ࡱ> M bjbj== .WWx7&lB"8<4!FF"hhhhhhf h h h h h h $" $\ hhhhh hh!h,hhf hf f f h: Vy% xf f !0!f $ $f Barabbas Remembered It is frustratingly difficult to assess the historical value of the Barabbas episode, not least since the name is uncannily akin to that of Jesus . . . and the custom of releasing a prisoner at Passover . . . is otherwise unknown J. D. G. Dunn Barabbas is undoubtedly one of the most enigmatic characters in the whole gospel tradition. He appears fleetingly in all four gospels, playing a cameo role in the Roman interrogation of Jesus (Mark 15.5-15 par., John 18.38-40), then exits as quickly as he entered, to be noted only once more in Acts 3.14. But who was he? And, more importantly, why did early Christians remember him? This paper aims to explore these questions, in dedication to a wonderful Doktorvater who was always generous with his time, constant in his support, and gracious in his criticisms. It was under Jimmys inspiring guidance that I took my first tentative steps in the controversial yet fascinating puzzle that is the Roman trial of Jesus. I hope that this short essay can act as a tiny measure of gratitude. Who was Barabbas? There is little scholarly agreement over Barabbas. Researchers take their place on a spectrum, with those who accept the gospel record broadly as it stands at one end, and those who regard the story as a legendary development at the other. Upholders of the historicity of the biblical text argue that Barabbas was a freedom-fighter, a brigand chief. Mustering a raft of similar customs from the ancient world, they claim that a Passover amnesty might well have existed, that it was the kind of thing that a Roman governor could have inaugurated (or continued) as a gesture of good will, a special concession, or a safety valve for public opinion at festival time, and that there is nothing historically improbable in the gospel accounts. Some try to link the insurrection in which Barabbas was apprehended (Mark 15.7, Luke 23.19, 25) with one of the many tumults outlined by Josephus and Philo at the time of Pilate, though clearly the dearth of evidence precludes firm identification. The difficulty with this view, however, is that it does not pay enough attention to the profound historical problems encountered within the scene. Paramount as the quotation from Jimmy at the beginning of this essay indicates - is the complete lack of evidence for a regular amnesty in Judaea at this (or indeed any) period. It is not enough simply to dismiss this lack of evidence as an argument from silence: in his Antiquties of the Jews, Josephus was particularly keen to highlight Roman concessions to his compatriots; if he had known of such a custom it is virtually certain that he would have mentioned it. Furthermore, it seems highly improbable that any Roman governor would allow himself to be compelled by a regular amnesty to release a prisoner of the crowds choosing at the tense and politically volatile feast of Passover. Less crucial, though indicative of the difficulties involved, are the discrepancies between the four gospels over the nature of the release and Barabbas crime. At the other end of the spectrum, Barabbas has been seen as the creation of the evangelists. Here there are a number of alternative theories. On the basis of his name (probably a Greek rendering of the Aramaic Son of the Father) and a number of manuscripts of Matthew which give his personal name as Jesus, H. A. Rigg and H. Z. Maccoby independently concluded that Barabbas was none other than Jesus of Nazareth, his presence in the trial narrative being either the result of Christian confusion (so Rigg) or deliberate distortion (so Maccoby). Others have looked to Jewish history or to the Scriptures for the background to Barabbas. Loisy famously suggested that the episode was modelled on Agrippa Is visit to Alexandria in 38 when anti-Jewish citizens dressed up a lunatic named Karabas in mock-kingly regalia in order to ridicule the Jewish prince. J. D. Crossan argued that Mark created the Barabbas incident as a symbolic dramatization of the fate of Jerusalem during the revolt of 66-70, when the city chose to accept the insurrectionary Zealots over the unarmed Saviour, Jesus. D. R. Aus suggested that the Barabbas story was created by early Jewish Christians as a haggadic interpretation of the popular Esther story. And most recently, drawing on Graeco-Roman curative exit rites, J. K. Berenson Maclean claimed that the episode grew out of the scapegoat ritual of Lev 16, with Barabbas functioning as a literary scapegoat and foil to Jesus. Again, all of these theories are problematic. While Crossan and Berenson Maclean may have captured something of the role of Barabbas in individual gospels (as we shall see below), the fundamental problem with attempts to see Barabbas as nothing more than a literary creation is the fact that the scene is found in all four gospels. There is broad general agreement amongst New Testament scholars that the general framework of the Passion Narrative was put together remarkably early. Although there are clearly quite far-reaching differences in detail and emphases between various retellings of the story, the invention of a new character at such an early date (well within the lifetime of eyewitnesses) seems unlikely. Marks slightly awkward the one called Barabbas (ho legomenos Barabbas) suggests a well-known figure, as perhaps too does Matt. 27.16. Furthermore, the differences between the various gospels in their presentations of Barabbas (as we shall see in the latter part of this paper), suggests a relatively long period of reflection and development. In view of these difficulties, most scholars have found themselves somewhere