usual form, with no special reflexive marking. Therefore  my dog has the same form in (715a) and in (715b). (715) a. [inj[ mi-y [ g[] ya dem[m [dog 1SgP-AnSg Def.AnSg] Real hit.Perf-1SgS  I hit-Past my (own) dog. b. ene [inj[ miy [ g[] ya dem[( child [dog 1SgP-AnSg Def.AnSg] Real hit.Perf-3SgS  (The) child hit my dog. For third person subject, a coindexed nonsubject possessor is marked by the appropriate possessor form of 3Refl a, i.e. a-K, a-y [, or a-y [-mu depending on agreement with the possessed NP. Compare the reflexive possessor based on a in (716a) with the nonreflexive possessor based on 3Sg na in (716b). (716) a. [inj[ ay [ g[] ya dem[( [dog 3ReflP-AnSg Def.AnSg] Real hit.Perf-3SgS  Hex hit hisx (own) dog. b. [inj[ nay [ g[] ya dem[m [dog 3SgP-AnSg Def.AnSg] Real hit.Perf-1SgS  I hit-Past his/her dog. Forms based on a are used for plural as well as singular possessor. In (717), there is still just one dog but now it is possessed by the individuals referred to by the subject NP. (717) ene [inj[ ay [ g[] ya dema children [dog 3ReflP-AnSg Def.AnSg] Real hit.Perf-3PlS  (The) childrenx hit theirx (own) dog. Reflexive inalienable possessor As explained in 6.2.3, inalienable pronominal possessors precede the noun (a kin or relationship term) and do not agree morphologically with the possessed noun. Allowing for this, reflexive possessors follow the pattern described above for alienables. For 1st/2nd persons, the usual possessor pronoun appears (718a). For third persons, the possessor takes the 3Refl form a if it is coindexed to the subject (718b-c), and a nonreflexive form (i.e. 3Sg na, 3Pl bo) otherwise (718de). (718) a. [mi Hde:] wT=b[m [1SgP Hfather] see=Past-1SgS  I saw my father. b. [a Hde:] wT=b[( [3ReflP Hfather] see=Past-3SgS  He/Shex saw his/herx (own) father. c. [a Hde:] wT=ba [3ReflP Hfather] see=Past-3PlS  Theyx saw theirx (own) father. d. [na Hde:] wT=ba [3SgP Hfather] see=Past-3PlS  They saw his/her father. e. [bo Hde:] wT=b[m [3PlP Hfather] see=Past-1SgS  I saw their father. Antecedent for reflexive is in higher clause Ordinarily the antecedent of 3Refl a or of any marked reflexive (with ko:  head ) is the clausemate subject. However, the antecedent can occasionally be in a higher clause. In (719), the younger sibling is usually understood to be that of the higher subject Seydou, not that of the unknown attacker. An assistant was very clear on the form and meaning of this example, and this was confirmed as the preferred reading by another assistant. The context is favorable to the higher-antecedent interpretation, since one would have to construct an unusual context for a reading like  X doesn t know who-Y hit Y s (own) younger sibling . (719) sa ydu [[a HTzT g[]-y S [[3ReflP Hjunior.sib Def.AnSg]-Acc no L dem[ g[] zuwTran( personL hit.PerfRel Def.AnSg] know-ImpfNeg-3SgS  Seydoux doesn t know who hit hisx younger brother. [lit.  & doesn t know the person who&  ] In a more favorable context, the reflexive can easily be construed as having the clausemate subject as antecedent (720). (720) [no L [a HTzT]-y j-a:] [personL [3ReflP Hjunior.sib]-Acc kill-ImpfRel.AnSg] [no L siy[]=la :-( [personL good]=it.is-3SgS  A person who kills his/her (own) brother is not a good person. Emphatic pronouns Emphatic pronouns ( I did it myself , etc.) are not anaphoric but I describe them here to clarify their distinctness from true anaphorics. In one type of emphatic, the excluded possibility is of the agent being assisted by others (18.1.5.1). In another, the excluded possibility is of someone other than the agent undertaking an action (18.1.5.2). With tuma  only In (721), the speaker indicates that he will perform a job singly, instead of as part of a larger action group. This is expressed by combining the a proclitic pronoun with tuma  only (19.4.1), cf. tuma!  one . (721) [bid[ Ymo] [mi tuma] Lbidam( [work(n) 1SgP.InanSg] [1SgP only] Lwork-Impf-1SgS  I will do my work (by) myself (=alone). 1st/2nd person forms are mi tuma (1Sg), ye tuma (1Pl), o tuma (2SgS), wo tuma (2Pl). The L-toned proclitic pronouns trigger Rhythmic Tone-Raising, affecting the first syllable of tuma. In this construction, a 3rd person subject requires 3Refl a before tuma (722). This shows that the emphatic phrase with tuma is adverbial, so the possessor can meaningfully said to be coindexed with the clausemate subject. (722) [bid[ aK] [a tuma] Lbidamu [work(n) 3ReflP.InanSg] [3ReflP only] Lwork-Impf-3SgS  Shex will do herx work (by) herselfx (=alone). An example with a tuma coindexed to a plural subject is (723). (723) ene=wo [a tuma] [cin wo] children=Def.AnPl [3ReflP only] [stone Def.InanSg] togo b[l[-nar[ pick.up be.able-ImpfNeg-3PlS  The children are unable to pick up the rock by themselves. Proclitic pronoun plus ko-banda or ko mi A proclitic pronoun may be followed by ko-banda or by ko mi to form another emphatic pronoun. ko is presumably a variant of ko(:), possessed form of ko:  head (abstractly) . Compare the short-voweled compound initial in ko-togoro  head (body part) . The final element in ko-banda is equatable with that in dar a-banda  head (body part) , cf. dar a  head, top . The other attestation of compound final banda is tere-banda, an emphatic near-synonym of tere  unwelcome surprising event, mishap . mi, on the other hand, is the instrumental postposition  with . In both combinations, ko- becomes ko- by Rhythmic Tone-Raising after L-toned proclitic pronouns: 1Sg mi ko-banda and mi ko mi, compare 2Sg o ko-banda and o ko mi. H-toned ko- can also resurrect the original long vowel in ko:  head , as in mi ko:-banda and mi ko: mi. These emphatic pronouns are normally focalized subjects, as in (724a-b). There is a (resumptive) preverbal subject pronoun in addition to the clause-initial emphatic pronoun. For the subject focalization construction, see 13.1.1. (724) a. [mi ko:banda] mi ur o: [1SgP Emph] 1SgS go.Impf.SFoc na! noy tTram Advers person-Acc send-ImpfNeg-1SgS  It s I myself who will go, I won t send someone (else). b. [na ko:banda] na ur o: [3SgP Emph] 3SgS go.Impf.SFoc na! noy tTran( Advers person-Acc send-ImpfNeg-3SgS  It s she herself who will go, she won t send someone (else). With te!  precisely The adverbial te!  exactly, precisely, specifically, personally (8.4.3.4) can also be used as a kind of emphatic, when one referent is identified and another that might have been expected is excluded (725). This construction is probably favored when the NP in question is not the clause subject. (725) [ene miy [ g[] yandali(, [child 1SgP-AnSg Def.AnSg] call-PerfNeg-3SgS, [miy te!] Lyande( [1Sg-Acc exactly] Lcall.Perf-3SgS  She didn t call my son, (rather) she called me personally (=specifically). Logophoric and indexing pronouns (3Logo a) True third person logophoric function True logophorics are pronouns inside verbal or thought quotations that are coindexed to the attributed author of the quotation. In the original utterance or thought, the author would have said or thought  I or  we , so a logophoric is a kind of embedded first person pronoun. In Yanda Dom, explicit logophoric pronouns are used for third person quoted authors, so the label used here is 3Logo. 3Logophorics can be singular (original  I/me ) or plural (original  we/us ), but since they are coindexed to an antecedent it is unnecessary to mark plurality (as with reflexives). The basic 3Logo pronoun is a. It can appear in a range of grammatical functions within its clause, such as accusative direct object (726a), complement of a postposition (726b), or possessor (726c). For subject function, see the following section. (726) a. [o Hwa!] a-y Ldem[ wa [2Sg HQuotS] 3Logo-Acc Lhit.Perf say  Hex says that you-Sg hit himx. b. ene [a Hber a] Ldam-a wa children [3Logo Dat] Lspeak.Perf-3PlS say  Shex says that the children told herx. c. [inj[ a-mu] o-y ceda-n-( wa [dog 3LogoP-AnPl] 2Sg-Acc bite-PerfNeg-3PlS say  Hex says that hisx dogs didn t bite you-Sg. An explicitly plural 3Logo form is a-y[-mu (accusative a-y[-mi-y). Morphologically, this resembles the 3Logo possessor form for animate plural possessed NP, which has a full form a-y [-mu but is usually reduced to a-mu as in (726c) above. Logophoric as clause subject When a logophoric pronoun is subject of its clause, it may appear with the quotative subject particle wa(!) (17.1.2), which contracts somewhat irregularly with 3Logophoric a as a!, with exaggerated prolongation (727a). The explicitly plural 3Logophoric a-y[-mu is optionally preposed to a! (727b). (727) a. a! ya pile-m wa 3Logo.QuotS Real fall.Perf-LogoS say  Hex said that hex fell. or  Shex said that shex fell. b. a-y[-mu (a!) ya pile-m wa 3LogoP-An-AnPl (3Logo.QuotS) Real fall.Perf-LogoS say  Theyx said that theyx fell. For logophoric subject suffix -m, see the following section. Pseudo-1Sg verbal agreement with logophoric subjects The verb in a logophoric-subject clause has a pronominal-subject suffix -m that is glossed  LogoS in interlinears but that is identical in form to the 1Sg suffix in nonquotative main clauses. This pseudo-1Sg -m indicates coindexation of the subject of the quoted clause with the author. Unlike 3Logo pronoun a, LogoS m suffix is not limited to third persons. In quoted indicative clauses, if the subject is not coindexed with the author, the verb has invariant pseudo-3Sg subject inflection. The identity in form between nonquotative-clause 1Sg subject -m and quotative-clause LogoS -m does not in fact lead to ambiguity. In parsing, the listener observes a) whether or not there is a clause-initial subject pronoun, and if so whether or not it is phrased with the Quotative subject particle, b) the pronominal-subject suffix category on the predicate (pseudo-1Sg or pseudo-3Sg), and c) the subject of the  say verb. Consider the examples in (728). In (728a-c), the author is not coindexed to the subject. In (728d-f), the two are coindexed. (728) a. [Yre ni:] [o Hwa:] wo-m-u Lgur [-( [why?] [2Sg HQuotS] come-Impf-3SgS Lsay.Perf-2SgS  Why did you-Sg say I was coming? b. [Yre ni:] [mi Hwa:] wo-m-u Lgur [-w [why?] [1Sg HQuotS] come-Impf-3SgS Lsay.Perf-2SgS  Why did you-Sg say I was coming? c. [Yre ni:] [na Hwa:] wo-m-u Lgur [-w [why?] [3Sg QuotS] come-Impf-3SgS Lsay.Perf-2SgS  Why did you-Sg say he/she was coming? d. [Yre ni:] (o) wo-m-( Lgur [-w [why?] (2Sg) come-Impf-LogoS Lsay.Perf-2SgS  Why did you-Sg say you-Sg were coming? e. [Yre ni:] (mi) wo-m-( Lgur [-m [why?] (1Sg) come-Impf-LogoS Lsay.Perf-1SgS  Why did I say I was coming? f. [Yre ni:] (a!) wo-m-( Lgur [-( [why?] (3Logo.QuotS) come-Impf-LogoS Lsay.Perf-3SgS  Why did hex say hex was coming? The clues as to the identity of the subject and to its relationship with the author (i.e. the subject of  say ) for the noncoindexed (728a-c) and coindexed (728d-f) cases are summarized in (729). (729) a. clause-initial subject pronoun noncoindexed: subject pronoun obligatory, with QuotS Hwa! if 3rd person, nonanaphoric forms (3Sg na, 3Pl bo) coindexed: optional, and without QuotS in 1st/2nd persons if 3rd person, 3Logo form with QuotS b. pronominal-subject suffix on verb noncoindexed: (pseudo-)3Sg coindexed: (pseudo-)1Sg These clues are sufficient to permit accurate parsing. In particular, note that the (pseudo-)1Sg suffix on the verb cannot be