ࡱ> *XYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~q` >bjbjqPqP  ::ل "DDDY x$xpNdR)))))))$Jthvr) G)p))?4 0MgGs>/Tp0p$x$x|$xh  Q ))px' Ěq4x' q'P0f'Z  Buddhist Monastic Discipline JOTIYA DHIRASEKERA (Now Bhikkhu Dhammavihari) Buddhist Monastic Discipline A study of its origin and development in relation to the Sutta and Vinaya Pitakas Jotiya Dhirasekera Editor - in - Chief, Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, Sri Lanka. Formerly of the Department of Pali and Buddhist Civilization, University of Ceylon, Peradeniya and the Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, University of Toronto, Canada. Ministry of Higher Education Research Publication Series, Sri Lanka. Vinayo nma Buddhassanassa yu vinaye mhite ssanam mhitaC hoti As long as the respect for law XE "law"  and order is maintained so long shall the word of the Buddha prevail. Indebtedness of the author to the Ministry of Higher Education for the publication of this work is gratefully acknowledged. Buddhist Monastic Discipline Thesis submitted to the University of Ceylon for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. First Edition Printed in Sri Lanka in 1982 by M.D.Gunasena & Co. (Printers) Ltd., Colombo 12. 878-2 / 79 Preface The Vinaya which is a part of the system of training for the Buddhist disciple is a subject of absorbing interest not only for the study of Buddhist monasticism but also for the study of Buddhism as a whole. This is particularly true of Theravada Buddhism where the practice of monastic life as a means of attaining the religious goal is held in great esteem. Dr. Robert H.Thouless has made a thoroughly accurate assessment of this position as early as 1940. He says: `Perhaps the feature of Buddhism with which the modern Western mind finds it hardest to sympathize is its monastic character. The achievement of emancipation was regarded as a full-time occupation incompatible with the preoccupation of a man living in the world. It is true that householders might become disciples of the Buddha. These were required to abstain from taking life, drinking intoxicating liquors, lying, stealing, and unchastity, and also aim at pleasant speech, kindness, temperance, consideration for others, and love. By obeying these injunctions laymen might hope to advance so far that their future state would be a happier one. It is even suggested in one discourse that a householder might obtain full release, but it is clear that this was regarded as exceptional; the fruits of the Buddhist discipline could normally be achieved only by the monk who gave all his time to the task.' Nevertheless, it is our belief that the subject has not received the attention it deserves. The present work attempts to assess the role of the monk in the religion which is the outcome of the teachings of the Buddha. There were monks in India, no doubt, even before the time of the Buddha. But the first sermon which the Buddha delivered to the `Group of Five' monks made the Buddhist monks appear somewhat different from the rest of their kind. His views about life in SaCsra and the escape therefrom, his aesthetic sensibility, and his regard for sound public opinion contributed to emphasise these differences. Thus in Buddhist monasticism the life of the cloister is not an end in itself. It marks only the beginning of the pursuit of the goal. It is a long way before the monk could claim to have reached that worthy ideal: anuppattasadattho. It has been our endeavour to show that Buddhist Monastic Discipline covers this vast and extensive field. I wish to express my gratitude to my colleagues and friends who have been of assistance to me at various stages in the course of this work. Jotiya Dhirasekera University Park, Peradeniya, Ceylon 1 October 1964 At this stage of publication the need for further comments on the subject matter of this thesis is not felt. It is to be reiterated, however, that any meaningful living of the monastic life in Buddhism has to accord with the spirit of both the Dhamma and the Vinaya. Jotiya Dhirasekera Encyclopaedia of Buddhism 135, Dharmapala Mawatha Colombo 7 5 November 1981 Preface to the Second Edition I now write this preface to the second edition of my Buddhist Monastic Discipline as a Buddhist monk of fifteen years' standing, having renounced the life in the household on retirement at the age of sixty-eight. More than thirty-nine years have passed since the production of this thesis and I still continue pursuing my studies on the Vinaya. I have seen and read several subsequent publications on the subject. This is neither the time nor the place to make any observations on them. I wish to place my own findings and my observations on the subject before students of Buddhist monastic life in particular, and students of Buddhism in general, specially those who have missed seeing my work in the earlier edition and those who I believe are not adequately