ࡱ>  xzopqrstuvw bjbj ?jjMl  8ldLb҈҈҈qqq;======$D daq1@qqqa҈҈_v0q҈҈;q;++҈ x|?'<K?Women in the workforce: calibrating census microdata against gold standards Mexico, 1990-2000 Robert McCaa, Albert Esteve, Rodolfo Gutirrez and Gabriela Vsquez University of Minnesota Population Center (rmccaa@umn.edu) Calibrate, v. 1864. a. trans. To determine the caliber of; spec. to try the bore of a thermometer tube or similar instrument, so as to allow in graduating it for any irregularities: to graduate a gauge of any kind with allowance for its irregularities. The Oxford English Dictionary Online (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2001). Abstract. Census microdata are becoming readily available for many countries, thanks to a new openness by statistical agencies and to various national, regional, and international integration projects. As the data become more usable, they must be calibrated, if they are to be used well. In the case of Mexican censuses, the female labor force participation rate is one of the most heavily criticized statistics of all. For more than two decades the published figures have been subjected to such withering criticism that few scholars dare use them. Microdata present the researcher with almost limitless analytical possibilitiesif they are not rejected out of hand. This paper compares the Mexican census microdata samples for 1990 and 2000 available from IPUMS-International against two gold standards: the national urban employment surveys (conducted quarterly since 1987) and the national employment surveys (begun in 1989 and conducted annually since 1995). From this preliminary analysis the 1990 and 2000 census microdata prove to be remarkably robust, so much so that calibration by experts would seem to be warranted. The 2000 census, thanks to the addition of a second question on activity is particularly successful in capturing secondary economic activity by homemakers, students, and unpaid family laborers. For the 2000 census microdata researchers are cautioned to apply weights (factor de ponderacin) supplied by the Mexican statistical office (INEGI) and included with the IPUMS-International microdata. INEGI statisticians used a stratified cluster design so that processing of a 10% sample (10 million person records) could be completed within 15 months of enumeration day. Summary. In 1990, the global labor force participation rate for Mexican females aged 12-64 (FLFP) was 20.6%, according to the national census taken in March. The national urban employment survey (ENEU) reported a figure of 34.8% (January through March quarter). Ten years later, according to the census of 2000, the female labor force participation rate had risen by more than one-half to 32.9%, but the figure from the employment survey soared, reaching 41.7%. From a simple comparison of such global figures the 1990 census data were dismissed as inaccurate, and over the ensuing decade neither the published census tables nor the census microdata sample of individuals was much used to study the economic position of Mexican women (Vsquez, Gutirrez and McCaa, 2000). The 2000 census data are now available and a glaring disparity between the global figures for the census and survey remains, notwithstanding remarkable efforts by Mexican census officials to improve the quality of reporting precisely on females in the workforce. The apparent 14.2 percentage point disparity of 1990 was reduced to 10.4 in 2000. However, the real difference in 20010 shrinks to an insignificant 1.5 percentage points, by simply controlling for sampling frame, as this paper will demonstrate. A decade earlier the real disparity was only 5.8, when the census figure is computed for the sixteen cities covered by the urban employment survey (Jusidman and Eternod 1995:9 place the disparity at 5.5). That the ENEU is limited to urban places is well know, but that has not dissuaded researchers from using the ENEU to discredit the national census figures, as noted below. For the first time in 2000, it is possible compare the ENE, a truly national employment survey, against census microdata for the same year. The analysis is instructive, although additional unpublished information on the survey is required if an accurate calibration is to be made. Meanwhile, before the 2000 census data on female labor suffers the same neglect as those for 1990, detailed scrutiny of this data source is called for. ...this study shows the vast analytical possibilities of the census sample, which in spite of being only one percent [Mexico 1990], is of a size several times larger than surveys. It is the source of choice to explore complex hypotheses which require a great mass of data. Crtes Cceres and Rubacalva Ramos (1994, 56) Reality check. The Integrated Public Use Microdata Series International project (IPUMS-International) proposes to deliver large census samples of individuals and households integrated according to uniform standards for many countries of the world and for all censuses, where the microdata have survived. For most countries, such as Mexico, where the first sample was drawn over 40 years ago, census microdata series cover the last decades of the twentieth century. Are census microdata of sufficient quality to be useful? Given the complexities of census concepts and cultural variations between countries, researchers might dismiss integrating census samples overtime and even more so between countries. With respect to women's work, we are spurred on, in part, by research emphasizing the benefits to be gained by comparative analysis based on census data (Schultz 1990). Then too, it is precisely at the microdata level where prospects for harmonization are best. Here a variety of controls and checks may be taken into account at the individual level to overcome disparities that are impossible to remove from published tables. Mexican census data are the largest, richest datasets available for the study of the Mexican population in the last decades of the twentieth century (Table 1). From 1960, they provide the only comparable data over any extended chronological period. In contrast, most sample surveys fail to maintain consistent coverage, questions, or phrasing for longer than a decade or two. Few pretend to attain truly national coverage, not even the so called national urban employment survey (referred to hereinafter as ENEU or urban survey). In 1990 the ENEU covered sixteen metropolitan areas, now expanded to forty-seven. Smaller places where three-fourths of the population resided in 1990 were outside the sampling frame. Census microdata usually do not have these shortcomings. They constitute nationally representative samples. Indeed for the 2000 census, to assure tolerable sampling errors for all but the smallest municipalities, a high density, stratified cluster design based on enumeration areas (AGEB) was used, yielding over ten million cases, or ten percent of the population. For historians interested in long-term change, the Mexican census microdata are intriguing because many concepts in the censuses remain remarkably constant over decades. Although questions about employment are modified at least slightly from one census to another (Altimir 1974, Kessing 1977, Morelos 1993, Garca 1994a), there is remarkable consistency both in content and quality of coverage between the censuses of 1970, 1990 and 2000. In contrast, the censuses of 1960 and 1980 are generally regarded as of lower quality and not as uniform (Morelos 1972, Garca 1973, Altimir 1974, Kessing 1977, Rendn and Salas 1986, 1987, Morelos 1993, Garca 1994a, Jusidman and Eternod 1995). In 1988, INEGI conducted the first National Employment Survey (hereinafter, ENE or national survey), followed by