between the two extremes and accepted some degree of historicity. Perhaps there was some confusion over which Jesus was to be brought to trial and the prefect needed to seek clarification. Or perhaps Pilate granted a one-off amnesty to a prisoner and the evangelists, removed from a Palestinian context, simply assumed that it was an annual event. Or maybe a man called Barabbas was arrested after some kind of a disturbance and was released (possibly due to lack of evidence) at about the same time as Jesus was sentenced. Christians may have reflected on the apparent injustice of Jesus execution and Barabbas release, with the two events becoming conflated in Christian consciousness. This would have been all the easier if the earliest Aramaic speaking Christians noted a certain irony in the patronymic Barabbas, a name which (as Jimmy notes) could so easily have also described Jesus of Nazareth. Perhaps too (though this is much more speculative) there was an appeal to Pilate by the Jewish authorities. Did they know an innocent man had been wrongly apprehended? Did they use their influence to have him released? And might this lie behind the recollection that the Jewish leaders were on the side of Barabbas? Or, more darkly, did followers of Barabbas manage to persuade the governor that the charges against him were groundless, and did the earliest Christians reproach themselves for not having had the courage to do the same for their master? Already, though, we have gone further than is methodologically proper. The historical likelihood is that there was an historical person called Barabbas, that he was released by Pilate around the time of Jesus, and that Christians reflected on the injustice of his liberation and Jesus condemnation. Beyond this, it would be unwise to venture. Is this, then, where we must leave Barabbas and his story? Is he nothing more than a shadowy historical figure? I would like to suggest that what is most significant about Barabbas is not so much the man who found himself in front of Pilates tribunal in roughly 30 CE (about whom at best only traces remain), but the four subtly different literary Barabbases of the gospels. Jimmys work on Jesus, I propose, may offer a more fruitful way of analysing not so much the Barabbas of history but Barabbas remembered. Barabbas Remembered One of the most impressive, and undoubtedly far reaching, aspects of Jimmys Jesus Remembered is his insistence that we cannot piece together an objective account of the historical Jesus. Right from the very beginning, disciples stories bore witness to the impact that their encounter with Jesus had on their lives. Thus tradition was, from the very first, a creation of faith and provides us not so much with an account of the Jesus of Nazareth who walked the hills of Galilee, as Jesus as he was remembered (though clearly the two are linked). Jimmy puts great stress on orality: even though, like most scholars, he accepts that the passion narrative was probably fixed at a relatively early date, and despite the fact that Matthew and Luke clearly worked with a written version of Mark, he argues that some of the variants may be due not simply to literary redaction, but the incorporation of oral versions of some of the stories as they were known in their own churches. The gospels, then, bear witness to the lively retellings of the Jesus story within the earliest churches. Much of this can also be applied to Barabbas. As we saw above, the search for the real Barabbas does not get us very far. There is simply not enough data from which to reconstruct the real man, his crime, and his precise connection to the Jesus story. What we do have, though, are Christian memories of Barabbas memories which were retained not because of what they told the earliest churches about a Jerusalem criminal, but because of what those stories said about Jesus. Alterations in the stories are due, no doubt in part, to literary editing, but also presumably bear witness to a long tradition of oral performance in which, though the bare bones of the story were constant, the details of Barabbas crime, the Passover amnesty, and the contrast between the two men, ebbed and flowed with the particular concerns of various Christian groups. The remainder of this essay is an examination of Barabbas as he was remembered as his story was retold by four of the greatest early Christian storytellers the four evangelists. Barabbas in Mark How did Mark, or the tradition he inherited, remember Barabbas? A striking feature of Marks narrative is the parallelism between the Jewish and Roman trials (Mk 14.53, 55-65; 15.1-15). Both involve two charges, a general one, and a more specific one regarding Jesus identity (though they are reversed in the Roman interrogation where the question whether Jesus is the King of the Jews precedes the general charges of the chief priests). In both scenes, Jesus counters the general charge with silence (14.60-61; 15.5) but answers the question regarding his identity (14.62, 15.2). Both too culminate in mockery appropriate to each setting, so Jesus is ridiculed as a prophet after the Jewish trial (14.65), and as king after the Roman (15.16-20). Finally, both involve a contrast between Jesus and another person: Peter in the Jewish trial, Barabbas in the Roman. Both contrasts revolve around three questions (14:67, 69, 70; 15:9, 12, 14), a common storytelling technique, and both are devoid of scriptural parallels, suggesting that themes other than scriptural fulfilment are uppermost at this point. Adela Y. Collins is surely correct in her assertion that both are examples of rhetorical sunkrisis, or comparison, cast in narrative form. The contrasts teach Marks readers something