familiar with the original Vinaya texts in their Pali version. Mention must be made of Venerable Mettavihari of Denmark and Venerable Pamburana Sanghasobhana who assisted me in diverse ways in the production of the manuscript of this second edition for the printer. My thanks go to Messrs. P.W. Dayananda and B.D.Jayasena who did the typing of the text. I wish to express my deep gratitude and appreciation to the Director and the authorities of the Buddhist Cultural Centre, Anderson Road, Nedimala, Sri Lanka for kindly agreeing to bring out this second edition of Buddhist Monastic Discipline. Bhikkhu Dhammavihari International Buddhist Research and Information Center 380/ 9 Sarana Road, Off Bauddhaloka Mawatha Colombo 7, Sri Lanka 5 November 2005 Table Of Contents  TOC \o "1-3" \h \z \u  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990889" Preface  PAGEREF _Toc189990889 \h v  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990890" Preface to the Second Edition  PAGEREF _Toc189990890 \h viii  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990891" Table Of Contents  PAGEREF _Toc189990891 \h x  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990892" Abbreviations  PAGEREF _Toc189990892 \h xii  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990893" CHAPTER I Introduction  PAGEREF _Toc189990893 \h 1  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990894" CHAPTER II Brahmacarya: The Quest for Emancipation and Immortality  PAGEREF _Toc189990894 \h 66  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990895" CHAPTER III The Early Buddhist Ideal of The Monk  PAGEREF _Toc189990895 \h 106  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990896" CHAPTER IV The Foundations of Monastic Life: S+la, Sikkh and Sikkhpada  PAGEREF _Toc189990896 \h 139  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990897" CHAPTER V Further Aids to Monastic Perfection  PAGEREF _Toc189990897 \h 180  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990898" CHAPTER VI The New Role of S+la in Buddhist Monasticism  PAGEREF _Toc189990898 \h 202  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990899" CHAPTER VII The Discipline and Development of the Mind  PAGEREF _Toc189990899 \h 221  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990900" CHAPTER VIII The Codified Law of the SaEgha  PAGEREF _Toc189990900 \h 254  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990901" CHAPTER IX The Ritual of the Ptimokkha  PAGEREF _Toc189990901 \h 304  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990902" CHAPTER X Penalties and Punishments  PAGEREF _Toc189990902 \h 362  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990903" CHAPTER XI Additional Punitive Regulations  PAGEREF _Toc189990903 \h 395  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990904" CHAPTER XII Spiritual Leadership and Life in the Community  PAGEREF _Toc189990904 \h 429  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990905" CHAPTER XIII Women and the Religious Order of the Buddha  PAGEREF _Toc189990905 \h 460  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990906" CHAPTER XIV The Disciplinary Code of the Bhikkhunis  PAGEREF _Toc189990906 \h 495  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990907" Prjika XE "Prjika"   PAGEREF _Toc189990907 \h 499  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990908" SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"   PAGEREF _Toc189990908 \h 505  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990909" Nissaggiya XE "Nissaggiya"  Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"   PAGEREF _Toc189990909 \h 508  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990910" Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"   PAGEREF _Toc189990910 \h 510  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990911" Pmidesaniya  PAGEREF _Toc189990911 \h 517  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990912" Sekhiya XE "Sekhiya"  dhamma.  PAGEREF _Toc189990912 \h 518  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990913" The Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Ptimokkha XE "Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha"   PAGEREF _Toc189990913 \h 518  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990914" APPENDIX I The Exclusion of Guilty Monks From The Recital of the Ptimokkha  PAGEREF _Toc189990914 \h 529  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990915" APPENDIX II The Abolition of the Lesser and Minor Rules of Training  PAGEREF _Toc189990915 \h 546  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990916" APPENDIX III The Concept of S+m: Its Origin and Development  PAGEREF _Toc189990916 \h 570  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990917" Bibliography  PAGEREF _Toc189990917 \h 590  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990918" I. ORIGINAL SOURCES  PAGEREF _Toc189990918 \h 590  