misconstrued as referring to the speaker, unless the speaker is quoting himself/herself. Subject-to-subject coindexation function of 3Refl pronouns If the subject of a relative (or other subordinated) clause is coindexed with the third person subject of a higher clause (e.g. the main clause), the 3Refl[exive] form is used to express this coindexation. In (730a), both clauses have 1Sg subjects but no explicit marking of coindexation occurs (or is necessary). In (730b), the two clauses have coindexed 3rd person subjects and the 3Refl pronoun is required. In (730c), the regular 3Sg form is used since there is no subject coindexation. (730) a. [mi gor aK] Lkar am( [1SgS be.able-ImpfRel.InanSg] Ldo-Impf-1SgS  I will do what I can. b. [a gor aK] Lkar amu [3ReflS be.able-ImpfRel.InanSg] Ldo-Impf-3SgS  Hex will do what hex can. c. [na gor aK wo] wam( [3Refl be.able-ImpfRel.InanSg Def.InanSg] see-Impf-1SgS  I will see what he/she can (do). I did not observe the 3Refl pronoun in topic-indexing constructions. In (731ab), a topic is established, but it is resumed in the following backgrounded clause by nonanaphoric pronominal subject suffixes. (731) a. mi gay, [dana na] ya ur [m de pu! 1Sg Top, [hunt Loc] Real go.Perf-1SgS if all, nama b[lam( meat get-Impf-1SgS  As for me, whenever I go on a hunt, I get meat. b. [mi Hde:] gay, [dana na] ya ur [( de pu!, [1SgP Hfather] Top, [hunt Loc] Real go.Perf-3SgS if all, nama b[lamu meat get-Impf-3SgS  As for my father, whenever he goes on a hunt, he gets meat. Likewise, in (732a-b), the objects in the following backgrounded clause refer back to the preposed topic, but have nonanaphoric form. (732) a. [mi gay], [no mi-y ya dem[-( de], [1Sg Top] [person 1Sg-Acc Real hit.Perf-3SgS if] [na-y ja-m-(] [3Sg-Acc kill-Impf-1SgS]  As for me, if somebody hits me, I ll kill him. b. [mi Hde: gay], [no na-y ya dem[-( de], [1SgP Hfather Top], [person 3Sg-Acc Real hit.Perf-3SgS if] [na-y ja-m-u] [3Sg-Acc kill-Impf-3SgS]  As for my fatherx, if somebody hits himx, hex ll kill him. Reciprocal Simple reciprocals (to-mu) The noun to-mu is always combined with a plural possessor pronoun. It expresses reciprocal action where the protagonists exchange subject-object roles. For 1Pl and 2Pl the possessor pronoun is low-toned, as in the inalienable-possessor paradigm (6.2.3.1, 4.3.3). An informant rejected accusative y in reciprocal objects. The low-toned possessor pronoun induces Rhythmic Tone-Raising on the first syllable of the noun. For 3Pl, the possessor is 3Reflexive (3Refl) a. (733) a. [ye to-mu] wT=b[y [1Pl Recip] see=Past-1PlS  We saw each other. b. [wo to-mu] wT=b[y [2Pl Recip] see=Past-2PlS  You-Pl saw each other. c. [a to-mu] wT=ba [3Refl Recip] see=Past-3PlS  They saw each other. There is no difference in form depending on whether the number of reciprocating individuals is two or more than two. (734) anu [[a tomu] sa:mu] ziy[z[: An-two [[ReflP Recip] sister-AnPl] marry.woman-Perf2-3PlS  The two (men) married each other s sisters. to-mu also occurs as a possessed plural noun meaning  peers, agemates or  neighbors, fellow villagers . Inalienable possessive morphosyntax is obligatory, as in mi to-mu  my peers , sa ydu na tomu  Seydou s peers , and a to-mu  his/her neighbors (804). In this sense the noun can also be singular, in the form to: (with long vowel), as in mi to:  my agemate , sa ydu na to:  Seydou s agemate , a to:  his/her agemate , and o to:  your agemate . Rhythmic Tone-Raising is observed in the 1Sg possessor examples just cited. The singular form to: can have reciprocal-like sense when combined with a distributively quantified subject NP, as in (735). (735) [ni: kay] [[no fu!] wo-zo-( de] [now Top] [[person all] come-Perf2-3SgS if] [a to:] podo-zo-( de] [3ReflSgPoss agemate] greet-Perf2-3SgS if]  Now each one came and greeted his fellow. (excerpt from (780) in Text 1)  Together (tumay ga) There is no high-frequency adverb or grammatical category for  together . The unusual pronouns like 1Pl ya:  all of us (6.6.1) are often understood in context to imply mutual activity (736a), but this is not baked into the meaning. An adverbial phrase tumay ga appears to mean  together, in a single place in examples like (736b). Cf. tuma!  one , tumay-tumay  one at a time (distributive iteration), and adverbial morpheme ga 8.2.15. (736) a. y-a: Lbid[-y 1Pl-all.together Lwork.Perf-1PlS  We all worked together. b. y-a: [tumay ga] ob-do 1Pl-all.together [together at] sit-Caus.Imprt  (Please) have-2Sg us all sit together! In tumay ga the y is strongly nasalized, unlike y in tumay-tumay and related forms based on the numeral  1 . Restrictions on reflexive antecedents No antecedent-reflexive relation between coordinands A left coordinand cannot serve as antecedent for a reflexive possessor in the second coordinand. (737) comes out the same way whether or not Amadou is coindexed to the possessor of  father . (737) [a:madu mi!] [na Hde: mi!] ya w-o [A and] [3SgP Hfather and] Real come.Perf-3PlS  Amadoux and hisx father came.  Amadou x and his/hery father came. Grammatical pragmatics Topic Topic (kay ~ gay, optional plural y[) The Topic particle was recorded as kay in elicitation, but in texts it is heard as gay (occasionally reduced to ga). It is commonly found in clause-initial (or preclausal) position at a topic switch point. After a {L}-toned NP, it undergoes Rhythmic Tone-Raising: ene kay  as for a child . A L-toned pronoun takes (H-toned) independent form before kay (1Sg mi kay, 3Sg na kay, etc.). In (738b) there is a second apparent occurrence as clause-final ga, but it might be that this is just a variant of French clause-final quoi which is common nowadays in Malian languages. (738) a. waze-mu=wo ya un-(, remainder-AnPl=Def.AnPl Real go.Perf-3PlS, [mi kay] waza-m-( [1Sg Top] remain-Impf-1SgS  The others have gone (away); as for me, I will stay (here). b. [gide-nju bT l-bT l] [eye-water streaming] [a! gay] un b[:-na-m ga, [3LogoSg Top] go get-ImpfNeg-LogoS Top  With tears streaming down, he said:  As for me, I cannot go.  (excerpt from (832) in Text 4) The topicalized constituent (or its referent) usually functions as subject in the full clause. It can, however, be an object or a PP. Because the Topic particle ends in y, it would be difficult to hear accusative suffix -y, which is optional anyway (6.7), in examples like (739), making it difficult to determine whether the topicalized NP is preclausal or clause-internal. However, when the referent of the complement of a PP is topicalized, kay can follow the postposition (739b), in which case it is clearly clause-internal, or it may precede the clause, with a resumptive pronominal in the clause-internal PP (739c). (739) a. [[mi zu:-mu=wo] lali-y[-y] [[1SgP neighbor-AnPl=Def.AnPl] chase-MP-and.then] [mi gay] sada-n( [1Sg Top] answer-PerfNeg-3PlS  They have driven out my neighbors, but as for me they did not speak (to me). b. [mi Hber a kay] [domL kama] dama-n( [1Sg Dat Top] [talk(n)L any] speak-PerfNeg-3PlS  To me they didn t say anything. c. [mi kay] [mi Hber a] [dom L kama] dama-n( [1Sg Top] [1Sg HTop] [talk(n)L any] speak-PerfNeg-3PlS  As for me, they didn t say anything to me. kay may follow la  also, too , see 19.1.3 below. ni: kay  (as for) now is very common in texts, where it can be translated as a weak  now or  then . In (769) in Text 1, a single occurrence of particle y[ appears to have topicalizing force. It seems to be used only in plural reference. Interrogative topic (ni) When a constituent is topicalized at the beginning of a question ( what about X, & ? ), the particle used is ni. It may be a reduced variant of ni:  now , which often appears in narrative texts as ni: kay  (as for) now . It has the same phonological form as subjunctive clause-final particle ni (17.1.4), but I see no clear semantic relationship between them. (740) is a fragment of a two-speaker (A, B) dialogue. (740) A: p[:-mu=wo ya mad-a sheep-AnPl=Def.AnPl Real be.lost.Perf-3PlS  They sheep have gone astray. B: Yn[-mu=wo ni, anja : Lkar i-y[-( goat-AnPl=Def.AnPl QTop, how? Ldo-MP.Perf-3SgS  What about the goats? What happened (to them)? A pronoun takes its H-toned independent form: mi ni  what about me? . ni may follow la  also, too , see 19.1.3 just below.  Also (la) After a pronoun, NP, or other nonpredicative constituent, the common particle meaning  also, too is la. Its tone can be raised to high by Rhythmic Tone-Raising (741b) or Post-Pronominal Tone-Raising (741c). Pronouns take the proclitic form, which is L-toned except for 2Sg o and 3LogoSg a. (741) a. na: g[ la  the cow too an g[ la  the man too sa ydu la  Seydou too b. ene la  a child too c. mi Hla  me too na Hla  he/she too o Hla  you-Sg too la follows accusative-marked NPs (742a) and PPs (742b). (742) a. [o-y la] dema-m-u [2Sg-Acc too] hit-Impf-3SgS  He/She will hit you-Sg too. b. [mi Hber a la] dam=b[-( [1Sg Dat too] speak=Past-3SgS  He/She spoke to me too. la follows a NP, PP, or similar nonpredicative constituent, rather than a clause or predicate. In the parallel clauses of (743), the first la occurs on the cognate nominal  work rather than on the verb, and the second occurs on the adverb  here , though the point of contrast between the two clauses is the action described. Efforts to elicit a postverbal la were unsuccessful. (743) [bid[ la] Kgi Lbida-m-u, [work(n) too] here Lwork-Impf-3SgS, [Kgi la] Lna:-m-u [here too] Lspend.night-Impf-3SgS  He will work her, and he will sleep here. la may combine with Topic kay, in that order: mi la kay  as for me too . It likewise precedes QTopic ni, as in mi la ni  what about me too? .  Even (kanda) la  also, too can be translated as  even in some discourse contexts. This is not surprising, since the difference between  I too can climb that hill and  Even I can climb that hill is subtly pragmatic. A somewhat stronger particle is kanda, which behaves much like la syntactically. kanda follows the relevant constituent (744a). If the latter is a pronoun we get the proclitic form, which is L-toned for most pronouns: mi kanda  even I/me . kanda follows postpositions (744b-c) and accusative-marked NPs or pronouns (744d). kanda is more likely to be translated  even than la is. (744) a. [ene kanda] Yl[ b[la-m-u [child even] go.up get-Impf-3SgS  Even a child can climb up (there). b. [mi Hber a kanda] wo=b[-( [1Sg HDat even] come=Past-3SgS  He/She came even to me. c. [[y[ g[] ber a kanda] wo=b[-( [woman Def.AnSg] Dat even] come=Past-3SgS  He/She came even to the woman. d. [o-y kanda] dema-m-u [2Sg-Acc even] hit-Impf-3SgS  He/She will even hit you. After a {L}-toned NP, kanda undergoes Rhythmic Tone-Raising to kanda, as in (744a). Only the first syllable is affected. kanda is common in negative clauses ( not even ) (745). (745) a. [mi-y kanda] podo-li-( [1Sg-Acc even] greet-PerfNeg-3SgS  He/She didn t even greet me. b. [na tuma! kanda] wo-li-( [time one even] come-PerfNeg-3SgS  He/She didn t come even once. c. [bu:du tuma! kanda] mi-y nda-li-( [riyal one even] 1Sg-Acc give-PerfNeg-3SgS  He/She didn t give me a red cent.  