about Jesus and their own response. So, in the Jewish trial, Jesus is the model to follow, openly accepting his messiahship even before the High Priest, while outside in the courtyard Peter frantically denies everything to a mere serving girl and her companions, even to the point of cursing Jesus name. If Marks readers were themselves experiencing persecution, as is often supposed, then the contrast between Jesus behaviour and that of Peter would have been very clear, and very relevant, to their own situation. But what of Barabbas? The relatively lengthy scene dominates the Roman trial (ten verses as opposed to the five verses dedicated to Jesus initial interrogation). Remarkably, in a gospel which constantly redefines what it means to be Messiah, chapter 15 is saturated with references to kingship (15.2, 9, 12, 18, 26, 32). Mark appropriately makes use of the Roman setting to contrast Jesus with a kingly leader of an altogether different type  a lsts, a bandit or insurrectionary, one of the brigands whose activities litter the pages of Josephus in the years prior to and during the Jewish war of 66-70. Barabbas, we are told, is bound (dedemenos) in prison, alongside the  rebels or  bandits (lstai) who had committed murder in the insurrection (15.7). The reference to  binding immeditately links him to Jesus, who was also  bound (dsantes) in 15.1. And while this rather awkward formulation lends a certain ambiguity to his guilt, he is certainly tarred with an insurrectionary brush. To Mark s readers, the differences between the two men are abundantly clear. Jesus specifically contrasted himself with a lsts at his arrest:  Have you come out as against a robber (lsts), with swords and clubs to capture me? (14.48). His answer to the tribute question (12.13-17) and insistence on voluntary suffering (8.34-38) make it quite clear that he is no political activist. The two men embody quite different ideas of what it means to be Messiah, or King of the Jews: one a political aspirant, the other a suffering servant. Hearing this story around about the time of the Jewish revolt, Marks audience could not possibly miss the heavy irony in the Jews choice of Barabbas. Rather than accept the teachings of Jesus, the majority of Jews put their trust in rebels and bandits, with disastrous results. The Jesus/Barabbas contrast shows that their allegiance should not be to transitory revolutionaries and political rebels (the people who got the Jews into so much trouble, and perhaps still plague Marks hearers, 13.21-22) but to the true King of the Jews. Peter and Barabbas, then, each in their own way, form a contrast to Jesus, one that speaks to the situation of Marks particular audience. While Peter is a sympathetic character, however, who, despite his betrayal, is finally reinstated (16.7), Barabbas is an irredeemably negative example. He stands for all those who have led the Jewish people into revolution and bloody civil war, whose desire for power and self-aggrandisement (even if couched in nationalistic terms) can only lead to destruction. Barabbas in Matthew While Matthew follows Marks Jewish trial closely, altering the story only slightly to highlight the culpability of the Jewish leaders, he rearranges the Roman trial quite considerably, making a number of unique additions. Running throughout the narrative is the haunting question of guilt: who is responsible for the death of Jesus? Each actor attempts to absolve himself from guilt: Judas confesses his sin and hangs himself (27.3-10); Pilate washes his hands and declares his own innocence (Matt 27.24; cf Deut 21.1-9); until finally all the people accept responsibility with the chilling words, his blood be on us and on our children (27.25). Rome is not absolved of complicity, but it is clear that for Matthew the prime movers in the execution of Jesus were none other than his own people and their leaders. The story of Barabbas too exhibits a number of alterations from the Markan telling. Most strikingly, the two men have been completely de-politicised. Jesus is offered to the crowd not as the politically explosive King of the Jews, but with the religious title Christ, or Messiah (27.17, 22). And Barabbas is no longed tinged with insurrectionary activity, but is simply a famous or well-known prisoner (epismos, 27.16). As Ulrich Luz notes, attempts to give the word a negative connotation (such as  infamous or  notorious ) depart from its common meaning. Of course, it might be argued that Matthew s hearers would be familiar with the Marking telling of this story, but there is absolutely no indication in this gospel that Barabbas is to be seen in a negative light. In fact, what is remarkable here are the similarities between the two men. Not only could the phrase  famous prisoner (desmion epismon) also be applied to Jesus, but the name of the second prisoner was quite probably Jesus Barabbas. Matthew shows a particular interest in the etymologies of names (he explains Jesus in 1.21, Emmanuel in 1.23, and Peter in 16.18); and although he does not explain Barabbas name here, it seems unlikely that the irony of the name and its application to both prisoners would have been lost on him. A final redactional change emphasises the element of choice: Pilates initial question is recast as Whom do you want me to release for you, Jesus Barabbas or Jesus who is called Christ? (27.17); the evangelist adds another dramatic question in v.21: Which of the two do you want me to release for you?; and the chief priests keep both men in view as they persuaded the people to ask for Barabbas and destroy Jesus (v. 20). The overall effect of these alterations is that the Jewish crowd are given a choice between two famous prisoners: Jesus