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990919" II SECONDARY AUTHORITIES  PAGEREF _Toc189990919 \h 596  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc189990920" Index  PAGEREF _Toc189990920 \h 599  Abbreviations A. AEguttara Nikya AA. AEguttara Nikya Ammhakath, i.e. ManorathapkraG+ AAS. nanda XE "nanda"  [rama Series Ap. Apadna Brh. B[hadraGyaka Upanicad Chnd. Chndogya Upanicad Comy. Commentary D. D+gha Nikya DA. D+gha Nikya Ammhakath, i.e. SumaEgalavilsin+ Dhp. Dhammapada DhA. Dhammapadammhakath DhsA. DhammasaEgaG+ Ammhakath, i.e. Atthaslin+ Gilgit MSS Gilgit Manuscripts IHQ. Indian Historical Quarterly Ind. Ant. Indian Antiquary J. Jtaka Kamha. Kamha Upanicad Kkvt. KaEkhvitaraG+, i.e. Ptimokkha Ammhakath M. Majjhima Nikya MA. Majjhima Nikya Ammhakath, i.e. Papacaskdan+ MG . MG kkya Upanicad Manu. Manusm[ti XE "Manusm[ti"  Miln. Milindapaha MuG . MuG aka Upanicad Pra[na. Pra[na Upanicad XE "Pra[na Upanicad"  PTS. Pali Text Society Pts. Pamisambhidmagga S. Samyutta Nikya SA. Samyutta Nikya Ammhakath i.e. Sratthappaksin+ SBB. Sacred Books of the Buddhists SBE. Sacred Books of the East Sn. Suttanipta SnA. Suttanipta Ammhakath Taisho Taisho Issaikyo Tait. Taittir+ya Upanicad Thag. Theragth Thig. Ther+gth Ud. Udna UdA. Udna Ammhakath, i.e. Paramatthad+pan+ Vibh. VibhaEga Vimt. Vimativinodan+ Vinaya l+k Vin. Vinaya Pimaka VinA. Vinaya Ammhakath, i.e. Samantapsdik Vinvi. Vinayavinicchaya Vism. Visuddhimagga Buddhist Monastic Discipline CHAPTER I Introduction It is well to begin a study of Buddhist monasticism with a brief reference to religious mendicancy XE "mendicancy"  in India in general. Both these are by no means unexplored fields of study and have engaged the attention of scholars for nearly a century. Among the more successful and recognised of these we would not fail to mention Max Muller XE "Max Muller" , Monier Williams XE "Monier Williams" , Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg" , Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids" , Mrs. Rhys Davids, E.J.Thomas XE "Thomas" , Nalinaksha Dutt, Miss I.B. Horner and Sukumar Dutt. The pioneers among them started their work during the last few decades of the 19th century and worked on relatively scanty material. However, we are glad to note that in our evaluation of their results, we have found some of these scholars of distant antiquity to be extremely reliable and trustworthy. Admittedly, they tried to work with perfect detachment but it cannot always be said, perhaps due to forces beyond their control, that they were free from bias of some sort or another. We have attempted in the present study to analyse and examine such lapses wherever possible. It is our conviction that, barring the paucity of source material at a particular time, the following considerations contributed in some way or other to the origin and perpetuation of several erroneous theories: (i) An unnecessary attempt to force into one single genealogical tree XE "genealogical tree"  many institutions of diverse origin. This is particularly true in the case of some scholars who begin their study of Indian religions from the Vedic XE "Vedic"  schools and trace it down chronologically through the centuries. Here is Monier Williams XE "Monier Williams"  attempting to see Buddhism in relation to Brahmanism XE "Brahmanism" : `We perceive again the close connexion between Brahmanism and Buddhism; for clearly the Brahmacr+ XE "Brahmacr+"  and Sannys+ XE "Sannys+"  of the one became the SrmaGera or junior monk, and SramaGa or senior monk of the other.' But this is an unfortunate identification which is far from the truth. The Pali works keep the brahmacarya XE "brahmacarya"  of the Brahmins distinctly apart from their own [brahmacariya]. In the Suttanipta it is said that the orthodox Brahmins of old practised the life of brahmacariya for forty-eight years. Ammhacattl+saC vassni komrabrahmacariyaC cariCsu te vijjcaraGapariyemmhiC acaruC brhmaG pure. Sn.v.289 The AEguttara Nikya too, expresses a similar idea. This distinction between the brahmacariya life of the Buddhist disciple and that of the Brahmins is clearly maintained by an independent observer in the person of King Pasenadi Kosala XE "Pasenadi Kosala"  in the Dhammacetiya XE "Dhammacetiya"  Sutta. [Idh'haC bhante passmi eke samaGabrhmaGe pariyantakataC brahmacariyaC carante dasa'pi vassni v+satim'pi vassni tiCsam'pi vassni cattr+sam'pi vassni. Te aparena samayena sunht.... pacahi kmaguGehi samaEg+bhkt paricrenti. M.II.120.] (ii) An inadequate knowledge of Pali, the language in which one of the most reliable recensions of Buddhist texts is preserved. Some of the pioneers very naturally stumbled over in many places in their translations, mainly through their ignorance of the peculiarities of idiom. Greater disaster befell Pali studies when later scholars who followed in their wake placed implicit faith XE "faith"  on the earlier translations