a second in 1991. Annual frequency became the rule in 1995. The ENE seeks to attain national representativeness, but for the list of places surveyed in the 2000 sample it too seems to have an urban bias. Unfortunately, the geographical coding scheme used for the ENE does not readily facilitate matching of places surveyed with census identifier, nor is there a size of place variable. A revised version of this paper will take into account size of place, once a municipality-by-municipality, if not AGEB-by-AGEB, match of the 2000 census microdata with the ENE survey is completed. Table 1. Selected microdata samples of Mexico, 1960 2000YearSample Size Density (% of total population)Census Microdata1960502,7021.51970480,2651.01990802,7741.0200010,099,18210.0National urban employment survey (ENEU, quarterly since 1987)1990172,2330.22000562,4710.6National employment survey (ENE, 1988, 1991, 1993, 1995, annual)2000588,9120.6Note: Urban employment surveys (ENEU) cited here are for the first quarter of the year. For the 2000 national survey (ENE) field work was conducted April-June, 2000. No sample was drawn for the 1980 census due to damage caused by the 1985 earthquake. nevertheless the microdata for 29 of 32 federal entities have been preserved. In the censuses of 1970 and 1990, the economically active population was defined as anyone who had realized at least one hour of economic activity in the week preceding the census in exchange for remuneration, salary, or payment in money or kind. The definition specifically includes individuals who were temporarily out of work for any reason or who worked without pay for a family enterprise or as an apprentice or trainee. Both censuses consistently coded homemakers, students, and the retiredthat is, those who implicitly answered no to all the work categories under distinct rubrics so these important sub-groups of the population could be analyzed separately. Since 1970 the basic labor activity question offers eight options, in the following order: worked, looked for work, looked for work for the first time, studied, kept house, was retired, disabled, or other. In addition, the 1970 schedule requested number of weeks worked during the previous year, and the 1990 and 2000 enumerations requested the number of hours worked in the past week. Both censuses were conducted during slow months in the agricultural cycle, but the fact that the 1970 census occurred in January and the 1990 in March may be unsettling to some researchers. The 2000 enumeration was carried out in late February. The long-form for the 2000 census of Mexico includes new or expanded modules on economic activity as well as migration, health insurance, education, and income. The labor force module is expanded to two questions: "condition of activity" and "verification of condition" (Table 2). The first question is identical to the lay-out for 1990, with the exception that on the 2000 form there is no time referent ("one hour" in 1990) and the word "principal", included for the first time in 1990, was dropped for 2000. The 1990 enumeration, with principal inserted (perhaps to enhance comparability with labor force surveys) had the unfortunate effect of filtering out those for whom economic activity was secondary, such as homemakers, students, idlers, retirees, and others. Table 2. Mexicos economically active female population: censuses and employment surveys for 1990 and 2000 compared (percents computed with weighted data)19902000CategoryENEU Urban CensusENEU UrbanENE National CensusHeading on form-Principal activity--Condition of activityPeriod of reference1 hour last week1 hour last week1 hour last week1 hour last week last weekWorked in reference period28.719.836.734.327.5Had worked 1.40.32.51.80.4Looked for work 0.80.51.10.80.3Searched for work----0.0Student who worked----0.5Housewife who worked----3.7Retired who worked----0.0Other who worked----0.4No reply but verification reveals worked----0.0Helped in non-family business w/o pay0.0-0.00.0-Helped in family business without pay2.5-1.11.6-Did not work, but was paid1.8-1.7--Will return to work or begin to work (active if less than 4 weeks)?0.2-0.20.2-Global female activity rate (%)*34.820.643.339.832.916 cities global female activity rate (%)34.829.041.7-40.2Females aged 12-64 years (n)62,248269,306166,582212,8903,431,89216 cities as in ENEU 1990 (n)62,24863,929124,051-951,042Field work conductedJan-MarMarJan-MarApr-JunFeb*may not sum due to rounding. Sources: Instituto Nacional de Estdistica, Geografa e Informtica (INEGI). Encuesta Nacional de Empleo Urbano (ENEU), Aguascalientes: 1990 and 2000; Encuesta Nacional de Empleo (ENE), Aguascalientes: 2000; Matthew Sobek, Steven Ruggles, Robert McCaa, et al., Integrated Public Use Microdata Series-International: Preliminary Version 0.1 Minneapolis: Minnesota Population Center University of Minnesota, 2002. The IPUMS-International datasets are integrated versions of INEGIs Cdice 90: Muestra del uno porciento del XI censo de poblacin, 1990, Aguascalientes: 1994; Contar 2000. Muestra del diez porciento del XII censo de poblacin, 2000 (cuestionario ampliado), Aguascalientes: 2001. For the 2000 census, the addition of a question on the long form entitled "verification of condition" was a significant innovation. The verification question had seven options: helped work without pay, helped in family business or not, sold some product, made a product to be sold, helped in farming or ranching, did something in exchange for pay, or did not work. Aside from the last, an affirmative response qualified the individual as "economically active". To assist working with the sample, a double digit coding scheme was designed to take into account answers to both questions. The first digit indicates the conventional coding for "condition of activity" and the second a "recovered" coding ("rescatado" according to the documentation) for homemakers, students, the retired and others who worked according to the verification question but responded as not working on the activity question (codes >10<20). The IPUMS-International coding scheme for employment status faithfully respects this detail (EMPPSTAT, codes 1101-1105). Counting recovered homemaker-workers as economically active increases the global rate for females by one-eighth to 31.9%. The category "classified primarily as students but who were verified as working" adds 0.5% points. In all, the global rate rises from 28.2 to 32.9% once "verification of condition" is taken into account. Table 2 also demonstrates the importance of sampling frame. As noted by Jusidman and Eternod (1995:7) "las encuestas tienen un sesgo marcadamente urbano" [the surveys have a markedly urban bias]. The national urban employment survey covered just sixteen of Mexico's larger cities in 1990, rising to 47 in 2000. The census, on the other hand, covered the entire country from the largest megalopolis to the smallest hamlet. Recomputing a census global rate for the sixteen cities reduces the disparity in 1990 from 14.2 to 5.8 points. A decade later, the percentage point difference shrinks from 10.4 to 1.5. A litany of criticism. Prior to the 2000 enumeration no census called for much probing with respect to real work, and no question was asked about multiple jobs. Working students were likely to be classified as students, and not as workers, just as homemakers who worked for pay sporadically at other times in the year were unlikely to be classified as members of the workforce. The most comprehensive critique of the 1990 census data concludes that they are most reliable regarding full-time work, but are deficient with respect to part-time jobs, marginal employment, and the employment of women (Garca 1993, 1994a, 