called Barabbas, or Jesus who is called Christ. On one level, Matthews presentation makes sure that extraneous details concerning Barabbas do not interfere with the people s decision. In v.17 they gather (the verb here, sunagM, is the same as that used to describe the assembly of the Jewish council in 26.3 and 26.57), and persuaded by their chief priests, present their choice clearly and unambiguously. In fact, the passive imperative, staurMthtM, in v.22 ( Let him be crucified ) gives the impression that the crowd itself is passing judgement. Only later does a riot threaten to break out and shatter the quiet, composed scene. The effect of all this is that Matthew presents the crowd rejecting their Messiah in the full knowledge of what it is doing. There can be no excuses: no suggestion that they preferred a freedom fighter, or that they were caught off guard by Pilates repeated use of the provocative title King of the Jews (both impressions which could be derived from Mark). Instead, influenced by their leaders, the Jewish people have rejected their Messiah as presumably Jews known to Matthews hearers continued to do in their own day. The focus is not on the one chosen, but on the one rejected, the Christ. But there is also another level in Matthew, one which has borrowed motifs and images from the Temple and its ritual, elements which would have been familiar to the evangelist and his Jewish-Christian audience. Reading Matthews Barabbas scene, it is difficult not to hear echoes of the Day of Atonement ritual in Lev 16:7-10, 21-2 and its later interpretations in Barnabas 7 and m.Yoma 6.1. The later accounts make it clear that the two goats were to be as similar as possible. Barnabas, dating to the late first century, says the goats shall be alike, beautiful and equal (homoious tous tragous kai kalous, isous; 7.10a). Similarly m.Yoma 6.1 states: the two he-goats of the Day of Atonement should be alike in appearance, in size, and in value, and have been bought at the same time. As Lester Grabbe notes, the most likely explanation as to why so many ancient authors mention details not in Lev 16 is that they draw on details of the actual ceremony as it was carried out at the end of the Second Temple Period. The similarity of the two prisoners, then, corresponding to halakhic ruling regarding the goats, coupled with the element of choice (evoking themes of lottery/election) might well have recalled Yom Kippur. This is all the more likely given Matthews general framework: 1.21 contains a prophecy that Jesus will save his people from their sin, and 26.28 makes it clear that Jesus himself is the sacrifice which is poured out for the forgiveness of sin. Jesus death, then, in effect, takes the place of the ritual of Yom Kippur. Once Jesus was seen as the one who effected atonement (a development which, as Jimmy points out, may have occurred quite early) both goats, the Scapegoat and the immolated goat, could be seen as figures for Christ. A long tradition of church fathers read Matthew in this way, some linking Jesus with the sacrificial goat (which fits better with Matt 26.28), others equating him with the Scapegoat, and most linking him in some way or another with both goats. Barabbas, then, as a distinctive character has virtually disappeared from Matthews retelling. He has a double function within the story. On one level, he allows the Jewish people a choice for or against their Messiah. But on another, he almost mirrors Jesus, symbolically evoking the rites of Lev 16, and so surrounding Jesus death with profoundly cultic significance. Barabbas in Luke Luke changes Marks narrative quite considerably, transforming the two trials into one uniform process involving four scenes: an early morning gathering of the chief priests (Luke 23.66-71); a preliminary hearing in front of Pilate (23.1-6); an interrogation before Herod Antipas (23.7-12); and a return to Pilate for sentencing (23.13-25). The narrative has two overriding concerns: (a) to show Jesus innocence and (b) to minimise Roman involvement in Jesus execution while stressing the complicity of both the Jewish people and their leaders. In pursuit of (a), Luke carefully lists the charges against Jesus in 23.2 charges which the earlier narrative have shown to be false. He also uses both Pilate and Antipas as high status witnesses to Jesus innocence Pilate explicitly three times (23.4, 14, 22) and Antipas implicitly by returning the prisoner (23.15); together they provide the witnesses required by Deut 19.15. The fact that the earlier narrative stressed the harshness of both men (3.19-20, 9.7-9, 13.31; 13.1-3) makes their judgement regarding Jesus all the more striking and significant. In pursuit of (b), it is clear throughout that the driving force behind Jesus execution are the Jews, both the people and their leaders. Three times Pilate declares Jesus innocent (23.4, 15, 22), and three times he tries to release him (23.16, 20, 22), but the chief priests (23.5), later allied with the people (23.18) refuse to accept his verdict. Finally, Pilate weakly bows to public pressure rather than risk a riot, and in the end gives sentence that the demands of the people be granted (23.24). Both apologetic aims have a bearing on Lukes Barabbas who, broadly following Marks outline, makes his entry in the final scene of the trial narrative. Jesus has been sent back from Antipas and Pilate summons the chief priests, rulers and people, telling them that he intends chastising Jesus and then letting him go. The audience, however, refuse to accept the prefects verdict: Away with this man, and release to us Barabbas they cry (v.18). What is striking about Lukes retelling of the story is the complete omission of