and built far-reaching theories on them. A very glaring instance of this is found in S.Dutt's reliance on Chalmers' translation of the Gopakamoggallna XE "Gopakamoggallna"  sutta XE "sutta" . It is also possible to trace other instances of incorrect translations which result more from biased thinking than from ignorance. Here are two such cases picked up at random: (a) Bhavissanti dhammassa atro (Vin.I.21; M.I.163.) translated as: 'Some when they learn will become (i.e. will grow).' It simply means: `There would be some who would understand the doctrine.' (b) Ariyassa vinaye yo accayam accayato disv yathdhammaC pamikaroti.... yatiC saCvaraC pajjat+'ti -translated as: `In these Rules laid down by the Venerable One, he who realises his lapse to be such and remedies it according to law XE "law" , obtains absolution XE "absolution"  at once.' Here, not only is this translation incorrect but the quotation itself is badly mutilated. The words vuddhi hi es should be prefixed to the quotation. The translation should then read as follows: `It is a sign of progress in this noble discipline if one realizes his lapse to be such and remedies it according to law XE "law"  and safeguards against its repetition in the future.' (iii) An unwarranted disregard for the subsequent commentarial traditions which merit more serious consideration. It should be made quite clear that we do not make a plea here on behalf of the Pali Commentaries XE "Commentaries"  that they should be used as the sole criteria in the interpretation of Canonical XE "Canonical"  texts. Far from it. But our contention is that more often than not, when Commentaries have been subject to criticism and ridicule, they have been misjudged and misinterpreted. We come across instances when modern scholars accuse commentators of being ignorant of etymology XE "etymology" . But it is obviously unreasonable to imagine that every commentarial explanation of a word either had to be or was thought by the commentators to be an etymological one. It would certainly amount to fighting wind-mills to mock a commentator at a definition like saCsre bhayaC ikkhat+'ti bhikkhu. This is by no means born of ignorance of etymology. Commentarial tradition is equally conversant with the definition bhikkhat+'ti bhikkhu. And there are numerous other definitions of bhikkhu.  This commentarial trend is much more evident in the numerous definitions that have been successively added on to the word Ptimokkha. All these go to prove the fact that the commentarial tradition which legitimately goes back to the early days of the Ssana XE "Ssana" , even as far back as the time of the Buddha, did acquire in its long history a wealth of information which is invaluable in the study and interpretation of Buddhist ideas and institutions. Such information reveals something dynamic in their evolution. The connotations of words and the values attached to them are seen changing in course of time. It would be interesting to study the various definitions of Ptimokkha in the light of these observations. In the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga" , in what is called the Old Commentary by Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  and Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg" , we have perhaps what may be regarded as the oldest definition of Ptimokkha: Ptimokkhan'ti diC etaC mukhaC etaC pamukhaC etaC kusalnaC dhammnaC. One would search in vain here for an etymological definition. But one cannot ignore the light it throws on the scope and function of the Ptimokkha in the early history of the Ssana XE "Ssana" . It is said to be the beginning, the source of all good activities. We have shown elsewhere how the Ptimokkha which began as a complement to s+la XE "s+la"  in early Buddhist monasticism soon came to be regarded as s+la par excellence. Thus we discover their identification in the Commentaries XE "Commentaries"  [PtimokkhasaCvaro eva hi s+laC - MA.I.155; SA.III.230.]. The cultivation and acquisition of virtue XE "virtue"  (kusal dhamm) was the main concern of the monastic life and soon the Ptimokkha came to be the sole guide in Buddhist monasticism for the attainment of this ideal. Hence, even in the Canonical XE "Canonical"  texts, sampannaptimokkha XE "sampannaptimokkha"  or the perfection in terms of the Ptimokkha becomes a necessary adjunct of a s+lasaCpanna or one who is perfected in s+la. We are well aware of the fact that the spiritual XE "spiritual"  earnestness of early Buddhist monasticism soon receded into the background. In its place, the slower process of perfection through saCsric evolution, subject to birth in good and evil states (sugati XE "sugati"  and duggati XE "duggati" ), came to the fore and gained greater prominence. This tended, to a certain degree, even to secularize the monastic ideal. It came to be that the reward for the religious life of the monk differed from that of the