1994b; Jusidman and Eternod 1995, Garca Guzmn, Blanco Snchez and Gmez Muoz 1999). Nonetheless, census microdata offer the greatest number of cases for the largest number of variables over the longest period of time of any source, including the both the urban and national employment survey (ENEU, see Table 1) as well as all other economic and demographic surveys. More generally, Len (1985) offers a sustained critique of the shortcomings of Latin American censuses in reporting womens work as well as some of the most extensive suggestions on how census questions might be improved or additional data collected. As Len notes, the principal problem derives from the fact that questions on work were designed with males in mind and on the model of advanced economies with stable jobs, standardized hours, routinized tasks, and invariant calendars (perhaps, in the case of the advanced economies, these conditions may no longer be true even for males). Under such circumstances, defining mens work is little affected by educational attainment, marital condition, place of residence, length of labor, etc. For women the obverse is true. All these factors condition the perception of womens labor and whether or how it is recorded on the form (Acosta 1995). As is well known married women who contribute to the market labor of husbands are less likely to be recorded as working, as are dependent children, particularly females. Then too, women whose work activities are less formally defined (such as preparing meals for field-hands), due to a sporadic calendar (periods between child bearing), irregular hours (as household and child-care demands permit), ill-defined locales (from the door of the home or a spot on a busy intersection), or implicit monetary value (tool repair, provision of food or shelter) are all likely to be reported as not working (inactiva). Women often do a great variety of jobs, but censuses rarely permit more than a single response and usually insist that such information refer to a short interval such as the week prior. For wage labor, a single hours work suffices to qualify as working (activa), but for unpaid family labor the threshold might be 15, 20 or even 35 hours (Len 1985:212). The result is that much womens work goes untabulated in census publications, but may be teased out of the census microdata. Len calls for substantial changes in the wording of census questions on work, the administration of the questionnaire, and the tabulation of the data. As an alternative she offers an in-depth survey using a battery of specially designed open-ended questions to elicit as much detail as possible. She confesses that the collection and processing of such data would be extremely costly and could never be attempted on a national scale (Len 1985:221). She concludes her critique with an appeal to the academic community to aid in the effort to improve the conceptualization and collection of basic data on this subject (que la comunidad acadmica y particularmente la comunidad de los investigadores, debe apoyar los esfuerzos encaminados a mejorar la conceptualizacin y recoleccin de los datos bsicos). While reform of census questionnaires is an on-going matter, in the meantime should not the rather massive amounts of available census microdata be mined for all they are worth? We challenge researchers to exploit national census microdata to resolve, at least partially, this conundrum. The objective should be to develop an array of indicators about production and reproduction derived from multiple regularly collected details on the household and co-resident individuals which address not only the economists strict definition of labor force participation but also the sociologist and social historians interest in issues of social reproduction, gender equity, power relations within the family, and how these change over time (see Rico de Alonso 1985). Indeed, much of the data on both production and reproduction sought by Len is already available in microdata census samples, although not normally available in census publications. While the microdata on womens work are far from perfect, our understanding may be much improved by reanalyzing them to take into account the work contribution of women in artisanal and agricultural households, and the balancing of tasks of production and reproduction discernible in the work and demographic characteristics of co-resident family members. Then too, work may be seen as a social identity as well as an indicator of economic activity. When women do not report occupations, it may be because their social identity is tied to something other than work or the workplace. Instead of waiting until a perfect questionnaire is designed, we propose to exploit intensively the already available census microdata. Historians, in particular, are accustomed to making do with available sources. Rarely able to call upon their subjects to enhance the paper trail, historians instead try to design ways of making data speak to the issues. During the past week did you work to provide for your family or to cover some of your own expenses for at least an hour or a day? Encuesta Nacional de Empleo, Cuestionario Bsico, ENE-03 Survey versus census. Making the Mexican census microdata speak about female labor force participation is a considerable challenge, prior to the 2000 enumeration. With respect to 1990, the results from the census contrasts starkly with the figure given by the employment survey for the first quarter of that year. Instead of the census figure of 20.6 percent (computed from the microdata sample), the survey reports 34.6 percent of women aged 12-64 as in the labor-force. The published census figure was a bit worse at 19.9% for it includes women 65 years of age and older. The census figure was immediately dismissed as wholly unreliable with respect to both the magnitude and rate of change. If the published figures were true, this would mean that from 1970 to 1990 the proportion of women in the workforce increased a mere two percentage points! The census data on womens workpublished as well as microhave rarely been touched since, other than to note their shortcomings (Garcia 1994b, Jusidman and Eternod 1995, Garca Guzmn, Blanco Snchez and Gmez Muoz 1999). Reconciling these differences might seem a considerable challenge, but in fact, by taking into account a single, wholly obvious control, the gross difference of 14.2 percentage points between survey and census shrinks to 5.8. While the census data are national, the sample universe for the employment survey was sixteen metropolitan areas. The global figure for females jumps from 20.6 to 29.0% (Table 3), when census microdata are tabulated for places of 500,000 inhabitants or more (the census microdata sample does not identify cities or other "minor" administrative units). An additional 0.8% can be shaved away by taking into account differences in educational composition between survey and census (as table 3 shows the survey has too many highly educated women and too few with no education at all or who stopped with as little as nine years of schooling) and another 0.6% by taking into account marital status (the survey reports too few married women and too many single, widowed, divorced and separated). Age structure differences are too slight to make much of an impact, but they are reported in table 3 for the sake of completeness. The remaining 4.2 percentage points are a real, substantial difference. It may be explained by the fact that the employment survey, a finely honed tool which takes into account international standards for this specialized instrument, asks a battery of eight questions to ascertain labor force participation. Indeed the first question might