any mention of a Passover amnesty (v.17 is regarded by virtually all scholars as an addition). Did Luke chose to omit it (it was, after all in Mark)? Or did the retelling of the story with which he was familiar not include the story? Whichever was the case, the spontaneous call for Barabbas incriminates the Jewish crowd as fully as possible. There was no need to link the fate of Jesus with that of anyone else. Pilate judged the case, declared him innocent and intended to release him. The Jewish call for the release of Barabbas is completely unwarranted. Furthermore, while the Markan crowds could claim that they were stirred up to shout for Barabbas by their priestly leaders (Mark 15.11), this element is missing from Luke. The crowd quite spontaneously and inexplicably shout for another prisoner. And what a prioner he is: Lukes description of Barabbas as a man involved in an insurrection and murder, 23.19, 25 (and Acts 3.14) is clearly derived from Mark, but the evangelist has tidied up his sources ambiguities and brought the threat closer to home with the detail that the insurrection was started in the city (v.19). Jesus is indeed numbered with transgressors (Luke 22.37, citing Isa 53.12), as he himself predicted before his arrest. Lukes Barabbas, then, is a violent criminal who forms a stark contrast with Jesus. Ironically, the Jewish choice of an insurrectionary exposes their own nationalistic hopes and gives the lie to their charges against Jesus in 23.2. Lukes repetition of Barabbas crimes in v.25 underlines once again and with great dramatic effect, the crowds incomprehensible choice of a dangerous criminal, an insurgent and murderer, rather than Jesus, the innocent martyr. With the demand of Barabbas, injustice has truly triumphed in the governors court. Barabbas in John Johns trial narrative is very different to those of the Synoptics. After the briefest of Jewish interrogations, Jesus is brought before Pilate for the start of a seven-scene trial in which the chief priests remain outside the praetorium, Jesus is taken inside, and the prefect is forced to move between the two. Like Mark, with which it shares a number of motifs, Johns Roman trial is littered with references to kingship (the word basileus occurs nine times), suggesting that an exploration of Jesus kingship will be an important component of the narrative. In contrast to the synoptics, the Barabbas scene in John has been very much scaled down. While it accounted for two-thirds of the Markan narrative, John has pared it down to only two and a half verses (18.38b-40; comprising the third scene), leaving some to suggest that he has incorporated it only because it is traditional. This, however, misses the fact that what John has done is to scatter material associated with the Barabbas episode throughout a number of scenes. So, for example, while the Barabbas scene itself focuses on the choice between the two prisoners (neither of whom are present), the cry of the Jewish leaders for Jesus crucifixion occurs two scenes later, after Jesus has been scourged (19.4-7), cries they repeat again in the highly explosive final scene where their demands for crucifixion are accompanied by the blasphemous acceptance of the kingship of Caesar (19.12-15). The Barabbas motif, then, is still important to Johns gospel, though the evangelists literary artistry means that the character himself has been limited to just one short scene. Once he has served his purpose he disappears from the narrative (John does not even tell us whether Pilate released him). The scene opens with Pilate who, after declaring Jesus innocent (18.38), reminds the Jewish leaders of the Passover amnesty, a custom which he identifies as their own (18.39). Perhaps the evangelist wanted to show that, even at this late stage, the Jewish leaders could have shown clemency. But Pilates question (Will you have me release for you the King of the Jews?) can hardly be taken seriously. These are the same men who handed Jesus over for execution in 18.28-32 (there is no neutral crowd in Johns gospel), and the reference to King of the Jews on the Romans lips can only be contemptuous and mocking. The reader can hardly be surprised when the Jews reject his offer, calling instead for the release of a previously unknown prisoner, Barabbas, whom John identifies dramatically in the very last word of the scene as a lsts. But what exactly does John mean by this? Most scholars, drawing on the use of the word by Josephus and the fuller accounts of Barabbas crimes in the synoptics, assume once more that Barabbas is an insurrectionary, a social bandit, or guerrilla. It is certainly true that the contrast between Jesus divine kingship and a more wordly, nationalistic conception of kingship is a dominant one in the trial narrative (18.36, 19.11). Indeed, the narrative goes so far as to make comparisons between Jesus and the Emperor (he is mocked as an imperial, purple-clad figure in 19.1-4, and the Jewish threat in 19.12 reminds Pilate that the actual King of the Jews is none other than Caesar). It would be quite possible, then, to read lsts as a political insurrectionary, and perhaps on one level this is what John intends. Yet it is surely curious that the only other time that lsts is used in the gospel it has its more usual meaning of a  robber (the word literally means  one who takes booty; 10.1, 8). Significantly, these verses are found in the Good Shepherd discourse (10.1-18), a passage with great relevance for Johns presentation of the passion (11.51-2, 15.13, 18.37, 20.16). There Jesus contrasts himself, the Good Shepherd, with thieves and robbers (kleptai . . . kai lstai), people who come only  to steal and kill and destroy (10.10), hirelings, who