Even X can also be expressed by hale, on which see 19.2.1 below. hale can be added at the beginning of a positive clause with la or kanda like those in (744) above with little change in meaning. For  even if conditional antecedents, see 16.2.1. Preclausal or clause-initial particles  All the way to, until, even X (hale) Clause- or phrase-initial hale is the Yanda Dom form of a regionally widespread particle with senses like  all the way to and  until as well as  even , see also 8.2.14. Forms of this particle are also found in Fulfulde, Songhay, etc. Preposed hale readily combines with postposed la  also or kanda  even (746). (746) [hale ene la] bid[ b[la-m-u [even child too] work(v) get-Impf-3SgS  Even a child can work. hale can appear at the beginning of  until phrases and clauses. The preceding clause has nonpast durative subordinator -n (15.3.5) for nonpast time frames (747ab), and imperfective -m (15.2.1) for past time frames (747c). There is no difference between same- and different-subject constructions. (747) a. [bid[ bida-n] [hale [w LdT-m-iy] [work(n) work-NonPDur] [until tomorrow Larrive-Impf-1PlS]  We will work until (we arrive at) tomorrow. b. [bid[ ye bida-n] [hale te: Lwo-m-u] [work(n) 1PlS work-NonPDur] [until tea Lcome-Impf-3SgS]  We will work until the tea comes. c. [niKa: ye bida-m] [yesterday 1PlS work-Impf] [hale izige-[pilo-K] LdT/[-(] [until sunset (4.2.4) Larrive.Perf-3SgS]  Yesterday we worked until the sunset arrived (=until sunset). However, postposted particle ba ! can also be used in  until expressions, see 8.2.4.  Well, ( (haya ~ ha:) haya  well, &  (variant ha:) is a discourse marker that occurs at the beginning of speaking turns and paragraph-like segments in narratives. Many examples occur in our YD texts. It occurs twice in textual passage (748), taken from (817) in Text 3. (748) haya a! [na Hber a] wo-zo-m wa, well, 3LogoSg [3Sg HDat] come-Perf2-LogoS Quot, haya [na Hwa!] well, [3Sg HQuotS] [[[a Hber a] ci L bo] tig[ tada wa], [[[3LogoSg HDat] thingL be] look try.Imprt Quot]  (She) said:  Well, I have come to you; well, you try to look at (=determine) what there is for me (=what my problem is).   But ( (ga:) This particle occurs at the junction between two clauses that have some type of adversarial relationship, as when the first proposition would ordinarily imply the opposite of the second. ga: can be grouped prosodically either with the preceding or following clause. (749) [[bamako na] ur u-m-iy] ga: yTmT-nar-iy [[B Loc] go-Impf-1PlS] but stay.long-ImpfNeg-1PlS  We will go to Bamako but we won t stay (there) long. See also kasTrT (Bambara  it happened that ) in the context  whereas in fact&  in (786) in Text 1. Adversative na!  rather This particle can occur at the junction of two clauses denoting propositions in an truth-conditionally adverse relationship, compare English  rather or  instead . Elicited examples include (724a-b) in 18.1.5.2,  It s I myself who will go, I won t send someone (else) , and (498) in 12.3,  I can t (even) walk, not to mention (=much less) run . Textual examples follow. In (750), the two propositions are contradictory (truth-conditionally disjoint). (750) [ko bo na!] [InanSgS be Advers] [ko [[TmT L waju] na] onu-(] [InanSgS [[placeL distant] Loc] not.be-3SgS]  (He said:) It s there (i.e. around here), it is not in a distant place. (excerpt from (789) in Text 1) In (751), the adverse relationship is more diffuse, between  X get food and the catastrophic reality of famine. This example is closer to the  not to mention case mentioned above. (751) [ar a-kusu wo] [dama na] [year Def.InanSg] [village Loc] ja: nT na kar [-y fo! ur [-y, hunger enter 3SgS do-Past.and.then until go-Past.and.then, [kun sT/a:du] nT-m[-ra-K na! [mortar sound] hear-Pass-ImpfNeg-3SgS Advers [za-[b[ l-(] dom=la : wa], [food-[get-VblN] speech=not.be Quot],  The (=a certain) year, famine entered into the village to such an extent that one did not (even) hear the sound of mortars. There was no talk (=question) of getting food, it is said. (excerpt from (799) in Text 2) (752) is more complex. This na! comes at the end of an indirect thought quotation, and is unrelated to the following narrative segment. It is not immediately clear whether the adverse relationship is in the quoted character s mind or in the current speaker s mind. The belief that butterflies were infesting the cow-peas is false (the  butterflies were colorful cow-pea flowers), and I suspect that the adversity is between this belief and the reality. (752) ko [[ni m wo] na] that [[cowpea Def.InanSg] Loc] [pi-piru]-mu [ni m a-K] [butterfly-AnPl [cowpea 3LogoSg-Poss] yamna-m j[la-y[ na!] damage(v)-Impf Prog-3PlS Advers]  So in the cow-peas, (he thought) that butterflies were infesting his cow-peas. [end of a narrative segment, followed by  well, he came and spoke to &  ] (excerpt from (830) in Text 4) Pragmatic adverbs or equivalents  Again ,  not again ,  on the other hand  Again is expressed a iy[ la, arguably containing la  too , but rather frozen and arguably a single word. It is common in texts at the beginning of a clause. It is audibly distinct from iye la  today also . wana  other can occur as an adverb in a negated clause in the sense  (not) again or  (no) longer . (753) a. [iy[ la] ya y un-m-u [again] there.Def go-Impf-3SgS  He/She will go there again. b. wana te: niy[-na-m other tea drink-ImpfNeg-1SgS  I no longer drink tea.  Only particles In addition to the particles presented here, there is a a construction of the type  Neg [if it is not X] that can be roughly translated as  only X .  Only (tuma, say)  Only particles follow a NP or clause. tuma appears to be the older form, while say may have been borrowed from Jamsay. Dogon cognates of tuma are the numeral  1 or pragmatic variants thereof, but YD tuma can be used after nonsingular NPs and after clauses, which are inconsistent with singular cardinality. For tuma, see also 18.1.5.1. A constituent with  only is normally focalized (754). (754) a. [Yn[ tuma] L[b[-m [goat only] Lbuy.Perf-1SgS  I bought only a goat. b. [no-num tuma] Lw-o [person-five only] Lcome.Perf-3PlS  Only five people came.  Only particles are rarely clause-final since there is a strong preference to attach them to a NP or a noun-like adverb (755a). However, if there is no such NP the particle may appear clause-finally (755b). (755) a. [za tuma] LYr-a [meal only] Leat.Perf-3PlS  They only ate. (i.e. they didn t also spend the night) b. [bid[ bid[-naK-(] [work(n) work-ImpfNeg.3SgS] [gide n tuma] Lniye-m-u [sleep(n) only] Lsleep-Impf-3SgS  He/She doesn t work, he/she just sleeps. b. ya we-( tuma Real come.Perf-3SgS only  He/She only came. Pronouns take the proclitic form before tuma, and independent form before say. For example,  only me is mi tuma with L-toned pronominal proclitic (which triggers Post-Pronominal Tone-Raising) or mi say with H-toned independent pronoun mi.  Just (one) (leK!) As an alternative to the usual  only particles (tuma, say), see the preceding section, leK! may be used as an emphatic for tuma!  one . The pragmatic force is to mimimize the quantify. (756) [Yn[ L tuma! leK!]=la : de zo:-n-( [goatL one just.one]=it.is.not if have-StatNeg-3SgS  He/She has just one (lousy) goat. leK! can be stretched to co-occur with  2 , but is uncommon with higher numerals. Phrase-final emphatics Clause-final emphatic koy (confirming) Clause-final koy emphasizes the truth of an assertion in a non-contradicting manner. A clause with koy may be used to confirm the truth of what an interlocutor has said (cf. English preverbal sure). (757) is a two-person exchange. (757) A: uzu ya bo-( hot.weather Real be-3SgS  It (weather) is hot. B: T hT , uzu ya bo-( koy uh-huh, hot.weather Real be-3SgS Emph  Uh-huh, it sure is hot. koy can also be used for an emphatic positive answer to a polar interrogative. In (758), koy might be used when there has just been a heavy rain. koy is not routinely used in nonemphatic answers to polar interrogatives. (758) A: [wo-K ba] ar uK t[g[=b[-( ma [2PlP-InanSg Loc] rain(n) rain.fall=Past-3SgS Q  Did it rain over where you-Pl area? B: t[g[=b[-( koy rain.fall=Past-3SgS Emph  It sure did rain. Clause-final emphatic de (admonition) Clause-final de can be used to add a warning note to a positive or negative imperative. In (759), A s statement could lead to either the B or C response from a concerned interlocutor. (759) A: [[za K wo] ba] Lur u-m-( [[fight(n) Def.InanSg] Loc] Lgo-Impf-1SgS  I m going to the fight. B: [ku-ba un-la de] [there(Def) go-Prohib Emph]  Don t go there! C: [ko-o-K kazuba de] [2SgRefl watch.Imprt Emph  Now watch yourself (be careful)! Greetings Typical simple time-of-day greeting and response sequences are in (760). A is the initiator and B responds. At each turn there are usually two variants depending on the number (singular/plural) of addressee(s) and on the sex of the speaker. (760) a. from dawn until late AM (retrospective) A: (wa:) na :-ma  good morning (sg) (wa:) na :-ma-n  good morning (pl) B: awT (woman speaking) o! (man speaking) B: o s[:w na-y e-w  Did you-Sg sleep well? wo s[:w na-y e-y  Did you-Pl sleep well? A: s[w nay e-m  I slept well. s[w nay e-y  We slept well. b. mid-day and afternoon (and general default greeting) A: po :  Greeting (sg) po :-y  Greeting (pl) B: awT (woman speaking) o! (man speaking) B: o s[:w bo-w  Are you-Sg well? wo s[:w bo-y  Are you-Pl well? A: s[:w bo-m  I am well. s[:w bo-y  We are well. c. evening and night (retrospective) A: der [-ma  good evening (sg) der [-ma-n  good evening (pl) B: awT (woman speaking) o! (man speaking) B: o s[:w der [-w  Did you-Sg have a good day? wo s[:w der [-y  Did you-Pl have a good day? A: s[:w der [-m  I had a good day. s[:w der [-y  We had a good day. d. morning (prospective  good day ) A: amba [den L siy[] ndi  May God give a good day! or: [siy[ ga] ye der [-ma  May (God) make us pass the day well! B: ami:na  Amen e. night (prospective  good night ) A: amba naye-K siy[ ndi  May God give a good night! or: [siy[ ga] ye na:-ma  May (God) make us pass the night well! B: ami:na  Amen As often in Dogon greetings, the morphology is somewhat unusual. na :  spend the night (760a,e) and der [  spend the mid-day (760c,d) are recognizable. Nevertheless, ma (plural man) is morphologically hortative, see 10.7.2 above. In the default greetings (760b), po : has a 2Pl form with -y but does not add -w for 2Sg. Some embellishments can be worked into the sequences above. For example, in the morning greetings (761) can replace B s second turn. =bo- is evidently a cliticized form of bo-  be , but the morphosyntax is obscure. (761) B: o na :=bo ene=wo na :-b-[:  Did you-Sg and the children sleep well? wo na :=bo-y ene=wo na :-b-[:  Did you-Pl and the children sleep well? In addition to the time-of-day and default greetings above, there are situation- and place-specific greetings. In (762), a noun (o l  fields , inju  water , or [ba  market ) precedes po : (or plural-addressee po :-y). (762b) is literally  you-Sg and work . The basic response to all of these greetings is awo (women) or o! (men). (762) a. o l po : (to sb in a field) inju po : (to sb at or returning from well) [ba po : (to sb at or returning from a market) b. [o Hmi!] [bid[ mi!] (to sb at work) Travel-related greetings and wishes are in (763). No response is needed for (763a). For (763b-c) the response is the usual awo (women) or o! (men). (763) a. to departing traveler (bon voyage) [bo Hwa!] po : wa  