be considered something of a trick because it enquires not whether the respondent worked, but what he or she did last week and how many hours were involved. Schooling, home-making, and volunteer activities are options, but not work. Twenty-eight questions later hours worked is requested. Interviewers, instead of unpaid secondary students performing a social service as for the census, are trained, paid professionals for the employment surveys. While the general content of survey and census questions are in harmony, the survey probes relentlessly to obtain reliable, comparable figures on participation, unemployment and under-employment. Table 3. Employment Survey and Census Microdata, Mexico, 1990: Urban Females by Schooling, Marital Status and Age  CharacteristicUrban Population structure (%)Urban Activity rate (%)SurveyCensusSurveyCensusTotal10010034.8 29.0Education0-5 years 20.921.729.3 20.16-8 years34.734.827.6 21.1 9 years20.424.331.3 37.910+ years23.919.353.1 42.2Marital StatusNot in a union (single, widowed, separated or divorced)51.849.641.4 36.9In a union (includes civil, religious and consensual unions)48.250.427.7 21.3Age12-149.49.7 4.9 2.715-1917.517.726.2 22.920-2414.516.046.1 39.425-2912.413.045.9 39.930-3411.010.945.5 37.635-399.59.142.2 36.440-447.26.841.3 32.445-495.85.637.3 27.650-545.34.531.5 23.055-594.13.524.8 17.460-643.33.116.6 12.9Sample size 62,24863,929100.0100.0Source: Instituto Nacional de Estdistica y Censos. Cdice 90. Muestra del uno porciento del XI censo de poblacin, 1990 urban areas of 500,000+ population and Encuesta Nacional de Empleo Urbano (ENEU_190). Aguascalientes: INEGI, 1990 (refers to 16 metropolitan areas). Note: In 1990, census day was March 16. The survey, ENEU_190, applies to the January March quarter of 1990. Survey data weights are those supplied by INEGI (factor de ponderacin), multiplied by the coefficient 0.006121 to maintain the sample population size. A small number of cases with missing data are excluded from the analysis. Of course, urban Mexico is not national Mexico. The urban employment survey is entirely adequate for its purposes, but it does not report national figures (notwithstanding the insertion of national in its title), norgiven the sample design and sizeshould it be expected too. Table 4 compares the 1990 national census microdata sample with the urban employment survey. The table shows that the fraction of Mexican women with little or no schooling is significantly greater than the proportion in the employment survey (37 vs 21%), while those with more than nine years of instruction is scarcely half that of the survey. This is not surprising, because educational opportunity is highly skewed in Mexico, to the advantage of large cities. Moreover, educated women resident in rural areas are also more likely to migrate to towns and cities. Nor does the employment survey reflect well the statistics on the marital situation of Mexican women. Table 4. National versus Urban Samples, Mexico, 1990: Activity Rates for Females by Schooling, Marital Status and Age  CharacteristicPopulation structure (%)Activity rate (%)Urban SurveyNational CensusUrban SurveyNational CensusTotal10010034.820.6Education0-5 years 20.937.2 29.310.96-8 years34.832.0 27.616.0 9 years20.417.7 31.334.010+ years23.913.1 53.141.0Marital StatusNot in a union (single, widowed, separated or divorced)51.846.5 41.427.4In a union (includes civil, religious and consensual unions)48.253.5 27.714.6Age12-14 9.411.6  4.93.415-1917.518.2 26.218.120-2414.515.1 46.129.325-2912.412.4 45.928.730-3411.010.4 45.526.735-39 9.58.842.225.040-44 7.26.6 41.322.445-49 5.85.6 37.318.550-54 5.34.6 31.515.555-59 4.13.6 24.811.860-64 3.33.1 16.69.2Sample size (females aged 12-64) 62,248269,306100.0100.0Sources: See table 3. In 1990, the cities sheltered a higher proportion of single women and those no longer in marital unions, as they have since colonial times. Likewise the age structure of the survey displays its urban orgins, where lower fertility has led to a considerably older population than in rural areas. Two-thirds of the difference in the global activity rate between census (20.6 for all women vs. 29.0 for urban) and survey (34.9) is accounted for by sample frame, according to decomposition analysis using multi-way standardization. Of the 14.2 percentage point difference, 8.4 are due to the urban design of the survey, and an additional 1.6 is due to structural differences between the samples in terms of schooling (0.8), marital status (0.6) and age (0.2). A scant thirty percent of the difference is due to the use of more refined instruments, trained interviewers, and the like. In contrast, it has long been held that the difference "es de tal magnitud, que difcilmente podra ser atribuida a la distinta naturaleza de las fuentes" (Garca 1992:23 [the difference is of such magnitud that it would be difficult to explain as due to the different nature of the sources]). This thinking persists in the literature (Garca Guzmn, Blanco Snchez and Gmez Muoz 1999:279), notwithstanding the analysis by Jusidman and Eternod (1995) suggesting that two-thirds of the difference is readily explained by the restricted sampling frame of the urban employment survey, and only one-third to the nature of the instruments. Moreover even the employment surveys are not strictly comparable over the 1990s because of the inclusion of thirty-one more cities over the decade. Simple logistic regression equations for the samples in Tables 3 and 4 tell the same story. Restricting attention to women in metropolitan areas (Table 3) with activity the dependent variable and the census microdata sample as the contrast value for source, the odds ratio is 1.29, while controlling for schooling, marital status, and age. Comparing national data from the census against the urban survey causes the source effect to balloon to 1.69. In other words sampling frame bias (1.69-1.29 = 0.4) is greater than the instrument effect (0.29)--all without taking into account well-known interactions between economic activity, marital status and educational attainment. In 2000, the gross disparity between census and urban survey is smaller, only 8.4 points, but the census global female labor force participation rate (32.9) is still only three-fourths of that of the urban employment survey (details not shown). The disparity shrinks to 1.3 points, when analysis is limited for both sources to the urban subset of 16 metropolitan areas, as in 1990. Standardizing for education, age and marital status marginally increases the disparity to 1.9 points because in 2000, the census urban sample contains a larger fraction than the employment survey of women with nine or more years of education. Thanks to the use of the "verification of condition" question on the 2000 census form the female rate in the census attains 95% of the gold standard. Due to the detail in the 2000 census more refined analysis is possible, even for individual cities. The general point remains that under-estimation by the census is reduced from twenty-five to five percent by taking into account sampling frame. In 2000, both a census and a national employment survey (ENE) was conducted, barely three months apart. A comparison of the results (Table 5) reveals significant differences, not only in the global participation rate, but also by schooling, marital status and age. Since the ENE dataset lack state codes (entidad federal in Mexican statistical parlance), a more detailed analysis is not possible at this time. With size of place taken into account, it will be possible to determine the extent to which these differences are due to geography, business/agricultural cycle, or precision of the instruments. Table 