do not own the sheep (10.12-13). Given the strong scriptural connection between shepherds and rulers (2 Sam 7.7-8, Is 40.11, Jer 31.10, Ezek 34.11-16), the discourse points to Jesus as the true ruler of his people in contrast to the Jewish leadership who have led the people astray. If the discourse lies behind the Barabbas scene, then the use of the word may have a double function. The Jewish leadership prefer a criminal to their true King, while simultaneously aligninging themselves with thieves and robbers, underlining once again their lack of true leadership. Afterword The evangelists were fundamentally uninterested in the person of Barabbas. He is remembered at all only insofar as he can be used to say something about Jesus, the central character of all the narratives. The way in which he can be adapted and shaped by the story shows how fluid the traditions surrounding him were, even at a time when written records were beginning to take shape. So for Mark he was an insurrectionary, for Matthew a famous prisoner remarkably similar to Jesus, for Luke a murderer and rabble-rouser whose obvious guilt threw Jesus innocence into sharp relief, and for John a common criminal. These different pictures of Barabbas quite probably derive from lively oral traditions, seeking to make sense of the Messiah and his death, drawing on and transforming a historical character who was originally only loosely connected with Jesus last hours. The gospels provide four snapshots of the different ways in which Barabbas was remembered by the late first century church. Modern rememberings of Barabbas, transposed in time and context from the gospels, might see him symbolically as the first of the many whose lives were ransomed by Jesus. Such developments, while not explicitly authorised by the evangelists, testify to the vitality of biblical characters and their afterlives, and the power of memory continually to readapt and recreate.  J. D. G. Dunn, Jesus Remembered (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003) 775, n.67  On the proposed parallels in Assyria, Babylonia, Greece, Rome, Egypt, and the Talmud (some more likely than others) see discussions in S. Langdon, The Release of a Prisoner at the Passover, ET 29 (1917-8): 328-30; J. Merkel, Die Begnadigung am Passahfeste, ZNW 6 (1905): 293-316; C. B. Chavel, The Releasing of a Prisoner on the Eve of Passover in Ancient Jerusalem, JBL 60 (1941): 273-8; and R. E. Brown, The Death of the Messiah: From Gethsemane to the Grave (New York: Doubleday, 1994) 1: 814-20. R. L. Merritts detailed survey of parallels is often cited (though ironically he believed that the Barabbas scene was created by the evangelists), Jesus Barabbas and the Paschal Pardon JBL 104 (1985): 57-68, esp. 62-7.  See for example, J. Blinzler, The Trial of Jesus (Cork: Mercier Press, 1959) 205-21; A. Bajsic, Pilatus, Jesus und Barabbas, Bib 48 (1967):7-28; F. F. Bruce, New Testament History (London: Oliphants, 1969) 193-4; E. Bammel, The Trial before Pilate in Jesus and the Politics of His Day (ed. E. Bammel and C. F. D. Moule. Cambridge: CUP, 1984) 426-8; D. Flusser with R. Steven Notley, The Sage from Galilee (4th ed.: Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2007) 153-5; C. S. Keener, A Commentary on the Gospel of Matthew (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999) 668-70.  See G. Theissen, The Gospels in Context (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1992) 183. A rather extreme attempt to reconstruct Barabbas arrest was proposed by A. Vicent Cernuda, La condena inopinada de Jess. I. Pesquisa sobre la identidad de Barrabs EstBib 48 (1990): 375-422.  So also S. G. F. Brandon, The Trial of Jesus of Nazareth (London: Batsford, 1968) 101; M. D. Hooker, A Commentary on the Gospel According to St Mark (London: A & C Black), 368; S. Lgasse, The Trial of Jesus (London: SCM, 1997) 68. J. D. Crossan cites Philo, Against Flaccus 81-4 who notes that a governor might postpone an execution until after a festival, or even allow a criminals family to bury his body, but there is no hint that a governor might order a reprieve, let alone a regular amnesty, Jesus: A Revolutionary Biography (San Francisco: Harper San Francisco, 1994), 140-143.  See the discussion in R. E. Brown, Death, 793-803, 807-14.  The extant MS evidence is actually quite weak, but Origens reverential assumption that the many MSS in his day (c. 240 CE) which omitted the name were correct (because no sinner in the whole of scripture bore the same name as Jesus) provides a good reason why the name was deleted (In Matt. 122). See the discussion in B. M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament (UBS, 1971), 67-68. On the possibility that Jesus Barabbas also appeared in Mark, see V. Taylor, The Gospel According to St Mark. London: Macmillan, 1953, 581. The name Barabbas is well-attested for the first century; see I. Abrahams, Studies in Pharisaism and the Gospels. (Cambridge: CUP, 1924) 2:101-2, who suggests Abba may be an abbreviation of Abraham.  H. A. Rigg, Barabbas, JBL 64 (1965), 417-56; H. Z. Maccoby, Jesus and Barabbas, NTS 16 (1970) 55-60. Further arguments in support of this thesis were supplied by S. L. Davies, Who is Called Bar Abbas? NTS 27, 260-2 and R. L. Merritt, Jesus Barabbas.  A. Loisy, Les vangiles Synoptiques II, Paris: 1908, 644 (Philo, In Flacc. 36-38).  J. D. Crossan, The Historical Jesus: The Life of a Mediterranean Jewish Peasant (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1991) 390; Revolutionary Biography, 141-3.  