Greetings to them. b. to returner traveler (welcome back) amba o-y zoye-(  God has brought you-Sg. amba wo-y zoye-( (plural) c. to an arriving guest (welcome) [Ylo na] dT/a  Arrive-2Sg at the house! [Ylo na] dT/a-n (plural) After a death, people go (often to a neighboring village) to present condolences to the survivors (764). (764) a. to one leaving home to present condolences elsewhere (2 versions) [bo Hwa!] pTr T po : wa  Crisis greetings to them. [waze-mu wa!] po : wa  Greetings to those remaining. b. to relatives (B) of the deceased (3-part sequence) A: [gTw mi!] po :  Greetings with the cold (=misfortune). B: o! A: ma:ndiy[ na ya:ba  Have courage to pardon him/her. On the two major Muslim holy days or on New Years Day, wishes for the following year take the two-sentence form in (765). (765) [amba ba go-nd-e]  God has taken away the (just ended) year. ba-go/e: gide damda May (He) show (us) next year. A woman who has just given birth is greeted as in (766). (766) amba o Labe, God 2Sg(O) Ltake.Perf-3SgS, amba [barge mi] kT/a God [blessing Inst] raise.Imprt  God has taken (=spared) you. May God raise (the child) with blessings. Texts Yanda Dom texts recorded 2011, transcribed by Jeffrey Heath Tape references 2011.01b.01 Hare and Donkey (tale) 2011.01b.02 Monitor lizard and Dog (tale) 2011.01b.03 Cat and Mouse (tale) 2011.01b.04 Hyena and Hare (tale) 2011.01b.05 Abandoned twins (tale) Text 1 Hare and Donkey (tale) (tape reference: 2011.01b.01) (767) A: sey ( [story-opening word] B: mat[: [audience-confirmation word] (768) A: [oy-nama-mu fu!] mu:mbi-y-[: [outback-meat-AnPl all] assemble-MP-NonP.and.SS yu gTlT-ma wa, millet cultivate-Hort say, [oy-nama-mu fu!] mu:mbi-y[-y, [outback-meat-AnPl all] gather-MP-Past.and.then, [yu gTl[-y] [[cem!=la: de] b[la -n-(], [millet cultivate-Past.and.then] [[a.little=not.be if] get-PerfNeg-3PlS,  All of the wild animals got together, saying:  Let s cultivate millet! The wild animals all got together and cultivated millet, (but) all they got was a little bit. [mediopassive (MP) suffixal derivation 9.3.1; quoted hortative ma 10.7.2, 17.1.5.2; quotative wa 17.1.3; past  and then y with coindexed subjects 15.2.2.2; cem!  a little 8.4.2; =la   it is not 11.2.1.2] (769) haya [daga-ma L bo b[l[ wo] well, [what.littleL 3PlS get.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg] [[ko a-y [-mu y[] [zer a-panu ga] [[Inan 3Logo-AnPl-AnPl Top.Pl] [rainy.season-meal Adv] ye:de beze-zo-m de, store(v) leave-Perf2-LogoS if,  Well, what little (millet) they had gotten, that (millet) of theirs, (they said)  we will store that (millet) as our rainy-season meals.  [daga-ma end of 8.4.1; perfective object relative 14.1.7.1, 14.3; 3Logophoric a-y [-mu 18.2.1; optional plural topic marker y[ 19.1.1; adverbial ga 8.2.15; pseudo-1Sg logophoric subject -m 18.2.1.2; Perfective-2 -zo 10.3.1.2; ye:de beze- direct verb-chain with both verbs lexically {LH}/{L}-toned, compare (602b,d) in 15.1; conditional de 16.1] (770) [no fu!] izi-bar a yaliy[-zo-m de, [person all] dry.season go.around-Perf2-LogoS if, [[panu a-K] duno-duno] [Yra-n a bo-n] [[meal 3Refl-Poss] Iter-look.for] [eat-NonPDur 3ReflS be-NonPDur] [ba ya dT/[-( de] [rainy.season.edge Real arrive.Perf-3SgS if] [w-e : mu:mbi-y-[: [come-NonP.and.SS assemble-MP-NonP.and.SS [daga-ma L bo wo] Yr[-ma wa], [what.littleL be Def.InanSg] eat-Hort say]  We will all go around during the dry season, looking for their meals (=something to eat) and will be eating (that), (then) when the rainy season arrives we will come back together and eat what little there is (from the harvest) (they said). [no fu!  everyone 6.6.1.1; reflexive possessor a-K 18.1.4; duno-duno verb-stem iteration with noninitial iterations {L}-toned 15.1.6; -n nonpast durative 15.3.5; ba in subject-verb collocation 11.1.4; realis ya in positive perfective clause 11.2.2.1; nonpast same-subject  and (then) (w-e :, mu:mbi-y-[:) 15.2.3] (771) ni: sa rre am-i: nda-m-[ ma! wa, now key who?-Acc give-Impf-3PlS Q say, haya sa rre zomT ndi wa, well, key rabbit give.Imprt say, [sa rre zomT-y nd[ L beze-y] [key rabbit-Acc give.Perf L leave-Past.and.then]  Now who should they give the key (to the collective granary) to?, it was asked.  Well, give the key to Hare! they said. They gave the key to Hare. [ni:  now as topic (272a) in 8.4.6.1; am  who? 13.2.2.1; polar interrogative ma! 13.2.1; quoted imperative (jussive) 17.1.5.1; beze  leave is common as a final chained verb, cf. (602a-d)] (772) [[ni: kay] [no fu!] izi-bar a [[now Top] [person all] dry.season [[TmT L a [ l] na] un-zo-( de] [[placeL 3LogoSg be.pleasing] Loc] go-Perf2-3SgS if] [[duno-duno Yra-n] bo bo-n], [[Iter-look.for eat-NonPDur] 3PlS be-NonPDur]  Now, in the dry season everyone will go to wherever it pleases (them), and they will look (for food) and will be eating it. [kay topic 19.1.1;  place as relative head 15.4.1; locative na 8.2.3] (773) haya [zer a ya suye-( de] well, [rainy.season Real go.down.Perf-3SgS if] [w-e : mu:mbi-y[-ma ni:] [come-NonP.and.SS assemble-MP-Hort Sbjnct] [sa rre [zomT Hber a] dTgT-y] [oy-nama-mu fu!] [key [rabbit HDat] leave-Past.and.then] [bush-meat-AnPl all] [ginne-y [oy na] kTy Lnn-T], [disperse-Past.and.then [outback Loc] thus Lgo-Perf.3PlS]  Well, intending to come (back) together when the rainy season arrived, they left the key with Hare, and all the (other) wild animals went and dispersed into the outback like that (=as planned). [haya  well, &  19.2.2; ni: variant of subjunctive ni in sense  intending 17.1.4; oy na  in the bush (outback) (237b) in 8.3.3; contracted kTy  thus (70a) in 3.8.4.1] (774) [zomT [sa rre wo] na g[la-(] dan, [hare [key Def.InanSg] 3SgS hold.Stat-3SgS] because, zomT un-li-(, hare go-PerfNeg-3SgS, zomT [no-mo [waju na] ur [-y] hare [person-AnPl [far Loc] go-Past.and.then] [panu bo duno-m] [meal 3PlS look.for-Impf] [zomT koy a biy[-m=T:], [hare just.over.here 3ReflSgS remain-Impf=Def.InanSg], [[yu wo] pTmbT-zo-( ye] Yra-m-u, [[millet Def.InanSg] plunder-Perf2-3SgS if] eat-Impf-3SgS,  Because Hare held the key, Hare did not go (to the outback). Hare, when the people (=animals) had gone far away, looking for meals, Hare was staying there (in the village), and raided the millet and ate it. [dan  because clause 17.6.6; waju  distant ; -m and -m=T: imperfective clauses 15.2.1, 15.2.1.4; ye here is a variant of conditional de  if 16.1] (775) [[yu wo] izen L na go-ndo-zo c[m fu!] [[millet Def.InanSg] dayL 3SgS go.out-Caus-Perf2 all all] [zamturu-suwa [yend-iye mi] ba : bal-zo-( de] [donkey-shit [basket-Dimin Inst] be.full gather-Perf2-3SgS if] [[[gT/a: wo] na] kundo-zo-( de] dundo-m-u, [[[granary Def.InanSg] Loc] put.in-Perf2-3SgS if] lay-Impf-3SgS  Each day on which (=whenever) he took out (some of) the millet, he would gather some donkey dung and fill a basket (with it), then he would lay it down inside the granary. [izen  day as temporal locator, not  day(time) versus  night or  day(s) as unit of elapsed time; diminutive -(i)ye 5.1.8; instrumental mi 8.1.2] (776) haya [kTy na kar a-m] [na kar a-m] [na kar a-m] well, [thus 3SgS do-Impf] [3SgS do-Impf] [3SgS do-Impf] [[yu wo] [ni: kay] cem! say!=la: de] [[millet Def.InanSg] [now Top] a.little only=not.be if] wasa-li na kar [-y, be.left-PerfNeg 3SgS do-Past.and.then, zomT zTbT-y ya ban-j[-(, hare run-Past.and.then Real hide-MP.Perf-3SgS,  Well, he kept doing thus. The millet now, when only a little was left, Hare fled and hid. [kar [-y  did and then after a conjugated verb is common in these texts in subject-switching contexts, cf. 15.2.2.1] (777) [a: fu!] [3.all.together all] [ku-ba bo kur u-m] [bo kur u-m] [bo kur u-m] [there.Def 3PlS be.in-Impf] [3PlS be.in-Impf] [3PlS be.in-Impf] [ni: kay] [doru L bo dam[ wo] [now Top] [momentL 3PlS speak.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg] dT na kar [-y, arrive 3SgS do-Past.and.then, [tumay-tumay wo L na] ya tTl-a, [Iter-one comeL Purp] Real begin.Perf-3PlS,  All of them (=other animals) were (still) being there (in the outback). Now, when the time that they had spoken of arrived, they began to come (back) one by one. [a: fu! 4.3.1.2; tumay-tumay 4.7.1.6;  begin to VP construction 17.6.1.2] (778) [ni: kay] [izen L s[:d[-ma guni-ya wo] [now Top] [dayL set-Hort say-Pass.Rel Def.InanSg] dT na kar [-y, arrive 3SgS do-Past.and.then, haya [oy-nama-mu fu!] bo wo-y, well, [outback-meat-AnPl all] 3PlS come-Past.and.then, [zomT koy bo-m] [na ur [ la] [hare just.over.here be-Impf] [3SgS go.Perf.Rel too] [[zuwo kanda] dT/a-li-( koy], [[week even] arrive-PerfNeg-3SgS Emph], zomT wo-li-(, hare come-PerfNeg-3SgS,  Now, the day that had been set arrived. Well, all the wild animals came. (Since) Hare was there and had gone away, not even a week had elapsed. Hare didn t come (back). [guni-ya passive relative 14.1.7.8, see also dami-ya in (779) just below; kanda  even 19.1.4; koy clause-final emphatic 19.5.1] (779) [oy-nama-mu fu!] [izen L dami-ya wo] [outback-meat-AnPl all] [dayL speak-Pass.Rel Def.InanSg] [wo-y ya dT/-a] [come-Past.and.then Real arrive-Perf.3PlS] [zomT wo-y dT/a-li-(], [hare come-Past.and.then arrive-PerfNeg-3SgS],  All the wild animals, on the day that was spoken of they came (back). (But) Hare did not come (back). (780) e! [zomT wa] [waji-ndiy[-zo-(] badu-mu=wo, hey [hare Quot] [far-Inch-Perf2-3SgS] owner-AnPl=AnPl, [ni: kay] [[no fu!] wo-zo-( de] [now Top] [[person all] come-Perf2-3SgS if] [a to:] podo-zo-( de] [3ReflSgPoss agemate] greet-Perf2-3SgS if] [[TmTL a go/e] dam[] [[placeL 3LogoSgS go.out.Perf.Rel] speak.Perf] [[ci L kama] kar [], [[thingL any] do.Perf],  (There were) some who said hey, Hare has gone far away. Now each one came and greeted his fellow, and said where he had come from, and did whatever (else). [quotative wa after clause subject 17.1.2; deadjectival inchoative wagi-ndi-ye ~ waji-ndi-ye  become (=go) far away (310b) in 9.5; badu  owner 5.1.10, here with a clause in the sense  those who&  ; to:  agemate , here  (his) fellow, counterpart , related to reciprocal forms, see (735) in 18.3.1; ci L kama  anything, whatever 6.6.2] (781) [na kar [-y] [3SgS do-Past.and.then] zomT [[umulo L p[y] na] nju kunde-y, hare [[waterbagL old] Loc] water put.in-Past.and.then, c[bi-cabi-c[bi-cabi-c[bi [oy-nama-mu fu!] with.short.quick.steps [outback-meat-AnPl alll] [wo dT/[-y] bo gTKa-m, [come arrive-Past.and.then] 3PlS go.around-Impf,  When that was done (=meanwhile), Hare put some water into a word-out (goatskin) waterbag, and (came) walking with short quick steps (as though hurrying). All the wild animals came and made a circle (awaiting Hare). [c[bi-cabi-& iterated expressive adverbial with vowel shift to a 8.4.7.6] (782) zomT ba-nay [y ! [[ni: kay] Kgo hare overdue [[now Top] here [[na-K Kgo] gay] [[dunu go -K] [[3Sg-Gen this.Inan] Top] [[searching go.out-Impf.Ppl.InanSg] ya dT/[-( wa] Real arrive.Perf-3SgS Quot] [[[TmT L na kun] no L so: b[l[] [[[placeL 3SgS be.in] personL awareness get.Perf.Rel] ya bo ma!] Exist be Q] [no-mo [kibal na-K] sada-m bo bo-m, [person-AnPl [news 3Sg-Poss] ask-Impf 3PlS be-Impf,  Hare was overdue. (Some animals) said, as this (situation) of his, (the time) has come for going out and looking (for him). Is there anyone who is aware of the place that he is in (=where he is)? The people (=animals) were asking for news of him. [ba-nay[y !  