5. National Survey (ENE) versus National Census, Mexico, 2000: Activity Rates for Females by Schooling, Marital Status and Age (weighted percent) CharacteristicPopulation structure (%)Activity rate (%)SurveyCensusSurveyCensusTotal10010038.232.9Years of Schooling0-5 years 27.627.631.623.36-8 years37.330.136.024.9 9 years15.927.739.538.910+ years19.214.751.045.0Marital StatusSingle, widowed, separated or divorced45.145.243.239.0Married (civil, religious or consensual)54.954.834.127.6Age12-149.59.59.55.315-1915.015.130.124.920-2413.414.242.937.825-2912.012.846.740.330-3410.911.246.341.135-3910.110.047.742.840-448.88.148.541.745-496.96.443.637.250-545.55.337.431.555-594.34.032.924.760-643.73.523.718.9Sample size (females aged 12-64) 212,8903,431,891100.0100.0 Conclusion. As a reality check, this preliminary exercise underscores some of the strengths of the national census microdata. They prove to be surprisingly informative, even with respect to one of the most difficult to measure variables, women in the labor force. Then too, with the microdata a variety of other variables may be taken into account to analyze more interesting questions, such as the quality of jobs, levels of compensation and so on. As the census microdata integration project continues, additional variables should be subjected to testing. In the meantime, the results of this preliminary analysis are promising. Note to discussant: In the interest of time and because the session is methodological, the oral presentation of the following will be limited to a brief presentation of figures 1 and 2. Postscript. It would be an error to interpret in an automatic way the increase in female labor force participation as a synonym of dynamism in the creation of stable and well remunerated jobs.Garca (1993, 141) Chorus of calamity, 1970-2000. A review of the literature on Mexican female labor force leaves ones ears ringing from a chorus of calamity, harping back almost a half century (reviewed by Kessing 1977, Morelos 1970, noted by Gregory 1986, Garca 1988, Chant 1991, Welti and Rodrguez 1994, Garca Guzmn, Blanco Snchez and Gmez Muoz 1999). For males, declining crude participation rates are attributed to job stagnation in times of crisis (Rendn and Salas 1987), while the feminizacin of the workforce is explained by the need of women to defend the household against prolonged economic crisis (Rubin-Kurtzman 1991, Garca 1992, 1993), or a battle for survival (Bustos and Palacios 1994, Safa 1994, Barquet 1994, Rubalcava Ramos 1996). The growth of service sector employment (tercerizacin) is depicted as a sign of the failure of industry to absorb employment in pace with population growth (Garca 1988, 1993). Underemployment, precarious employment (precarizacin del trabajo), marginal employment (marginalidad), self-employment, informal employment (Garca 1988) and low salaries are not only seen as ubiquitous, but, if the published studies are accurate guides, always seem to be growing worse (Morelos 1970, Garca 1993, Mier y Tern 1992, Rendn and Salas 1987, 1993). It is alleged that by 1990 education was no longer rewarded in the workplace (Muoz Garca and Surez Zozaya 1990), although a more recent study contradicts this tentative finding (Vera and Bon, 1995). An overwhelmingly pessimistic tone pervades almost all analyses of the evolution of the Mexican workforce (Barquet 1994; Bustos 1994; Chant 1991; Garca 1993, 1995; Muoz Garca and Surez Zozaya 1990; Rendn and Salas 1987; for contrary interpretation see Kessing 1977 and Gregory 1986). The unanimity of these interpretations should discourage anyone from suggesting a contrary scenario, yet it seems to us that the data point in an entirely different direction from that offered by conventional explanations. We use the ten percent sample for 2000 and one percent samples from the 1970 and 1990 national censuses to raise questions about the pattern of economic activity at the individual level by age, sex, marital status, educational attainment, and a series of explanatory variables. The large number of cases allows one to construct complex models without fear of the data becoming too thin (Crtes Cceres and Rubacalva Ramos 1994, 56). This allows one to move from indirect inference to direct analysis of samples of the entire working age population of Mexico. Global figures, based on the Mexican standard of the population aged twelve years and older, suggest little change from 1970 to 1990, with labor force participation rates of males declining slightly from 70.3% to 69.2% and those of females, as we have seen, increasing by only 2.4 percentage points, from 17.5 to 19.9 percent. When the rates are examined by age, the decline for males is concentrated among youths (due to increasing rates of schooling) and the elderly (due to retirements). The school attendance rate for unmarried adolescent and adult males rose over two decades by one-third, yet it still fell far short of 50%. Even for young boys aged 12-14, although school attendance climbed one-third, it stood at only 81% in 1990. For males aged 15-19, the rate increased by more than one-half, and for 20-24 year olds by three-fourths. As recently as 1970, a much greater fraction of teenage males were at work instead of in school, according to the census. Now, they are increasingly in school rather than at work. Thus, the slight decline in the male crude labor force participation rate is wrongfully attributed to a stagnating economy, when increased schooling may be the more appropriate explanation. Then too, at the other end of the life cycle the proportion of the elderly listed as retired and pensioned has risen substantially. As a proportion of the entire male population of workforce age as defined by the census authorities (12 years or more), the retired population grew from 2.6 to 3.2%. To understand the salient forces behind this development we statistically decomposed the growth of the retired or pensioned population into five components: effects due to age, sex, marital status, education, and change over time. One-fourth of the increase in the overall rate of retirements is explained by aging, as plummeting fertility re-shapes the age structure of Mexico's population. Three-fourths of the general increment was due to higher rates of retirement among the elderly. As recently as 1970 over seventy-five percent of elderly males 65 years of age and older were listed with occupations and as economically active. This dropped one-third, to less than fifty percent in 1990. Finally, as a matter of perspective, the slight decline in the male labor force participation rate from 1970 to 1990 should be considered alongside the great increase in the absolute number of males in the work force, which grew from 10.2 million to 18.1 million. In 2000, the male work force exceeded 23.1 million and the recovered participation rate was 72.6% (or 70.2% according to the 1990 principal activity standard). Similar trends for females--in education at young ages and retirement at the older ones--are offset by the surge of women in the workforce in their twenties, so that overall the crude female labor force participation rate increased by more than ten percent from 1970 to 1990. At the same time the number of women working for pay more than doubled, increasing from 2.6 to 5.6 million. Mexican labor force analysts invariably attribute this rise to economic crisis, that women were pushed into the labor force to survive. A comparative analysis of the 1970, 1990 and 2000 census samples raises the question of whether instead we may not be viewing a growing number of educated women rushing into the workforce. Notwithstanding the enormous increase in the number of women working, martial status continues