R. D. Aus, The Release of Barabbas (Mark 15:6-15 par.; John 18.39-40), and Judaic Traditions on the Book of Esther in Barabbas, Esther and Other Studies in the Judaic Illumination of Earliest Christianity (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992) 1-27 and Caught in the Act, Walking on the Sea, and the Release of Barabbas Revisited (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1998).  J.K. Berenson Maclean, Barabbas, the Scapegoat ritual, and the Development of the Passion Narrative, HTR 100 (2007), 309-34. For a broadly similar, though much less tightly argued, identification, see A. H. Wratislaw, The Scapegoat-Barabbas, ET 3 (1891-2), 400-3.  See also Brown, Death, 1:812. Of course, the Passover amnesty is also found in three gospels (including Mark and John), suggesting that it too is an early tradition. But for the reasons outlined above, I would be reluctant to see it as historical. Once a contrast between the two prisoners had been set up, the creation of an amnesty as a literary device is relatively easy to understand.  So G. Theissen, after discussing a number of possibilities, Gospels, 182.  So, for example, S. G. F. Brandon, The Trial of Jesus of Nazareth (London: Batsford, 1968) 93-103; M. D. Hooker, Mark, 369; U. Luz, Matthew 21-28: A Commentary (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2005), 498.  So A. E. J. Rawlinson, The Gospel According to St Mark (London: Methuen, 1925) 227-8; P. Winter, On the Trial of Jesus (2nd ed.: rev. and ed. T. A. Burkill and G. Vermes: Berlin: de Gruyter, 1974) 134-5.  So, for example, J. Gnilka, Der Prozess Jesu nach den Berichten des Markus und Matthus in Der Prozess gegen Jesus. Historische Rckfrage und theologische Deutung. (ed. K. Kertelge. Freiburg, 1988); S. Lgasse, Trial, 69; R. E. Brown, Death 1.819-20; W. D. Davies and D. C. Allison, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Gospel According to St Matthew (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1997), 3:583; H. K. Bond, Pontius Pilate in History and Interpretation, Cambridge: CUP, 1998, 199-200.  J. D. G. Dunn, Jesus Remembered, 126.  See Jesus Remembered, pp. 125-36, 173-254. On orality, see also Altering the Default Setting: Re-envisaging the Early Transmission of the Jesus Tradition, NTS 49 (2003):139-75.  See J. Gnilka, Prozeߒ, 12-13; C. Myers, Binding the Strong Man: A Political Reading of Marks Story of Jesus (New York: Orbis, 1988) 369-71; H. K. Bond, Caiaphas: Judge of Jesus and Friend of Rome? (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2004)  On the heavy use of scriptural allusion elsewhere in the Passion Narrative, see D. J. Moo, The Old Testament in the Gospel Passion Narratives (Sheffield: Almond Press, 1983) and J.Marcus, The Old Testament in the Death of Jesus: The Role of Scripture in the Passion Narratives in The Death of Jesus in Early Christianity (eds. J. T. Carroll and J. B. Green. Massachussets: Hendrickson, 1995) 205-233. Neither list any parallels for these sections in Mark.  A. Y. Collins, Mark: A Commentary (Hermeneia. Fortress: 2007) 721 and A. Borrell, The Good News of Peters Denial (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1998). The most famous practitioner of this, of course, was Plutarch in his Lives.  G. W. H. Lampe, St Peters Denial, BJRL 55 (1973):346-68, especially 352-54, argues that the three-fold question here echoes that of the Christian martyrs of Pliny, Ep. 10.96.3 and Mart. Polyc. 9-10.  See for example War 1.204, 311, 2.253-4, 585. On the use of lstai as bandits/insurrectionaries, see R. MacMullen, Enemies of the Roman Order (Cambridge: HUP, 1967), 255-68 and R. A. Horsley and J. S. Hanson, Bandits, Prophets and Messiahs: Popular Movements in the Time of Jesus (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1988), 48-87.  So R. H. Gundry, Mark: A Commentary on his Apology for the Cross (Rand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1993) 923. He also suggests that the rather awkward ho legomenos sets up another parallel with Pilates use of legete to refer to Jesus in v.12.  Meta can be used both when a person is physically with others but not part of the group (for example, Luke 22.37, 24.51) and when a person is part of the group (for example, Mark 14.67). On the basis of the odd wording, Winter argued for Barabbas innocence (Trial, 138-40); the ambiguity regarding his guilt, however, may simply be to allow Pilate to release him without losing credibility (see my Pilate, 109-16).  What distinguishes my reading from that of Crossan (above) is that I am reading this as Marks dramatic presentation. I do not wish to go on from this to make historical judgements about the scene. For a similar reading of Mark, see A. Y. Collins, Mark, 714-22.  See my Caiaphas, 125-7.  On this passage, which is doubtless links Jewish retribution to the fall of Jerusalem, see Brown, Death, 831-9.  U. Luz, Matthew, 491. Another word of specific context is always required to give a negative sense; see, for example, Josephus (War 2.585) on John of Gischala and other opponents in Galilee.  See note 6 above. The name may simply be traditional, as most commentators suppose, but it is equally possible that the evangelist added it specifically to heighten the similarity between the two men; so also D. Stkl Ben Ezra, The Impact of Yom Kippur on Early Christianity: The Day of Atonement from Second Temple Judaism to the Fifth Century (Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003) 168, n.109 and J. K. Berenson MacLean, Barabbas, 325. It is certainly a Matthean trait to add names, see 9.9, 26.3 and 57 (the latter two references are to the high priest Caiaphas and almost certainly reflect historical memory).  I agree here with Luz (Matthew, 496, n. 38) against Brown (Death, 1.797) who suggests that Matthew omits the potentially compromising association of Jesus with an uprising for political reasons. Matthews sole focus is on the Jews rejection of their Messiah.  