late (expressive adverbial with final prolongation, irregularly related to ba ya nay [-(  day has broken , cf. (431a) in 11.1.4; go -K inanimate imperfective relative-clause verb form 14.1.7.2; progressive m bo- 10.5.2.3] (783) zomT izige teje-m[ da:-nd[-y, hare sun sun.beat.down-Caus be.well-Caus-Past.and.then, zomT ya wo-m-u, hare Presentative come-Impf-3SgS, [wo dT/[-y] [come arrive-Past.and.then] [a: fu!-y] pode-y, [3.all.together all-Acc] greet-Past.and.then,  Hare let the sun beat down well (=waited until mid-day), then there was Hare coming. When he came, he greeted all of them. [causative teje-m[  cause (sun) to beat down , i.e.  wait until the sun is beating down , here in a direct chain with da:-nd[  (do) well ; presentative ya with imperfective; accusative -y 6.7] (784) [ni: kay] kibal kar [-y, anja : ma! wa, [now Top] news do-Past.and.then, how? Q Quot, [amba:=( b[-( ma! wa] [where?=Foc be.Past-3SgS Q Quot] [na Hwa! gay] [3Sg HQuotS Top] waji-ndiy[-zo-( biya-m-u wa ko y, far-Inch-Perf2-3SgS happen-Impf-3SgS Quot Emph, mi gur [-y, zomT T hT wagi-ndiy[-zo-m wa, 1SgS say-Past.and.then, hare uh-huh far-Inch-Perf2-LogoS say,  Now, news was exchanged: how is it? Where were you? It happens (=seems) that you went far away, I (=an animal) said. Here said: uh-huh, I went far away. [anja :  how? 13.2.2.5, amba:  where? 13.2.2.3; 3Sg pronoun na for original addressee in quoted clause, 17.1.1; wagi-ndiy[-zo-m with logophoric subject -m 18.2.1.2; emphatic koy 19.5.1] (785) ni: [amba: mi] [amba: mi] [amba: mi] now [where and] [where? and] [where? and] b[-( ma! wa, be.Past-3SgS Q Quot, a=a, [ti! na] ur [-y, 3LogoSg=QuotS, [Ti Loc] go-Past.and.then, [ti! na] go/e-y, [Ti Loc] go, out-Past.and.then, [ta: na] ur [-y, [ta: na] go/e-y, [Ta Loc] go-Past.and.then, [Ta Loc] go.out-Past.and.then, [nu: na] ur [-y, [Nou Loc] go-Past.and.then,  Now, where and where and where were you, they asked. He said, I went to Ti, then I left Ti and went to Ta, then I left Ta and went to Nou. [b[  was 11.2.5.1; a=a contracted from a wa with 3Logophoric a and quotative wa after subject 17.1.2-3; locative na with place name 8.2.4] (786) zomT [na ligila-m] [na ligila-m] [na ligila-m] hare [3SgS cite-Impf] [3SgS cite-Impf] [3SgS cite-Impf] [kale zo:-n] kasTrT, [limit have-StatNeg.Rel] nevertheless, [[TmT L kama] na la] un-li-(, [[placeL any] Loc too] go-PerfNeg-3SgS  Hare kept citing (place names), without limit, although in fact he had not gone to any (such) place. [ it has no limit is a common phrase for  lots ; kasTrT < Bambara  it happened that , here something like  whereas in fact ; TmT L kama  (not) anywhere 6.6.2] (787) haya wo-y [ni: kay] well, go-Past.and.then [now Top] kTy ya biy[-( de, thus Real happen.Perf-3SgS if, [[gT/a: a-K] [[granary 3LogoSg-Poss] [[gide L a dTg[] y[y ] bo-( ma!] [[mannerL 3LogoSgS leave.Perf.Rel] like] be-3SgS Q, [ni: kay] saK dagi-l[ tada wa, [now Top] door lock-Revers try.Impf Quot,  (Hare) went and said:  well, now that it (=the situation) has come to be thus, (let s see) whether my granary is (still) the same way I left it; now unlock the door and try (=see).  [manner adverbial relative headed by gide  way, manner , with following postposition y[y (variant of yeK  like ), see (645c) in 15.4.2; dagi-l[ reverside  unlock (291) in 9.1; tada  try! with directly chained VP, idiosyncratic {L}-toned imperative 17.4.1] (788) zomT ur [-y nT/[-y hare go-Past.and.then enter-Past.and.then sa rre toye-y wo-y, key take-Past.and.then come-Past.and.then, sa rre [a gay] nji, key [3LogoSg Top] here, [[izenL ko] nji a Lba:-nd[] [[dayL that.NearDist] here 3LogoSgS Lhide-Caus.Perf] go-m[ na, go.out-Caus SS, [dTgT t[-y a ur [ wo] [leave Perf-Past.and.then 3LogoSgS go Def.InanSg] [[TmT L a dTg[] b[du koy] [[placeL 3LogoSgS leave.Perf.Rel] near just.over.here]  Hare went and went in (where he hid the key) and picked up the key and came (back). (He said:) The key, as for me, here, ever since I hid it here on that day, the place where I left it and went away, the place where I had left it is near here. [izenL ko  that day with near-distant demonstrative in recent discourse-definite function 4.4.2.1; transitive ba:-nd[  hide (295b) in 9.1 and (303) in 9.3.1.2; go-m[ na  since (doing) , lit.  to cause to go out and then &  with na after {L}-toned verb 17.6.1; t[ perfective auxiliary verb associated with dTgT  leave and a few other verbs, including sa:  destroy (later in this text) 15.1.7] (789) [ko bo na!] [InanSgS be Advers] [ko [[TmTL waju] na] onu-(] [InanSgS [[placeL distant] Loc] not.be-3SgS] [[TmT L bo ma:na-li] na] [[placeL 3PlS think-PerfNeg.Rel] Loc] koy ko du:-nde-y g[la-m wa, just.over.here InanSg lay-Caus-Past.and.then hold-LogoS Quot,  (Hare:) It s there, it is not in a distant place. I put it and kept it around here, in a place that they (=people) didn t think of. [adversative na! 19.24; onu  not be somewhere 11.2.2.2; in koy ko du:-nde-y, koy refers to the location and ko is a pronoun referring to the key] (790) haya, [sarre L ko] toye-y wo-y, well, [keyL that.NearDist] pick.up-Past.and.then come-Past.and.then, [[saK dagu-la-m] dimba-m] [[door lock-Rev-Impf] follow-Impf] [[c[n[ a-K] d[bu! kar [-y]] [[mouth ReflSg-Poss] covering.mouth do-Past.and.then]]  Well, he picked up that key and came (back). As soon as he had unlocked the door, he covered his mouth (feigning amazement). [d[bu! expressive adverbial (281e) in 8.4.7.4] (791) [zomT kodu Llegube-(], T T T T T T, [hare cry(n) Lvocalize.Perf-3SgS, oh! oh! oh! oh! oh! oh!, [zamturu gay] [donkey Top] mba Ylo ya sa: t[-( wa, around.here house Real destroy Perf-3SgS Quot, [wo tiga wa] [[zamturu gay] [come look.Impf Quot] [[donkey Top] Ylo ya sa: t[-( ga], house Real destroy Perf-3SgS Presentative]  Hare let out a scream: oh-oh-oh-oh-oh-oh-oh! As for Donkey, he has destroyed the structure (=granary) here. Come and look! As for Donkey, look, he has destroyed the structure. [mba  around here (112a) in 4.4.3.1; {L}-toned imperative tiga after a chained verb, cf. un tiga  go look! ; t[- perfective auxiliary 15.1.7; ga appears to have presentative sense here] (792) haya [wo-y [jj[ bo tig[-y!] well, [come-Past.and.then peek 3PlS look-Past.and.then] [[[gT/a: wo] na] [[[granary Def.InanSg] Loc] yu bo dTg[ wo] millet 3PlS leave.Perf.Rel Def.InanSg] [[tuma! kanda] kun-u!] [zamturu-suwa c[w kun-(], [[one.single even] be.in-Neg] [donkey-shit all be.in-3SgS]  Well, they came and got a peek (through the narrow granary window). (Of) the millet that they had left in the granary, not one (grain spike) was therein, donkey dung was all in it (=filled it up). [tuma!  one 4.7.1.1; negative kun-u  not be in and positive kun  be in 11.2.3] (793) haya [ni: gay] zamturu [yu wo] na Yr[!, well, [now Top] donkey [millet Def.InanSg] 3SgS eat.Perf, haya [[oy-nama-mu fu!] mu:mbi-y[-y] well, [[outback-meat-AnPl all] assemble-MP-Past.and.then] [ni: gay] [zamturu [o Hwa!] ni] [now Top] [donkey [2Sg HQuotS] QTop] ni: anja : kali-y[-( ma, now how? happen-MP-3SgS Q,  Well now, (they thought) it was Donkey [focus] who ate the millet. Well, all the animals assembled (and asked): now, Donkey, how about you? How did it happen? [Yr[! perfective subject-focus form 13.1.2.1; 2Sg quotative subject o wa! not converted to 3Sg 17.1.1-2; ni interrogative topic 19.1.2] (794) haya [zamturu wana] [[[ko na-K] na] ci L kundi-ya] well, [donkey other] [[[head 3Sg-Poss] Loc] thingL put-Pass.Rel] [zamturu-suwa bal kundi-ya] [donkey-shit gather put-Pass.Rel] [[ko bo wo] wana] [[InanSg be Def.InanSg] other] [a kar a-li ni(] [3LogoSgS do-PerfNeg Sbjnct] [TmTL dam[-y [[ko na-K] na] go/e] [placeL speak-Past.and.then [[head 3Sg-Poss] Loc] go.out.Perf.Rel] onu-( wa not.be Quot  Well, (as for) the donkey meanwhile, the thing that was put on his head (=blamed on him), the donkey dung that had been put (there), he couldn t claim that he hadn t done it. There was no place (=way) for him to escape with his head, they said. [ other as adverb  meanwhile ; subjunctive ni 17.1.4; onu-( wa < /onu-( wa/] (795) B: [a-K kara L [li-ya-K] [3ReflSg-Poss deviceL escape-MP-Impf.Ppl.InanSg] kuwo zo :-n-( at.all have-StatNeg-3SgS  He had no way at all to escape. [kara  means, device, solution (to a problem) , here as head NP; kuwo  at all 6.6.3] (796) A: haya [oy-nama-mu fu!] well, [outback-meat-AnPl all] [ni: gay] [yu wo] zamturu Yr[!, [now Top] [millet Def.InanSg] donkey eat.Perf, haya [[kTy na] zamturi-y accuser kar [-y] well, [[thus Loc] donkey-Acc accuse do-Past.and.then] [[juga:r[ wo] [[penalty Def.InanSg] zamturi-y Ldu:-d-a wa], donkey-Acc Lcarry.on.head-Caus-Perf.3PlS Quot]  Well, all the wild animals (thought), now it was Donkey [focus] who ate the millet. Well, in that way, (they) accused Donkey, and they imposed a penalty on Donkey, it is said. (797) haya koy Lsuwo-m-u wa well, just.over.here Lgo.down-Impf-3SgS Quot  Well, here it (=tale) goes down. [standard story-closing formula] Text 2 Monitor Lizard and Dog (tale) (tape reference: 2011.01b.02) (798) A: sey ( [story-opening word] B: mat[: [audience-confirmation word] (799) A: [ay mi!] [nj[-zaKa mi!], [lizard and] [dog and], [ar a-kusu wo] [dama na] [year Def.InanSg] [village Loc] ja: nT na kar [-y fo! ur [-y, hunger enter 3SgS do-Past.and.then until go-Past.and.then, [kun sT/a:du] nT-m[-ra-K na! [mortar sound] hear-Pass-ImpfNeg-3SgS Advers [za-[b[ l-(] dom=la : wa], [food-[get-VblN] speech=not.be Quot],  (Monitor) Lizard and Dog. The (=a certain) year, famine entered into the village to such an extent that one did not (even) hear the sound of mortars. There was no talk (=question) of getting food, it is said. [mi!  and after both conjuncts 7.1.1; nT-m[-ra-K with passive m[ 9.3.2; fo!  to such an extent that 8.2.14; za-[b[ l-(] verbal noun with {L}-toned incorporated object 5.1.4; =la   it is not 11.2.1.2] (800) ha: [na biy[-y] [nj[-zaKa wa! ni], well, [3SgS happen-Past.and.then] [dog Quot QTop], [na Hwa!] [[no-mo fu!] za b[:-rar-[] [3Sg QuotS] [[person-AnPl all] food get-ImpfNeg-3PlS] [nj[-zaKa wa! ni], [dog QuotS QTop], Kgo [anja : kan-kan] this.Inan [how? Iter-do] za b[la-m g[la-( ma! wa, food get-Impf Prog-3SgS Q Quot, [Well, it having become (like that), (Lizard) said:  (hey) you Dog, none of the (other) people are getting food. Dog, (as for) that (food), by doing what (=how) do you keep getting food?  [progressive m j[la ~ m g[la 10.5.2.2; imperfective negative b[:-rar-[ from b[l[  get (390e) in 10.3.3.4] (801) haya nj[-zaKa [na Hwa!] well, dog [3Sg HQuotS] [[za Yr-[:] sir -[: [[food eat-NonP.and.SS] be.satisfied-NonP.and.SS [ba=bo de] want=be if] c[m fu!, [na Hwa!] all all, [3Sg HQuotS] [[tunu a-K] na] nan-ja wa, [[back 3Sg-Poss] Loc] go.up.on-MP.Imprt Quot,  Well, Dog said:  (hey) you, if you want to eat and be full (=eat well), you get up on my back.  [ want 17.5.2, 11.2.4; nan-ja {L}-toned imperative, (422) in 10.7.1.1] (802) a! 3LogoSgS [[[TmTL za a Yra-K wo] na] [[[placeL food 3LogoSgS eat-Impf.Ppl.InanSg Def.InanSg] Loc] a-nu ur u-m!] [[na Hwa! la] 3Logo-two go-Impf] [[3Sg HQuotS too] [iye kay] za Yr-[:] [na ba :-m-u] wa, [today Top] food eat-NonP.and.SS] [3Sg suffice-Impf-3SgS Quot,   (As for) me, let s the two of us go to the place where I eat food. You too will eat food today, and you will be satisfied (=full), he said. [a-nu  the two of them (226c) in 7.1.2; la  also, too 19.1.3 following subject quotative; in na ba :-m-u, 3Sg na can be overtly accusative (na-y) before ba :  be enough, suffice in the sense  be enough for X , hence  X be satisfied, sated, full (after eating) , but this  object seems to have some subject properties, cf. same-subject marking on  eat ] (803) ay tombo-y lizard jump-Past.and.then [[[nj[-zaKa Htunu] na] tadi-y[] na kar [-y, [[[dog Hback] Loc] be.on-MP] 3SgS do-Past.and.then, [[YloL c[w] na] a ur [-m=T:, [[houseL first] Loc] 3ReflSg go-Impf-Def.InanSg, [[an-mu Lguma] na] za go-nde-y, [[man-AnPl Lbowl] Loc] food go.out-Caus-Past.and.then,  After Lizard jumped onto Dog s back, when they went into the first house, they (=women) had taken out out the meal (and put it) into the men s eating bowl. [tunu  back (body part), guma  wooden eating bowl ] (804) [an-mu ni:] [beredey na] [man-AnPl now] [eating.area Loc] [[[za TmTL bo Yra-K] Lkoru wo] na], [[[food placeL 3PlS eat-Impf.Ppl.InanSg] Lcircle Def.InanSg] Loc] [[za go-nde-y] d[-d[-y] [[meal go.out-Caus-Past.and.then] set-Tr-Past.and.then] [[a to-mu] dTma-m bo bo-m], [[3ReflPoss agemate-AnPl] wait-Impf 3PlS be-Impf]  The men now, in the eating area, in the circular area where they eat food, they (=women) took (it) our and set it (down). They (=men) were waiting for their fellows (=each other). [koru  circle, ring ; a to-mu 18.3.1; dTma-m & bo- progressive 10.5.2.3, cf. stative ya dTma-(  he is waiting from dTmi-yT  wait ] (805) [nj[-zaKa wo-y] [[an-mu Lguma wo] na] [dog come-Past.and.then] [[man-AnPl Lbowl Def.InanSg] Loc] k[n[ kundo-m ni] LtTl[-(, mouth put-Impf Sbjnct] Lbegin.Perf-3SgS] [[satara-e: L tuma!] [tana L bu-bundu] toye-y] [[youth-childL one] [stickL Rdp-big] pick.up-Past.and.then] [[[[nj[-zaKa g[] Ltunu] na] [da y ni] [[[[dog Def.AnSg] Lback] Loc] [bang! Adv] ya j[-( de c[m fu!] Real kill.Perf-3SgS if all all]  Dog came and began to put his mouth into the men s eating bowl. A certain young man picked up a big stick (=club) and beat with a bang on (what it thought was) the dog s back. [subjunctive complement for  begin , see (697) in 17.6.1.2; da y ni expresive adverbial plus particle ni 8.4.7; j[-  kill here means  beat up, beat the crap out of ] (806) [[[ay g[]-y] nema-m-u] [[[lizard Def.AnSg]-Acc] touch-Impf-3SgS] [[nj[-zaKa g[]-y nem[-naK-( quoi, [[dog AnSg]-Accus touch-ImpfNeg-3SgS (particle), [koy wo K ya gur [-( de] [over.here barking Real say.Perf-3SgS if] [zTb-[: go-m-u], [run-NonP.and.SS go.out-Impf-3SgS],  He was striking the lizard, it was not striking the dog. He (=Dog) barked, then he was running away. [French quoi  what? , here at the end of a clause providing background clarification] (807) [iy[ la] [[YloL wana] na] un-m-u, [again too] [[houseL other] Loc] go-Impf-3SgS, [[ninju-[es-iye] ma!] [ci ma!] [[sauce-[pot-Dimin] or] [thing or] kar a-n bo bo-n] do-NonPDur 3PlS be-NonPDur] ya t[mb[-( de c[m fu!, [nj[-zaKa g[] Real find.Perf-3SgS if all all, [dog Def.AnSg] [ya y [iy[ la] k[n[ kundo-m ni] tTla-m-u, [there.Def [again too] mouth put.in-Impf Sbjnct] begin-Impf-3SgS,  Again (=furthermore) he (=Dog) went to other houses. If he found that they were making (=cooking) (in) either an earthenware sauce pot or something (similar), the dog would again begin to put his mouth in there. [diminutive -iye 5.1.8; ma!  or NP disjunction 7.2.1; ya y discourse-definite  there (112c) in 4.4.3.1] (808) [iy[ la] [gomuL koy] [again too] [courtyardL there] [[[[nj[-zaKa g[] Ltunu] na] j[-zo-m ni] [[[[dog Def.AnSg] Lback] Loc] kill-Perf2-LogoS Sbjnct] [ya j-a de c[m fu!] [Real kill-Perf.3PlS if all all] [ay g[]-y nema-m-u, [lizard Def.AnSg]-Acc hit-Impf-3SgS [iy[ la] koy zTba-m-[, [again too] there run-Impf-3PlS,  Again, when they beat him (=Dog) in the courtyard just over there, intending to beat on the dog s back, it was the lizard that they struck. Again they ran away from there. [Demonstrative adverb koy  there patterns here as a modifier of  courtyard , which therefore drops tones 4.4.3.1] (809) kTy kTy kTy thus thus thus [[[TmT ye-ta:ndu ye-c[sT] na] ur [-y] [[[place Inan-three Inan-four] Loc] go-Past.and.then] [[nj[-zaKa g[] ay -y j[-m[-y] [[dog Def.AnSg] lizard-Acc kill-Caus-Past.and.then] na kar [-y, 3SgS do-Past.and.then, [ay a we-m=T:] [na Hwa!] [lizard 3ReflSgS come-Impf=Def.InanSg] [3Sg HQuotS] [KKTy [za wo] Yr[-Yr[ [thus [meal Def.InanSg] Iter-eat b[la-m j[la-( de gay], get-Impf Prog-3SgS if Top], Kgo dan, [ja: a-K wo] this.Inan than, [hunger 3LogoSg-Poss Def.InanSg] a-y kay ga] 3LogoSg-Acc be.better Top] [yoKoy! muy T kan-so-( de] [calm(adv) patience do-Perf2-3SgS if] [mbT: na gur [-y] [friend.Voc 3SgS say-Past.and.then]  In that (same) way they went to three or four places (=houses). The dog would let the lizard get beaten up (each time). Lizard came and said to his counterpart (=Dog):  (hey) you, if this is how you keep getting the food, my hunger (=going hungry) is better than this, if you are calmly patient (=begging your pardon), my pal.  [numerals with classifier ye- 4.7.1.2; ay -y accusative of noun ay with Rhythmic Tone-Raising 6.7; KKTy  thus, like this 8.4.1; Yr[-Yr[ verb iteration 15.1.6; dan  than 12.1.1; kay  be better (for) with direct object 12.1.5.2; mbT:  my friend! , plural mbT:-y[  my friends! , vocative only, an alternative vocative is way, plural way-y[, cf. non-vocative referential lalu-K(mu)  friend(s) ] (810) [wo! wa] [na Hwa!] [muy T kan-so-( de] [yes Quot] [3Sg HQuotS] [patience do-Perf2-3SgS if] [[TmT L a-y na b[l[ wo] na] [[placeL 3LogoSg-Acc 3SgS get Def.InanSg] Loc] a-y zin wa, 3LogoSg-Acc convey.Imprt Quot, [na-K Lsir u-K] [Kgo dan] [3Sg-Poss being.satisfied-Nom] [this.Inan than] [ja: a-K wo] a-y kay wa, [hunger 3ReflSgS-Poss Def.InanSg] 3LogoSg-Acc better Quot,  (Dog) said,  yes? (Lizard) said:  (hey) you, if you are patient (=begging your pardon), take me (back) to the place where you got me! (As for) your getting full (of food), my hunger is better for me than this.  [imperative zin from irregular verb  convey 10.2.1.12; sir u-K isolated nominal form 4.2.4, here in na-K Lsir u-K showing infrequent inversion of pronominal possessor with possessed noun, see (170) in 6.2.1.2] (811) [nj[-zaKa mi!] [ay mi!], [dog and] [lizard and], [[za Lko:] na] KKTy Lbiy[-( wa [[food Lhead] Loc] thus Lhappen.Perf-3SgS Quot  Dog and monitor lizard, it happened like that on (=with respect to) eating food, it is said. Text 3 Cat and Mouse (tale) (tape reference: 2011.01b.03) (812) A: sey ( [story-opening word] B: mat[: [audience-confirmation word] (813) A: [oye L y[ L p[y] [mouseL womanL old] [[ar u-nju L segu] [[ko: na-K] na] ya naKe-(] [[yearL many] [[head 3Sg-Poss] Loc] Real pass.Perf-3SgS] [ene b[la-li-(], [child get-PerfNeg-3SgS],  An old female mouse. Many years passed on her, (but) she had no child. [ [ko: na-K] na  on his/her head 8.2.6] (814) [a! ene b[la-m ma! ni] [3LogoSgS child get-Impf Q Sbjnct] dunu LtTl[-(, search(n) Lbegin.Perf-3SgS, [[[[dunu wo] duno L] na] ur u-m] [[[[search(n) Def.InanSg] searchL] Purp] go-Impf] [[alma-kundu Hber a] ur u-m-( wa [[fortune.teller HDat] go-Impf-LogoS Quot  (She wondered:)  Will I (ever) have a child? She began to (re)search. She went around to do the (re)search. She said (=decided),  I will go to a fortune-teller.  [dunu& purposive construction 17.6, similar elicited examples with cognate objects are [tigu wo] tig[ na  (went) to look (=take) a look , [nuKa wo] nuKT na  (went) to sing a song ; Hber a dative 8.1.1] (815) B: [alma-kundu Hber a] ur u-m-( wa [fortune.teller HDat] go-Impf-LogoS Quot A: e!, yes, B:  She said (=decided),  I will go to a fortune-teller.  A:  Yes. (816) [[[alma-kundu g[] ber a] ur u-m] [[[fortune.teller Def.AnSg] Dat] go-Impf] [pal zamn[-y Lur [-(], [sesame steal-Past.and.then Lgo.Perf-3SgS],  Going to (=on the way to) the fortune-teller, she went to steal some sesame. (817) [pal zamn[-y ur [-y] [sesame steal-Past.and.then go-Past.and.then] [alma-kundu g[]-y a t[mb[-m=T:, [fortune.teller Def.AnSg]-Acc 3ReflSgS find-Impf=Def.InanSg, haya a! [na Hber a] wo-zo-m wa, well, 3LogoSgS [3Sg HDat] come-Perf2-LogoS Quot, haya [na Hwa!] well, [3Sg HQuotS] [[[a Hber a] ciL bo] tig[ tada wa], [[[3LogoSg HDat] thingL be] look try.Imprt Quot]  She went to steal some sesame, and finding the fortune-teller, she said:  Well, I have come to you; well, you try to look at (=determine) what there is for me (=what my problem is).  [analysed in (748) in 19.2.2] (818) [almaL c[w] a manze-m=T:, [cowry.tossL first] 3ReflSgS toss.down-Impf=Def.InanSg, [na Hwa!] [pal zamn[-y] [3Sg HQuotS] [sesame steal-Past.and.then] [a Hber a] [sadu sadu na] wo-zo-( wa, [3LogoSg HDat] [question ask Purp] come-Perf2-3SgS Quot,  After the first toss of the cowries (for telling fortunes), he (=fortune-teller) said:  You stole some sesame and have come to ask questions of me.  [bunches of small cowry shells are tossed by the fortune-teller, who then reads the future by interpreting their configuration; sadu sadu na] wo-zo-( purposive with motion verb 17.6.1.1] (819) T hT ! [na Hwa!] [ya w[-( wa], [a wa] uh.huh [3Sg HQuotS] [Real see.Perf-3SgS Quot], [3LogoSg QuotS] [ci L j[li-y[-y a we wo] [thingL hold-MP-Past.and.then 3LogoSg come.Perf.Ppl Def.InanSg] na wT-zo kTy !, 3SgS see-Perf2 thus, haya [waze L [a Hber a] bo wo la] well, [remainderL [3LogoSg HDat] be Def.InanSg too] [na Hwa!] [kTy wa wa], [3Sg H QuotS] [thus see.Imprt Quot] [a! ene b[la-m-( ma!] [b[:-na-m ma!], [3LogoSg child get-Impf-LogoS Q] [get-ImpfNeg-LogoS Q]  (Mouse) said:  Uh-huh, you have seen (=divined) it. In the same way as you have seen what I have brought and come here, well, also see (=divine) the remainder (=other things) that are (happening) to me. Will I have a child, or will I not have (one)?  [ci L j[li-y[-y a we wo  what I have brought and come , with head noun  thing belonging to the chained first VP; waze  remainder ; ma! in alternative polar questions 13.2.1] (820) haya, alma-kundu [alma manza-m ni] well, fortune.teller [cowry.toss(n) toss.down-Impf Sbjnct] na tTla-K mi!, 3SgS begin-Impf.Ppl.InanSg Inst, [[mbul wo] na] [[door Def] Loc] ga: wo-y Yri-y[-( wa, cat come-Past.and.then stop-MP.Perf-3SgS Quot,  Well, as the fortune-teller was beginning to (=was about to) do a cowry toss, a cat came and stopped at the door, it is said. [instrumental mi after a relativized  begin clause in the sense  as X was about to VP , only example of this construction, see end of 15.3.4]] (821) [[alma-kundu g[] wa!] [Yri-ya wa] [[fortune.teller Def.Sg] QuotS] [stop-MP.Imprt Quot] [ene Hdom wo] dTgT t[-zo-( de, [child Hspeech Def.InanSg] leave Perf-Perf2-3SgS if, [na Hwa!] [a! cinza-tam ya zo-m ma!] [3Sg HQuotS] [3LogoSg long.life Exist have-LogoS Q]  (Mouse) said:  (hey) fortune-teller, stop! Leave (=cease) talking about a child, and (tell me) whether I (will) have long life!  [ene Hdom wo with possessed tone overlay {H} on noun dom  talk (about X) , i.e.  matter, topic of ; dTgT t[- 15.1.7; cinza-tam  long life , compound with cinza-  nose and an otherwise unattested final, in some expressions uncompounded cinza can mean  life (longevity) , see (824) below] (822) [na Hwa!] manzu tada wa, [3Sg HQuotS] cowry.toss(n) try.Imprt Quot, [[alma-kundu g[ la] [[fortune.teller Def.AnSg too] [k[l[ wo] a manze-m=T:] [cowry Def.InanSg] 3ReflSg toss-Impf=Def.InanSg] [haya nar a wa] [well, truth Quot] [cinza-tam na-K la] bad-e:=la : wa, [long.life 3Sg-Poss too] add-NonP.and.SS=not.be Quot,  (Mouse) said:  You, try a cowry toss! When the fortune-teller for his part tossed the cowries, he said:  Well, it s true, your longevity is not much (=you don t have long to live).  [bad-e:=la :  is not very much , subordinated form bad-e: from badu  add ] (823) haya [ko dame-y well, [InanSg speak-Past.and.then na su:-ndo-K mi!] 3SgS go.down-Caus-Impf.Ppl.InanSg Inst] [gTnT tig[! zTba-m ni] [na kar a-m] [look.back look run-Impf Sbjnct] [3SgS do-Impf] [ga: g[] tombo-y wo-y [cat Def.AnSg] jump-Past.and.then come-Past.and.then [[ko: na-K] na] Lsuye-( wa, [head 3Sg-Poss] Loc] Lgo.down.Perf-3SgS Quot  Well, when he spoke and brought it down (=finished speaking), she (Mouse) looked back (over her shoulder) intending to flee. The cat came and jumped and came down (=landed) on her, it is said. [causative su:-ndo and perfective suye- both < suwo  go down (305) in 9.3.1.3] (824) haya [[ene-dunu]-sime wa] well, [[child-seeking]-excess Quot] [cinza na] pa:-( wa, [life Loc] be.joined.Stat-3SgS Quot, ha kTy Lbiy[-( wa well, thus Lhappen.Perf-3SgS Quot  Well, trying too hard for a child gets close to life (=is dangerous), it is said. Well, it happened like that. [sime  excess (n) as compound final; stative pa:  be joined (=associated) , negation pa:-n, regular verbs are mediopassive pa-yy[  become joined, associated and transitive pa:  put together, pair, associate (two things) ] Text 4 Hyena and Hare (tale) (tape reference: 2011.01b.04) (825) A: sey ( [story-opening word] B: mat[: [audience-confirmation word] (826) A: [ta: mi!] [zomT mi!] mu:mbi-y[-y [hyena and] [hare and] assemble-MP-Past.and.then nim-m[n[ gTl-a, cowpea-field cultivate-Perf.3PlS,  Hyena and Hare got together and cultivated a cow-pea field. (827) [a-nu [nim-m[n[ wo] gTl[-y] [3Pl-two [cowpea-field Def.InanSg] cultivate-Past.and.then] [bo bo-m] fo! ur [-y [3PlS be-Impf] until go-Past.and.then [[ni m bo-K] [w[ru wo] [[cowpea 3Pl-Poss] [greenness Def.InanSg] ya ye:di-ye-(], Real flourish-MP.Perf-3SgS],  The two of them were cultivating the cow-pea field, until the greenness of their cowpea (plants) was flourishing. [a-nu  they two (226c) in 7.1.2] (828) [w[ru wo] ye:di-ye-y fo! [greenness Def.InanSg] flourish-MP-Past.and.then until [[ni m wo] pun na tTl[-y], [[cowpea Def.InanSg] flower 3SgS begin-Past.and.then],  The greenness was flourishing to the point that the cowpeas began (to grow) flowers. (829) [ta: [izen L tuma!] a iKgil[-m=T:] [hyena [dayL one] 3ReflSgS stand-Impf=Def.InanSg] [[nim-m[n[ wo] tig[ L na] Lur [-(, [[cowpea-field Def.InanSg] lookL Purp] Lgo.Perf-3SgS, [[tig[ L na] na ur [-y] [[lookL Purp] 3SgS go-Past.and.then] [ni m wo] pun twi! na bo-m, [cowpea Def.InanSg] flower blooming 3SgS be-Impf,  One day Hyena got up and went to look at the cow-pea field. He went to look, and the cow-peas were in full bloom. [purposive na 17.6.1; twi! expressive adverbial plus bo- 8.4.7] (830) ko [[ni m wo] na] that [[cowpea Def.InanSg] Loc] [pi-piru]-mu [ni m a-K] [butterfly-AnPl [cowpea 3LogoSg-Poss] yamna-m j[la-y[ na!], damage-Impf Prog-3PlS Advers],  So in the cow-peas, (he thought) that butterflies were infesting his cow-peas. (831) [ha: wo-y zomT-y dam-d[-y] [well, come-Past.and.then hare-Acc speak-Tr-Past.and.then] [haya [dabul na-K] t[:-ma wa, [well, [action 3Sg-Poss] take.action-Hort Quot,  Well, he came and spoke to Hare, saying  well, let s take action of (=about) it!  (832) zomT [[gid-iye a-K] na] hare [[eye-Dim 3ReflSg-Poss] Loc] sapt[r[-pur a a yile-m=T:, chili-powder 3ReflSgS sprinkle-Impf=Def.InanSg, [gide-nju bT l-bT l] [a! gay] un b[:-na-m ga, [eye-water streaming] [3LogoSg Top] go get-ImpfNeg-LogoS Top,  Hare sprinkled some ground chili pepper into his own eyes (to induce tears). With tears streaming down, he said:  As for me, I cannot go.  [final topic particle ga may be a variant of French quoi] (833) [na Hwa!] [ya ur [-( de] [3Sg HQuotS] [Real go.Perf-3SgS if] [[[na-K wo] na] ma:ndi-y[-zo-( de] [[[3Sg-Poss Def.InanSg] Loc] be.energetic-MP-Perf2-3SgS if] [[na-K wo] na] tiya-m=T:, [[3Sg-Poss Def.InanSg] Loc] perch.Stat-Impf=Def.InanSg, laliya wa, chase.way.Imprt Quot, [a-K wo] kTy dTgT ji-ma wa, [3LogoSg-Poss Def.InanSg] thus leave go.ahead-Hort Quot,  (Hare) said:  you go and work hard on yours (=your side of the field), drive out (the butterflies) that are perched on yours, but for now (until I join you) just leave mine as it is.  [stative tiya-m < mediopassive tiyy[  (bird) perch (on branch), (insect) land (e.g. on a plant) ; a-K wo  mine with possessed noun omitted 6.1.4; ji-ma with ji- (a kind of auxiliary verb) plus hortative suffix, functions like an imperative, but implies that the speaker will later join in the activity, cf. Yr[ ji-ma  go ahead and eat! implying that the speaker will eat later] (834) [[oy-nama-mi]-y jil[ a kunde-m=T:] [[outback-meat-AnPl]-Acc order(v) 3ReflSg put-Impf=Def.InanSg] a-K , [tana-bende a-K wo] 3LogoSg-Poss , [stick 3ReflSg-Poss Def.InanSg] bir -i: a kar [-m=T:, stout-Adj 3ReflSgS do-Impf=Def.InanSg, ur [-y [bundo L na] LtTl[-(, go-Past.and.then [beatL Purp] Lbegin.Perf-3SgS,  (Hyena) issued a call to the wild animals. His own stick was the thickest, and he went and began beating (the cow-pea plants). [[oy-nama-mi]-y with accusative -y after animate plural -mu; bir i: with adjectival extension -i: 11.4.4] (835) haya [[na-K wo] well, [[3Sg-Poss Def.InanSg] m[! bundo kili-y[-y] knocked.flat beat finish-MP-Past.and.then] [ni: gay] [[zomT K wo] na], [now Top] [[hare Gen Def.InanSg] Loc] na!  [[laliy[ L na] tiKa-m ni] bo kar a-m, ??  [[chaseL Purp] cross-Impf Sbjnct] 3PlS do-Impf,  Well, he finished beating his (side) down to the ground. Now they (=animals) were about to go across (to Hare s side of the field) in order to drive out (butterflies). [m[! (expressive adverbial)  knocked flat on the ground ; na-K wo  his and zomT K wo  Hare s (with genitive K), both with omitted possessed noun 6.2.1.2] (836) [[zomT na tig[-y] kTy na bo-m] [[hare 3SgS look-Past.and.then] thus 3SgS be-Impf] [zomT a go/e-m=T: zTbT-y] [hare 3ReflSg go.out-Impf=Def.InanSg run-Past.and.then] ya a ur [-m=T:], there.Def 3ReflSg go-Impf=Def.InanSg],  Hare was watching thus (=as this happened). Hare ran out and went there (to the field). (837) haya ur u-m, [kay [[b[nd[ a-K] na] well, go-Impf, [horn [[shoulderbag 3ReflSg-Poss] Loc] kundo j[li-y[-y] a ur [-m=T:, put.in hold-MP-Past.and.then] 3ReflSgS go-Impf=Def.InanSg,  Well, as he (=Hare) was going, he put a horn in his shoulderbag and took it along on the way there. [kay  horn , hollowed out horn of a Hippotragus antelope, blown as a musical instrument] (838) [ban-j[-y [kay wo] [hide-MP-Past.and.then [horn Def.InanSg] bu -bu -bu na gur [-y] (sound) 3SgS say-Past.and.then] [oy-nama-mu=wo wana [outback-meat-AnPl=Def.AnPl other [[[zomT K] Lm[n[ wo] na] b[l[ tiKa-n-(] [[[hare Gen] Lfield Def.InanSg] Loc] get cross-PerfNeg-3PlS]  (Hare) hid and blew the horn: bu-bu-bu! The wild animals meanwhile were unable to cross over into Hare s (field, because of fear). [wana  other , here an adverb, roughly  meanwhile or  over at the other place (obviative), likewise in (839) just below; genitive K 6.2.1.2; m[n[  field ; b[l[  get, obtain , here  be able chained to the following (not preceding) verb; see (681) in 17.4.2, other examples are b[l[ ka:-li-(  he/she could not shave , 3Pl b[l[ ka:-n-(] (839) gine-y [oy na] nT bo z[-y, scatter-Past.and.then [outback Loc] go.in 3PlS RecPf-Past.and.then, haya [wana [ta: K wo] ya yam[-(] well, [other [hyena Gen Def.InanSg] Real be.ruined.Perf-3SgS] [zomT K wo] b[l[ yam-na-n-(, [hare Gen Def.InanSg] get be.ruined-Caus-PerfNeg-3PlS,  They (=animals) had scattered and had gone back into the bush. Well, meanwhile Hyena s (part of the field) was ruined. They (=animals) did not have a chance to ruin Hare s (side). [recent perfect z[- 10.3.1.4; ta: K wo  Hyena s , another possessor and genitive marker with omitted possessed noun] (840) [oy-nama-mu [ko dimba-m] [outback-meat-AnPl [that.Inan follow.Stat-Impf] ginne-y] scatter-Past.and.then] [dey -dey [oy na] LnT/-a wa] [separately [outback Loc] Lgo.in-Perf.3PlS Quot] [ko zomT bo Ljinni-le-( wa] [that.Inan hare 3PlO Lscatter-Caus.Perf-3SgS Quot]  The animals dispersed after that, they went back individually into the outback, it is said. So Hare made them scatter, it is said. [stative dimba- < mediopassive dimbi-y[  follow ; dey -dey 8.4.7.2; inanimate near-distant demonstrative ko  that (twice) summarizes the just described situation] (841) B: ha: kTy =( well, thus=it.is  Well, that s how it is. [ it is clitic 11.2.1.1] Text 5 Abandoned Twins (tale) (tape reference: 2011.01b.05) [the songs, indented, are partially in Tommo So, a Dogon language] (842) A: sey ( [story-opening word] B: mat[: [audience-confirmation word] (843) A: [y[ ene na lale-y] nim[-mu=(, [woman child 3SgS give.birth-Past.and.then] twin-AnPl=it.is, [nim[-mu=wo] gir [ m[nz-i: =y[, [twin-AnPl=Def.AnPl] very thin-Adj=it.is.3PlS [[gir [ m[nz-i: ] kT b[:-na-m ni] [[very thin-Adj] raise get-ImpfNeg-LogoS Sbjnct] a ibi-y[-m=T:, 3LogoSgS fear-MP-Impf=Def.InanSg,  A woman (once) gave birth, it was twins. The twins were very undersized. She was fearing that she would not be able to raise very undersized ones. [irregular noun  child 4.1.2 occurs in several forms in this text;  it is with animate plural noun 11.2.1.1; m[nzi: =y[ with gir [  very' with adjective 6.3.3.2; m[nz-i: =y[ with adjectival extension i: 11.4.4 and 3Pl clitic =y[ in adjectival predicate; ibiy[  fear 17.3.5] (844) [[oy na] a go/e-m=T:] [[outback Loc] 3ReflSg go.out-Impf=Def.InanSg] [[[kTlmba du] na] dundo beze-y] [[[Piliostigma.tree under] Loc] lay leave-Past.and.then] [Ylo na] Lwe-(, [house Loc] Lcome-Perf.3SgS,  She went out into the outback. She laid them down under a kTlmba (Piliostigma reticulatum) tree, and she went back home. (845) amba [ene L bo:] a bale-m=T:, God [childrenL those.NearDist] 3ReflSg gather-Impf=Def.InanSg, ha: ur [-y zir [-y, well, go-Past.and.then convey-Past.and.then, ene=wo na kT-y, children=Def.AnPl 3SgS raise-Past.and.then, satara ya g-o, manhood Real go.out-Perf.3PlS,  God gathered (=adopted) those children. Well, He went and conveyed them (to a place) and He raised the children. They attained manhood. [zir [-y < irregular verb zi n  convey, take (away) 10.2.1.12; the last segment is literally  they emerged (into) young-man-hood ] (846) [satara go] na kar [-y, [manhood go.out] 3SgS do-Past.and.then, ene=wo [som L an] children=Def.AnPl [horseL male] c[g[r[ a page-m=T:, saddle(n) 3ReflSgS tie-Impf=Def.InanSg, ha: [ene=wo a-nu] ni:, a-y [-mu ni:, well, [children=Def.AnPl 3Pl-two] now, 3Refl-AnPl-AnPl now, [[a Hni:] duno L na] ur u-m-( wa, [[3Refl Hmother] searchL Purp] go-Impf-LogoS Quot,  When they had attained manhood, the children each saddled up his stallion. The two children now, (as for) them now, they said (=decided) that they would go to look for their mother. [ene=wo a-nu  the two children with cliticized definite =wo and pronominal a-nu (226c) in 7.1.2, can alternatively be phrased as ene