to determine whether Mexican women work (Barquet 1994:83), although the 2000 data suggest that the iron grip of marriage is beginning to weaken. Figure 1 near here Figure 1 depicts these striking differences (rates for males also by marital status are included in the lower panels for sake of comparison). In 1970 (data not reported here) single women were four-times more likely to work than married women. In that year, only ten percent of married women, irrespective of age, worked for pay, compared with forty percent or more of the single and widowed-separated-divorced. Two decades later (upper left panel) the curve for the single had risen ten to twenty percentage points at the prime ages and had taken on the convex shape characteristic of the male pattern, although still well below male proportions. Rates for married women swelled toward a convex form, approaching twenty percent for ages twenty-five through fortybut still well below the frequencies for not-currently married women. The 2000 census microdata reveal a jump in the rates of 20 points at the prime ages, including those of married women. Education and economic conditions explain the surge in the age pattern of female participation, not changing marriage rates. In 1970, less than ten percent of women in the work force had completed primary school. Two decades later with the absolute number of working women more than doubled, thirty-seven percent had completed at least a primary education. In real numbers a ten-fold increase was achieved in two decades. This was accomplished while the rate of school attendance of teenage girls and young adult women soared to unprecedented levels. Not surprisingly, the labor force participation rate of girls and young women declined. This was not due to a lack of work opportunities, but rather to a great increase in educational opportunities (as well as, one suspects, bonuses awarded to educated workers by the labor market). Figure 2 portrays female labor force participation rates by educational attainment, current marital status and age for 1990 and 2000. What is striking is that both current marital status and the number of years of schooling completed strongly influence whether women work for pay or not (the presence of young children are not taken into account here). However, the biggest increases from 1990 to 2000 are registered for women with less than seven years of schooling, a fact that is true regardless of marital condition. Rates doubled over the decade for married women with little schooling, from a ceiling of less than 10% at any age in 1990 (and also in 1970, according to the microdata sample for that census) to a floor in 2000 of 20% at ages 30-49. Unmarried women with little schooling show a fifteen point jump over the decade with 44-54% working at ages 20-54. At the higher reaches of school attainment (nine or more years of schooling completed) change was a matter of a few points at all ages, amounting to as much as ten only for women aged 50-64. For not currently married women the already high rates in 1990 barely budged in 2000, except for a filling out among the younger and older groups. Figure 2 near here Looking back to 1970 the decade of the 1990s may mark a turning point for women in the work force. From 1970 to 1990 there was little change in the pattern of participation in the work force for never-married women with no education. The rate hovered around twenty percent for ages 20-64 for both periods. Uneducated women had few work opportunities or incentives in 1970 and the situation remained unchanged in 1990. For uneducated, married women the rate also held constant, at less than ten percent for almost all ages. The absence of education excluded women from the labor force, regardless of their marital condition or survival needs. In contrast, women with primary or secondary education show a fifty percent increase for the never-married and nearly a one-hundred percent rise for the married (to sixty and twenty percent, respectively). The highest workforce participation levels were attained by women with the most education, reaching eighty percent for the never married and climbing to sixty percent for the married. Where others would blame the increase in female participation as due to economic crisis (Rubalcava Ramos 1996:97En Mxico, con la crisis ecnomica...[se di] el aumento en la participacin de las mujeres en el trabajo remunerado, en particular de las casadas), we question whether the increase may not be explained by the enormous improvement in educational attainment (and implicitly the growing demand for educated women in the labor market). As far as we are aware, there is only one author that even partially agrees with this diagnosis (Barquet 1994:83), although her study may exaggerate the frequency of married women in the work force. Uneducated women, whether married or not, essentially did not work for pay in 1970 nor in 1990. Women who did work for pay were the best prepared in terms of education. They were rewarded for their efforts. According to the 1993 employment survey the proportion of women receiving three times the minimum wage stood at 14.4 percent up from 9.1 percent in 1991. While the 1993 figure represents an enormous improvement in remuneration for women workers it still fell 25% short of the rate for males (Garca 1994a:31). Given the unanimous judgment of specialists in this field that the increase in female labor force rates is a strategy for survival, we pursued this line of analysis relentlessly, examining the condition of married women in great detail, using multi-way standardization and decomposition analysis. First consider the change in rates of home-making (quehaceres del hogar) for ever-married women. According to census definitions, homemakers are not economically active unless they worked for pay for at least one hour in the week preceding the census (or were searching for work or worked without pay in a family enterprise). For the decomposition analysis we included age, current marital condition (married or widowed-separated-divorced), education (none, some, post-primary), and fertility (0, 1, 2, or 3 or more children ever-born). If homemakers were scrambling to survive, one would hypothesize that home-making rates would decline for women most in need of sustenance: those with little or no education, the elderly, those from broken marriages, those who headed households or who were not married to the head, and those with more children. None of these hypotheses are supported by the microdata. The homemakers rate for ever-married women declined five percentage points overall from 86.0% in 1970 to 81.0% in 1990 (n=93,171 and 163,045, which given the constant sampling fractions of 1% represent 9.3 and 16.3 million women, respectively). The crude rates show that for uneducated married women, home-making increased by one point, while for those with some education there was an 0.5 decline, and for those with post-primary education the decline was a full six points. In 1970 this highly educated group accounted for only 6.1% of the total adult female population (0.5 million women), rising to 26.3% in 1990 (4.3 million). Education alone accounts for 84% of the decline in the general rate of homemaking, but the change is in the opposite direction to that hypothesized by the pessimists: more educated married women were more likely to enter the workforce than the less educated. The relation to head of household variable explains 13.5% of the increase, but here too the difference will disappoint the pessimists. The greatest increase is for women who were not the household head nor the spouse of the head. Aging of the population has the expected effect, but the change is