So also W. D. Davies and D. C. Allison, Matthew, 586.  It is clear from the preservation of Matt 5.23 that Matthews congregation had maintained some connection with the Temple. D. Stkl Ben Ezra notes the remarkable conservativeness of communities regarding their rituals, Yom Kippur, 213-27.  L. Grabbe finds connections with Lev 16 in a range of late Jewish and Christian literature, though he does not discuss Matthew, The Scapegoat Tradition: A Study in Early Jewish Interpretation JSJ 18 (1987), 152-67; see also D. Stkl Ben Ezra, Yom Kippur, 147-171.  Noted by Crossan, Revolutionary, 143-52 (he argues that a reworking of the Yom Kippur rituals lies behind all accounts of Jesus passion, see especially The Cross that Spoke [1988]). On Barnabas see J. Carleton Paget, The Epistle of Barnabas (Tbingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1994), esp. 136-40 and D. Stkl Ben Ezra, Yom Kippur, 148-55. See also Justin, Dial. 40.4 and Tertuallian, Ag. Marcion 3.7:7-8, Ag. The Jews 14.9-10.  L. Grabbe, Scapegoat, 164.  See W. Carter, Matthew: Storyteller, Interpreter, Evangelist (rev. ed.: Massachusetts: Hendrickson, 2004) 586.  When Did the Understanding of Jesus Death as an Atoning Sacrifice First Emerge? in Israels God and Rebeccas Children: Christology and Community in Early Christianity (eds.: D. B. Capes, A. D. DeConick, H. K. Bond and T. A. Miller; Waco: Baylor, 2007), 169-81.  See also Heb 9.11-14.  See D. S Stkl Ben Ezra, 155-61 and J.K. Berenson Maclean, Barabbas, 317-21. H. Koester notes that the cloak in Mt 27.28 is scarlet, which he suggests may be an allusion to the scarlet wool tied around the scapegoat. This would then equate Jesus with both goats, Ancient Christian Gospels (London: SCM, 1990), 225-6.  The question of Lukes use of a source in addition to Mark has often been raised (see for example I. H. Marshall, The Gospel of Luke [Exeter: Paternoster, 1978] 852, 858, J. Nolland, Luke 18:35-24:53 [Dallas: Word, 1993] 1129). I consider it highly unlikely that Luke made use of another written account of the trial in addition to Mark (see also J. A. Fitzmyer, The Gospel According to Luke (X-XXIV). [New York: Doubleday, 1985] 1487, 1488), though it is likely that he knew several oral retellings of events.  Jewish complicity is underlined at Luke 24.20, Acts 2.23, 36, 4.10, 13.28. Lukes attitude towards the Jews is complex; clearly his presentation of Jesus as a prophet demands that he be rejected by his own people, though they quickly become uneasy at what has been done (23.27-31, 35) and it is clear from Acts that the door is still open to those who repent. See my Caiaphas, 109-11.  Most think the verse was added by a scribe who wished to bring the account into line with Mark 15.6 and Matt 27.15. See B. Metzger, Textual, 179-80.  That John was familiar with a version of the Barabbas narrative similar to that in the synoptics may be indicated by the palin in 18.40; C. K. Barrett, of course, assumes that John knew Mark, The Gospel According to John (London: SPCK, 1978. 2nd edn.). There are several verbal agreements between John and Luke at this point, possibly indicating a shared oral tradition (see R. E. Brown, Death, 86-92; also J. Nolland, Luke, 1129).  18.33; 37 (twice); 39; 19.3, 12, 14, and 15 (twice); basileia is used three times in 18.36. Elsewhere in the gospel kingdom language occurs only three times (1.49, 6.15, 12.13-15).  For example, B. Lindars, The Gospel of John (London: Oliphants, 1972) 561.  A number of commentators think that the leaders have been joined by a crowd, though there is no evidence for this in the text. See for example D. A. Carson, The Gospel According to John (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991) 595; G. Beasley-Murray, John (Nashville: Nelson, 1999. 2nd edn.) 332.  See D. Rensberger, Overcoming the World: Politics and Community in the Gospel of John (London: SPCK, 1989), 92-95; H. K. Bond, Pilate, 180-2; A. Lincoln, The Gospel According to St John (London: Continuum, 2005) 464.  For example, R. Bultmann, The Gospel of John: A Commentary (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1971) 657, n. 5; C. K. Barrett, Gospel, 539; B. Lindars, The Gospel of John (London: Oliphants, 1972) 562-3; G. R. Beasley-Murray, John, 333; A. Lincoln, Gospel, 563; C. S. Keener, The Gospel of John: A Commentary (Massachusetts: Hendrickson, 2003) 2:1117; and B. J. Malina and R. l. Rohrbaugh, Social-Science Commentary on the Gospel of John (Minnesota: Fortress, 1998) 262-3.  The connection with this passage is noted by a number of commentators, for example R. Schnackenberg, The Gospel According to St John (London: Burns and Oates, 1982) 3:253; B. Lindars, Gospel, 563 and A. Lincoln, Gospel, 64.  See B. van Iersel, Reading Mark. Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1989, 180-181; L. W. Hurtado, Mark. Massachusetts: Hendrickson, 1989, 259; D. L. Bock, Luke Vol. 2: 9:51-24.53. Grand Rapids:: Baker, 1833-4.  It is not, however, out of keeping with Mk 10.45 and 14.24.     PAGE  PAGE 20   #5     _`89'(^_HIDV09vw""##H%I%%%''~))..00r0{0002245@5t6v66667B7T8d8x8z899::: ;>> j0JU6]j0J6U6 6CJaJZ "#5  F!G!N#O#c#''+++d d^`dd$da$+22|6~6>>@@A A=D>DMMTTc\d\]]]=d>d;kAACCFF6G8G6INIIIMJRJ\J]JKKNNO"OPP6T7TTSUTUUU V VbVjVVVVVXXXXFZGZZZ[[`\a\c\d\]@_A_``ffFnMnmnsnnn"o*oDYZu*^mOUXpˑБ5dƓPu͔̔"H* 6CJ]CJj0JCJU6 j0JU6]X"%Еѕܕ%&6wƖǖ@12)+?@QVƚǚ 8DEWٛڛ<QTVM~ƝDpϞX[noޟ 7de01H*j0JCJU6] j0JUCJ 6CJ]Y1?ƚٛnd0ݣ%թGjpXw1AS 8<ʣգݣޣ6Dؤ`%&8g)ĩ̩թ֩9>GHQXɪ̪ cjkpq]`6 j0JU 6CJ]CJj0JCJU6]Yư-8BNXYwx@ /LMҵԶMNƸиѸV]gh)E\^ PXлѻؼ02>?SŽڽ5U 'GH* j0JU6]` LMиgл>&`#$ȿSr'+`w0JmHnHu0J j0JU jU j0JU6](,1h. 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