no-no:-mu=wowith the regular numeral  2 preceded by no-  person (not reduplicative) as classifier and followed by the definite clitic; two occurrences of ni:  now then one of Hni:  mother in H-toned possessed form, glosses based on narrator s comments] (847) [[ja : ni] dame-y] ur u-m] [[thus Adv] speak-Past.and.then] go-Impf] [[somL an] mi:] ur u-m] [[horse L male] Inst] go-Impf] [[dama L tuma!] na] dT/[-y] [[villageL one] Loc] arrive-Past.and.then] [y[-mu [bonT na] bo Yra-m], [woman-AnPl [pounding.area Loc] 3PlS stand.Stat-Impf]  Saying (=intending) thus, they went, they went with (=on) (their) stallions. They arrived at a village. Women were standing in the grain-spike pounding area (at the edge of the village). [ja : ni  thus 8.4.1; instrumental 8.1.2; dT/[-y  arrived , the verb properly denotes reaching the boundary of a place (e.g. the gate of a house); there is a pounding area at the edge of every village where women go to do heavy pounding, especially of millet grain spikes, in large mortars] (848) [song] po :-ye po :-ye sende-[deK-deK] hello! hello! [[yagu du:] na] Lpadu-w sende-[deK-deK] [[what? under] Loc] Lleave.Perf-2SgS [[yulT du:] na] Lpadu-m sende-[deK-deK] [[nr under] Loc] Lleave.Perf-1SgS [mi Hna: g[] u=l[ sende-[deK-deK] [1SgP Hmother Def.AnSg] 2Sg=it.is.not A:  Greetings! B:  Greetings! A:  Under what (tree) did you leave (them)? B:  I left (them) under nr tree (Parkia biglobosa). A:  You are not my mother. [Many women claim to be the mother of such elegant young men, but only the true mother knows which tree she left the babies under.] (849) [TKg[ [a! [[lol du] na] LdTg[-m] [this.AnSg [3LogoSgS [[nr under] Loc] Lleave.Perf-LogoS] na gur [-y] 3SgS say.Perf-Past.and.then] [[[lol du] na] LdTg[-( de gay] [[nr under] Loc] Lleave.Perf-3SgS if Top] [a Hni: g[] na=la wa, [3LogoSgP Hmother Def.AnSg] 3Sg=it.is.not Quot,  This (woman) said:  I left (the babies) under a nr tree. (One twin) said:  If she left (them) under a nr tree, she is not my mother. [ she is not my mother here and in (852) could alternatively be translated  you are not my mother , given the usual substitution of 3Sg for original 2Sg in quoted speech; na=la-(  is not her .  It is not clitic drops tone to =la- before quotative wa] (850) [[iy[ la] koy a go/e-m=T:] [[again too] just.over.here 3LogoSgS go.out-Impf=Def.InanSg] [bo ur u-m] [3PlS go-Impf] [[[dama L tuma!] na] bo dT/[-y] [[villageL one] Loc] 3PlS arrive-Past.and.then] [y[-mu [bonT na] ya Yra-y[], [woman-AnPl [pounding.area Loc] Real stand.Stat-3PlS], ya a dT/[-m=T: there.Def 3LogoS arrive-Impf=Def.InanSg  They (=twins) proceeded to go away from there. They went and arrived at a village, (to find) women standing in the grain-spike pounding area. They arrived (=approached). (851) [song] po :-ye po :-ye sende-[deK-deK] hello! hello! [[yagu du:] na] Lpadu-w sende-[deK-deK] [[what? under] Loc] Lleave.Perf-2SgS [[sa: du:] na] Lpadu-m sende-[deK-deK] [[grape under] Loc] Lleave.Perf-1SgS [mi Hna: g[] u=l[ sende-[deK-deK] [1SgP Hmother Def.AnSg] 2Sg=it.is.not A:  Greetings! B:  Greetings! A:  Under what (tree) did you leave (them)? B:  I left (them) under wild-grape tree (Lannea microcarpa). A:  You are not my mother. (852) [iy[ la] [koy dTg[-y] naKe-( wa, [again too] [over.there leave-Past.and.then] pass.Perf-3SgS Quot, [[[kuda du] na] LdTg[-( de gay] [[[wild.grape under] Loc] Lleave.Perf-3SgS if Top] [a Hni: g[] na=la-( wa, [3LogoSgP Hmother Def.AnSg] 3Sg=it.is.not Quot  Again he (=a twin) left that place and continued onward, it is said.  If she left (them) under a wild-grape tree, she is not my mother, he said (or thought). (853) iye-K [bo ur u-m] [bo ur u-m] that.day [3PlS go-Impf] [3plS go-Impf] [iy[ la] [[[dama L tuma!] na] bo dT/[-y] [again too] [[[villageL one] Loc] 3PlS arrive-Past.and.then] [y[-mu [bonT na] ya Yra-y[], [woman-AnPl [pounding.area Loc] Real stand.Stat-3PlS], bo-y a pode-m g[, 3Pl-Acc 3LogoSgS greet-Impf Def.AnSg,  That (same) day they went. Again they arrived in a village. Women were standing in the grain-spike pounding area. When they had greeted them&  [iye-K  that day , cf. iye  today , distinct from iy[  again ; dama  village ; pode-m g[ with animate plural definite g[ since a here denotes both young men, would be -m=T: for animate singular] (854) [song] po :-ye po :-ye sende-[deK-deK] hello! hello! [[yagu du:] na] Lpadu-w sende-[deK-deK] [[what? under] Loc] Lleave.Perf-2SgS [[kTyb[ du:] na] Lpadu-m sende-[deK-deK] [[Pilio under] Loc] Lleave.Perf-1SgS [mi Hna: g[] u=y sende-[deK-deK] [1SgP Hmother Def.AnSg] 2Sg=it.is A:  Greetings! B:  Greetings! A:  Under what (tree) did you leave (them)? B:  I left (them) under Piliostigma tree. A:  You are my mother. (855) [tig[ na kar [-y] [look 3SgS do-Past.and.then] [y[ g[] ene=wo, [woman Def.AnSg] children=Def.AnPl, [TmTL cicatrice TmTL na zuwT-zo] ya bo-(, [placeL scar placeL 3SgS know-Perf2] Real be-3SgS, [[ene a-mu=wo] Tmiy [ bo wa] [[children 3Logo-AnPl=Def.AnPl] these.An 3Pl=it.is Quot]  She looked (at them), the woman (looked at) the children. There was a spot (on their bodies) (with) a scar (or mark) that she knew.  These are my children, she said. [redundant double occurrence of relative head TmTL < noun TmT  place , either of the two can be omitted; Tmiy [ bo  it is these (predicative)] (856) [bo Hwa! ni] [anja : kar [-y] LkT-yy-a, [3Pl QuotS QTop] [how? do-Past.and.then] Lraise-MP.Perf-3PlS, a: nji, [[TmTL bo b[] mi] ah here, [[placeL 3PlS be.Past.Ppl] Inst] [[ci L kama] mi c[m fu!] [[thingL each] Inst all all] sadu-sadu a kar [-m=T:, Iter-ask 3ReflSgS do-Impf=Def.AnSg,   Doing what (=how) were you-Pl raised? Ah here, she was asking about where they had been and everything (else). [kT-yy[  be raised from kT  raise (e.g. a child) 9.3.1; b[ relative-clause verb form of b[-  was 14.1.7.7; iterated sadu-sadu 15.1.6] (857) [y[ na g[] [woman NearDist.AnSg Def.AnSg] [Tc-i: [[bonT na] [fast-Adj [[pounding.area Loc] gon a b[ ko] gear 3ReflSg Past Dem.NearDist] a bale-m=T:] 3ReflSg gather-Impf=Def.InanSg]  That (same) woman quickly gathered up the gear (e.g. grain and pestle) that she was (holding) in the grain-spike pounding area. [na g[ (111) in 4.4.2.1; & gon a b[ ko reduced from & gon a j[la=b[ ko  that gear that she was holding ] (858) [[ene a-mu] tedi-ye-y] [[children 3ReflSgP-AnPl] take.along-MP-Past.and.then] [[Ylo na] ur [-y, [house Loc] go-Past.and.then,  She took her children along (with her), (they) went to (her) house. (859) haya [amba wa! gay], gor T ya zo-( wa, well, [God Quot Top], power Exist have-3SgS Quot, [a! ene KKTy kT b[:-na-m ni] [3LogoSgS children thus raise get-ImpfNeg-LogoS Sbjnct] [iye [ene a jize-m=T:], [today [children 3LogoSgS throw-Impf=Def.InanSg], kT-yy[-y [Kgo som page-y] raise-MP-Past.and.then] [then horse tie-Past.and.then] [a-y duno-duno-duno] [3LogoSg-Acc search-search-search] [Kgo [bonT na] wo-y], [then [pounding.area Loc] come-Past.and.then],  She said:  well, God has the power. The children that I threw (=abandoned) believing that I could not raise children in that way, (they) were raised (by God), then they tied (=saddled up) horses, kept searching for me, and then came to the grain-spike pounding area.  [iterated verb duno-duno-duno 15.1.6, as also in (770); two occurrences of Kgo  this (inanimate) resuming a just-described situation, could be glossed  then or  with that , or just disregarded in free translation] (860) naKa-m [a bo sade-y], ha:, pass-Impf [3LogoSg 3PlS ask-Past.and.then], well, [[TmTL a-y bo jize mi!] [[placeL 3LogoSg-Acc 3PlS throw.Ppl.Perf and] [ci L kama mi!] [thingL each and] dam bo kar [-y], speak 3PlS do-Past.and.then], ha: [ene a-mu=wo] bo wa, well, [children 3LogoSg-AnSg=Def.AnSg] 3Pl.it.is Quot,  (She) said:  While passing (=on your way here), you-Pl asked me, well, where they threw you (=where you were thrown) and everything (else). Well, you-Pl are my children.  [3Logophoric coindexed with the author of a quotation within another quotation, here the children] (861) ha: ko [bo-y tedi-ye-y] well, so [3Pl-Acc take.along-MP-Past.and.then] [Ylo na] wo-zo-m wa, [house Loc] come-Perf2-LogoS Quot,  Well, then she took them along (with her), they came to (her) house, it is said. (862) [[Ylo na] ene=wo [[house Loc] children=Def.AnPl tedi-ye kunde-y] take.along-MP put.in-Past.and.then] [[ene=wo [[a Hde:] LYlo] [[children=Def.AnPl [[3ReflSg Hfather] Lhouse] dune-y] [kTy Lw-a wa] look.for-Past.and.then] [thus Lsee-Perf.3PlS Quot]  When she had taken them along (with her) and brought them into the house, the children (then) looked for their father. In that way they saw (=found) (him). References cited Blench, Roger. [website] Calame-Griaule, Genevive. 1956.  Les dialectes dogon. Africa 26(1):62-72. Hochstetler, J. Lee, J. A. Durieux, and E. I. K.Durieux-Boon. 2004. Sociolinguistic survey of the Dogon language area. 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Word@@ @ #Jb G PICT Z HHZ ZHHzPZZ?^w^kZg9o{^o{^o{g9g9{o{RVkZg9kZg9Vg9sJRg9kZg9sAo{RwZJRcV=ZBZF1^kZZ^sg9BZBZF1sNsVJRV^kZco{g9kZw/g9cVVZRwRVRZVRVsR^Z{%kZ{ o{wo{w{{wkZZcco{{o{kZo{w Z^^cg9wcZkZ^Z{kZo{skZo{wskZ'wskZskZskZwso{^g9kZkZo{kZ%wo{wo{wswswso{skZg9o{ g9g9co{cco{o{^o{o{w{wsww{{U&w^kZg9g9o{ckZg9^sc^s^kZg9o{g9^^cscg9c^w^kZ^g9kZcVsZg9{B{w{wwkZw{w{{w{{www{w{{s{w{ { w^NscckZo{Z^Z{{{{{{1o{g9ZcZ^V^^Zc^^V^^Zo{^^s {go{s{{w{{{{ {{w{{w{{{{w{o{{{w{{w{s{o3s^kZo{g9cg9ZsZo{g9^cg9cg9ckZg9ccZccZkZ^scg9^Vcg9scZo{g9cV^kZg9cg9o{g9g9c{nw1{wswwo{w{ww{{sw{{ws{ww{kZ{sww{{o{{w{{ws{s{{w{w{ss{{wsmcg9o{kZ^sVg9^g9kZkZcg9cg9g9sckZ^kZwcg9sckZsg9o{g9ckZ^o{cwc^cg9kZg9Zo{kZ^sUwkZswg9kZwo{sw{kZswso{wssw{so{s{skZsw{o{o{wo{wswU&kZg9{kZg9kZg9g9kZkZkZg9o{kZkZg9g9^wkZkZwcg9kZwkZkZwg9o{kZckZo{kZg9sskZo{wsg9s{o{skZ{skZsw3sg9kZg9{kZkZskZkZg9o{sg9kZs^so{o{g9s1{so{s{ss{wwsswsw{o{wsw[{wwww{{w {www{ww{syw{wwwzwwzwwwww{ww{wz{wwwzwY{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{ {{{{{M ocg?sk_occog?Zg?og?ccg?^oo^k_cg?^^og?cog?g?cw={ww{w{wsw{ww{w{wwk_{{wwK 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Local phonological rules Inflectable verbs Noun phrase (NP) Case-marking and PPs' Main clauses and constituent order Verbal nouns Relative clauses Interclausal syntax Anaphora and quotations Phonology General7 Internal phonological structure of stems and words Syllables Metrical structure Consonants Alveopalatals (c, j)- g does not systematically spirantize Nasals (ŋ ɲ) Voiceless labials (p f) Laryngeals (h ʔ) Sibilants (s, z)) Nasalized sonorants (rn, yn, wn) Consonant clusters Vowels% Short and (oral) long vowels Nasalized vowels Initial vowels Stem-final vowels Vocalic harmony (ATR)$ Phonology of verb-stem vocalism, Bare stem, E-stem, A/O-stem, U-stem Titel Headings-  !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~      !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~      !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~      !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~      !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~      !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~      !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~      !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~      !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~                           ! 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