slight, -1.1%. The fertility effect also contradicts pessimistic expectations, but the effect is weak in any case (-1.5%). Lower fertility means lower rates of homemaking, except for childless women whose rates declined but not as fast as women with one or two children everborn (although faster than those with three or more). Marital condition effects were slight and in the expected direction, -0.8%. Women from broken unions were much less likely to be homemakers. As expected a lower fraction were homemakers compared with married women (62% versus 84% in 1990, down from 70% and 88% in 1970). But women from broken unions were also more likely to be relatively well-educated. The remaining 4.1 percent decline is explained by the general change in homemaking rates or other factors not included in the model. The decomposition analysis shows that the operative condition is the level of education, not the current condition of the union. If education is the dominant factor in this web of interactions (education influences the timing and likelihood of marriage, as well as the likelihood of breaking up, and both of these are also intertwined with decisions to work), should not research pursue a more nuanced set of hypotheses instead of survival as the sole driving force behind the decreased rates of home-making? Of course, one may object that the census data do not accurately take into account the real work that women do, whether the women are homemakers or not (Garcia 1994a, Wainerman and Recchini de Lattes 1981). This criticism could be leveled at all censuses, not simply the 1990 round, or even Mexican or Latin American enumerations. There is evidence that the 1990 census is more biased against women in the work-force than the 1970 enumeration--due to the insertion of the word "principal" in the question on activity but even so substantial change is recorded. If we examine female labor force participation directly, we should not be surprised to find that here too, education is the essential factor for understanding change. For ever-married women their rate of employment as employees and workers (empleados y obreros, excluding those who worked on their own account (por su cuenta) or as day-laborers (jornaleros y peones), bosses (patron) and the like, more than doubled from 4.4 to 11.1% in 1970 and 1990, respectively. For those with no education the rate barely budged from 2.2 to 2.5%. For more educated women, the rate soared from 17.5% in 1970 to 26.3% two decades later. There are other forces influencing the likelihood of women working as employees and workers, but for the purposes of this paper, we will have succeeded if researchers are encouraged to use the data to test competing explanations over time. Education accounted for slightly over half of the overall change, but of the remainder almost 40 points remained unexplained after age, marital condition, relationship to head and fertility are included in the models. This large residual offers a challenge for researchers to weigh the relative importance of growing need versus opportunity in explaining increased participation rates. The labor-force literature on Mexico often argues that growing numbers of women seek refuge in the marginal sectors of the economy, particularly working on ones own account. Indeed one researcher asserts that this area alone accounts for almost the entire increase in female labor force participation (Garca 1993:141: Casi la totalidad del incremento en la actividad econmica femenina tiene lugar entonces en las ocupaciones manuales por cuenta propia que tienden a estar mal remuneradas o a ejercerse de manera no permanente). The census microdata for 1970 and 1990 do not support the argument that the near totality of the increase was due to growth in the marginal sector, although it is alleged that the survey data do. It is well known that the census data are of lower quality than surveys in this regard, but the former have the quality of a certain consistency in definitions over time and large sample size. Survey data are rarely reported with sufficient detail to allow the testing of complex hypotheses, indeed, frequently neither sample size nor sampling error are reported. Equally disturbing is the omission from models of critical variables, specifically marital status and education. Any parameterized model that omits these critical variables must be rejected out of hand because many of the coefficients are likely to prove spurious once marital status and education are taken into account. For the decade of the 1990s the surge in labor force participation rates, particularly for women with little education, does seem to support the conventional argument that the increase reflects a desperate struggle for survival by women least prepared in terms of schooling to reap substantial rewards from paid labor. Fortunately the census microdata offer the researcher a rich menu of economic and social indicators to test the opportunity vs. need hypotheses. What is already clear is that in the 1990s not only did the grip of marriage begin to slacken, but also that of schooling. Do the trends in female education and remunerative work suggest that patriarchy is crumbling in Mexico? If the astonishing speed with which the fertility transition was accomplished is a guide, one might forecast that a revolution is imminent in the workplace, as ever larger numbers of educated women take jobs, not wholly from necessity, but from a desire to work outside the home. 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Rendn, Teresa and Carlos Salas. 1986 La poblacin econmicamente activa en el censo de 1980. Comentarios crticos y una propuesta de ajuste, Estudios Demogrficos y Urbanos, 1:2 (mayo-ago), 291-309. 1987 Evolucin del empleo en Mxico, 1895-1980, Estudios Demogrficos y Urbanos, 2:2 (mayo-ago), 189-230. 1993 El empleo en Mxico en los ochenta. Tendencias y cambios, Comercio Exterior, 43:8 (ago), 717-730. Rico de Alonso, Ana. 1985 La familia en Colombia: Tipologas, crisis y el papel de la mujer, in Elssy Bonilla C. (comp.), Mujer y familia en Colombia, Bogot: Plaza & Janes Editores, 35-64. Rubalcava Ramos, Rosa Mara. 1996 Hogares con primaca de ingreso femenino, in Mara de la Paz Lpez B. (comp.) Hogares, familias: desigualdad, conflicto, redes solidarias y parentales. Mxico: Sociedad Mexicana de Demografa, 91-98. Rubin-Kurtzman, Jane R. 1991 Los determinantes de la oferta de trabajo femenino en la ciudad de Mxico, 1970, Estudios Demogrficos y Urbanos, 6:3(sep-dic), 545-582. 1993 Heterogeneidad ocupacional del empleo femenino en la ciudad de Mxico, 1970, Estudios Demogrficos y Urbanos, 8:1(ene-abr), 121-156. Safa, Helen. 1994 La mujer en America Latina: El impacto del cambio socio-econmico, in Bustos and Palacios (comps.), El trabajo femenino en Amrica Latina: los debates en la decada de los noventa. Guadalajara: Universidad de Guadalajara, 27-47. Schultz, T.P. 1990 Womens Changing Participation in the Labor Force: A World Perspective, Economic Development and Cultural Change 38:3, 457-88. Secretara de Trabajo y Previsin Social. 1992 Reunin de Expertos sobre Poblacin Econmicamente Activa. Mxico. Smith, Stanley K. 1981 Determinants of Female Labor Force Participation and Family Size in Mexico City, Economic Development and Cultural Change 30:1, 129-152. Sobek, Matthew; Steven Ruggles, Robert McCaa, et al., Integrated Public Use Microdata Series-International: Preliminary Version 0.1 Minneapolis: Minnesota Population Center University of Minnesota, 2002. Tenjo, Jaime. 1992 Labor markets, the wage gap and gender discrimination: the case of Colombia, in Case studies on womens employment and pay in Latin America. Washington: World Bank, p. 149-168 Tiefenthaler, Jill. 1994 A Multisector Model of Female Labor Force Participation: Empirical Evidence from Cebu Island, Philippines, Economic Development and Cultural Change 42:4(1994), 719-742. United Nations Economic Commission for Europe and the Statistical Office of the European Communities. 1998 Recommendations for the 2000 Censuses of Population and Housing in the ECE Region. New York and Geneva: Statistical Standards and Studies, No. 49. United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Statistical Division. 1990 International Standard Industrial Classification of All Economic Activities. New York. 1998 Principles and Recommendations for Population and Housing Censuses. New York. UNESCO. 1997 The International Standard Classification of Education (ESCED 1997). Paris. Vsquez, Gabriela, Robert McCaa, and Rodolfo Gutirrez. 2000 "La mujer mexicana econmicamente activa: son confiables los microdatos censales? Una prueba a travs de censos y encuestas. Mxico y los Estados Unidos, 1970-1990," Papeles de Poblacin, 6:25 (jul-sep), 151-177. Velzquez Uribe, Ma. Teresa. 1995 Los retos y perspectivas de la mujer en la educacin superior, V Reunin nacional de investigacin demogrfica en Mxico, Mexico: 2000. Vera, Gabriel and Jos A. Bon. 1995 El efecto de la expansin educativa sobre la distribucin del ingreso en Mxico: 1977-1984, V Reunin nacional de investigacin demogrfica en Mxico, 1995. Wainerman, Catalina and Zulma Recchini de Lattes. 1981 El trabajo femenino en el banquillo de los acusados. La medicin censal en Amrica Latina. Mexico City: Terranova/Population Council. Welti, Carlos and Beatriz Rodrguez. 1994 La investigacin en Mxico sobre participacin de la mujer en la actividad econmica en reas urbanas y los efectos en su condicin social, in Grupo Interdisciplinario Sobre Mujer, Trabajo y Pobreza, Las mujeres en la pobreza. Mexico: El Colegio de Mexico, 121-177.  Table 1. Selected microdata samples of Mexico, 1960 2000YearSample Size Density (% of total population)Census Microdata1960502,7021.51970480,2651.01990802,7741.0200010,099,18210.0National urban employment survey (ENEU, quarterly since 1987)1990172,2330.22000562,4710.6National employment survey (ENE, 1988, 1991, 1993, 1995, annual)2000588,9120.6Note: Urban employment surveys (ENEU) cited here are for the first quarter of the year. For the 2000 national survey (ENE) field work was conducted April-June, 2000. No sample was drawn for the 1980 census due to damage caused by the 1985 earthquake. nevertheless the microdata for 29 of 32 federal entities have been preserved.  Table 2. Mexicos economically active female population: censuses and employment surveys for 1990 and 2000 compared (percents computed with weighted data)19902000CategoryENEU Urban CensusENEU UrbanENE National CensusHeading on form-Principal activity--Condition of activityPeriod of reference1 hour last week1 hour last week1 hour last week1 hour last week last weekWorked in reference period28.719.836.734.327.5Had worked 1.40.32.51.80.4Looked for work 0.80.51.10.80.3Searched for work----0.0Student who worked----0.5Housewife who worked----3.7Retired who worked----0.0Other who worked----0.4No reply but verification reveals worked----0.0Helped in non-family business w/o pay0.0-0.00.0-Helped in family business without pay2.5-1.11.6-Did not work, but was paid1.8-1.7--Will return to work or begin to work (active if less than 4 weeks)?0.2-0.20.2-Global female activity rate (%)*34.620.643.339.832.916 cities global female activity rate (%)34.629.041.7-40.2Females aged 12-64 years (n)62,248269,306166,582212,8903,431,89216 cities as in ENEU 1990 (n)62,24863,929124,051-951,042Field work conductedJan-MarMarJan-MarApr-JunFeb*may not sum due to rounding. Sources: Instituto Nacional de Estdistica, Geografa e Informtica (INEGI). Encuesta Nacional de Empleo Urbano (ENEU), Aguascalientes: 1990 and 2000; Encuesta Nacional de Empleo (ENE), Aguascalientes: 2000; Matthew Sobek, Steven Ruggles, Robert McCaa, et al., Integrated Public Use Microdata Series-International: Preliminary Version 0.1 Minneapolis: Minnesota Population Center University of Minnesota, 2002. The IPUMS-International datasets are integrated versions of INEGIs Cdice 90: Muestra del uno porciento del XI censo de poblacin, 1990, Aguascalientes: 1994; Contar 2000. Muestra del diez porciento del XII censo de poblacin, 2000 (cuestrionario ampliado), Aguascalientes: 2001.  Table 3. Employment Survey and Census Microdata, Mexico, 1990: Urban Females by Schooling, Marital Status and Age (weighted percent) CharacteristicUrban Population structure (%)Urban Activity rate (%)SurveyCensusSurveyCensusTotal10010034.8 29.0Years of Schooling0-5 years 20.921.729.3 20.16-8 years34.734.827.6 21.1 9 years20.424.331.3 37.910+ years23.919.353.1 42.2Marital StatusNot in a union (single, widowed, separated or divorced)51.849.641.4 36.9In a union (includes civil, religious and consensual unions)48.250.427.7 21.3Age12-149.49.7 4.9 2.715-1917.517.726.2 22.920-2414.516.046.1 39.425-2912.413.045.9 39.930-3411.010.945.5 37.635-399.59.142.2 36.440-447.26.841.3 32.445-495.85.637.3 27.650-545.34.531.5 23.055-594.13.524.8 17.460-643.33.116.6 12.9Sample size 62,24863,929100.0100.0Source: Instituto Nacional de Estdistica y Censos. Cdice 90. Muestra del uno porciento del XI censo de poblacin, 1990 urban areas of 500,000+ population and Encuesta Nacional de Empleo Urbano (ENEU_190). Aguascalientes: INEGI, 1990 (refers to 16 metropolitan areas). Note: In 1990, census day was March 16. The survey, ENEU_190, applies to the January March quarter of 1990. Survey data weights are those supplied by INEGI (factor de ponderacin), multiplied by the coefficient 0.006121 to maintain the sample population size. A small number of cases with missing data are excluded from the analysis.  Table 4. National versus Urban Samples, Mexico, 1990: Activity Rates for Females by Schooling, Marital Status and Age (weighted percent) CharacteristicPopulation structure (%)Activity rate (%)Urban SurveyNational CensusUrban SurveyNational CensusTotal10010034.820.6Years of Schooling0-5 years 20.937.2 29.310.96-8 years34.832.0 27.616.0 9 years20.417.7 31.334.010+ years23.913.1 53.141.0Marital StatusNot in a union (single, widowed, separated or divorced)51.846.5 41.427.4In a union (includes civil, religious and consensual unions)48.253.5 27.714.6Age12-14 9.411.6  4.93.415-1917.518.2 26.218.120-2414.515.1 46.129.325-2912.412.4 45.928.730-3411.010.4 45.526.735-39 9.58.842.225.040-44 7.26.6 41.322.445-49 5.85.6 37.318.550-54 5.34.6 31.515.555-59 4.13.6 24.811.860-64 3.33.1 16.69.2Sample size (females aged 12-64) 62,248269,306100.0100.0Sources: See table 3.  Table 5. National Survey (ENE) versus National Census, Mexico, 2000: Activity Rates for Females by Schooling, Marital Status and Age (weighted percent) CharacteristicPopulation structure (%)Activity rate (%)SurveyCensusSurveyCensusTotal10010038.232.9Years of Schooling0-5 years 27.627.631.623.36-8 years37.330.136.024.9 9 years15.927.739.538.910+ years19.214.751.045.0Marital StatusSingle, widowed, separated or divorced45.145.243.239.0Married (civil, religious or consensual)54.954.834.127.6Age12-149.59.59.55.315-1915.015.130.124.920-2413.414.242.937.825-2912.012.846.740.330-3410.911.246.341.135-3910.110.047.742.840-448.88.148.541.745-496.96.443.637.250-545.55.337.431.555-594.34.032.924.760-643.73.523.718.9Sample size (females aged 12-64) 212,8903,431,891100.0100.0   Research for this paper was funded by the National Science Foundation Grant SBR-9908380. Albert Esteve, a post-doc at the MPC, is a member of the faculty of the Centre dEstudis Demogrfics (Barcelona). Calibrating Census Microdata Mexico 1970-2000 ver. 21/iv/03 p.  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