layman XE "layman"  only in the matter of degree. They both shared a life of bliss in heaven XE "heaven" , the monk excelling the layman with regard to his complexion, glory and life-span. Nave deve passant vaGGavanto yasassino sugatasmiC brahmacariyaC caritvna idhgate. Te ae atirocanti vaGGena yasasyun svak bhkripaassa visesk'pagat idha. D.II.208. However, there is no doubt that this was viewed as a departure towards something inferior. In the AEguttara Nikya, the Buddha gives these same items of divine XE "divine"  excellence as a cause for revulsion for those who seek the true fruits of recluseship XE "recluseship"  [Sace vo bhikkhave aatitthiy paribbjak evaC puccheyyuC devalokk'papattiy vuso samaGe gotame brahmacariyaC vussat+'ti nanu tumhe bhikkhave evam pummh ammiyeyytha haryeyytha jiguccheyyth'ti. Evam bhante - A.I.115. ]. Some did, in fact, rebel against it. Evidence of this, though with a different emphasis, is found in the Commentary to the story of the SamaGa Devaputta of the SaCyutta Nikya XE "SaCyutta Nikya"  who, due to no choice of his, found himself born in the heavenly world [So chyaC disv cutibhvaC atv na may imaC mhnaC patthetv samaGadhammo kato. UttamatthaC arahattaC patthetv kato'ti sampattiy vippamisr+ ahosi. SA.I.86.]. At this stage we are not surprised at the following definition of Ptimokkha given by Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa" : YaC taC atimokkhaC atipamokkhaC uttamas+laC pti v sugatibhayehi mokkheti duggatibhayehi, yo v naC pti taC mokkhet+'ti ptimokkhan'ti vuccati.  Apart from the new emphasis which is laid on the scope of the Ptimokkha, one thing stands out clearly in this definition of Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa" . Buddhaghosa is conscious of the paramount importance of the Ptimokkha as a body of s+la XE "s+la" : it is the atimokkhaC atipamokkhaC uttamas+laC. Nevertheless, it is now valued more for its efficacy in warding off from and guarding against the possible dangers of sugati XE "sugati"  and duggati XE "duggati" . It is the security of the life after death that is now sought. Yet another thing strikes us here. Whatever may be the purpose for which the Ptimokkha is used, the Commentator XE "Commentator"  seems to be aware of the fact that the primary idea associated with the Ptimokkha is that of freeing, liberating and saving. It is as though he knows that the verbal notion in the word Ptimokkha is derived from the root/muc, giving such verb forms like muccati, mucati, moceti which have the idea of free, release or liberate. In the present study of monastic discipline we use the word `monastic' primarily in the sense of `pertaining to or characteristic of monks, nuns, friars and the like.' Any reference to monasteries XE "monasteries"  is made only secondarily in association with the former. As a prelude to such a study three things should be viewed clearly in order that the problems of Buddhist monastic discipline may be analysed in their proper context. They are: Pre- Buddhist religious mendicancy XE "mendicancy"  in India. Origins of Buddhist monasticism. Origins of Vinaya literature. Extensive work has admittedly been done in all these fields of study. Very definite ideas have been expressed on many problems connected with them. Nevertheless, we feel that there are numerous instances where modification and reconsideration of views already expressed is not only desirable but absolutely essential. A great deal has been said about religious mendicancy XE "mendicancy"  in India before the advent of Buddhism. As early as 1889, Monier Williams XE "Monier Williams"  said the following on the subject: `Monasticism had always been a favourite adjunct of the Brahmanical system, and respect for monastic life had taken deep root among the people... Hindu monks, therefore, were numerous before Buddhism. They belonged to various sects, and took various vows of self- torture, of silence, of fasting, of poverty, of mendicancy XE "mendicancy" , of celibacy XE "celibacy" , of abandoning caste, rank, wife XE "wife"  and family. Accordingly they had various names... Such names prove that asceticism XE "asceticism"  was an ancient institution XE "institution" .' These remarks of Monier Williams XE "Monier Williams"  about pre-Buddhist mendicancy XE "mendicancy"  are also borne out by the evidence of the Pali texts. Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg"  gives a very vivid account of the pre-Buddhist origin of Indian monasticism. Sukumar Dutt makes a very comprehensive study of the origin of [ramaGa XE "[ramaGa"  in India in a chapter entitled `The Primitive Parivrjaka - A Theory Of Their Origin'. He has refreshingly new and interesting views to express regarding their origin. It would be out of place in the present study to quote these authorities at length on the history of pre-Buddhist religious mendicants XE "mendicants" . Suffice it to say that all evidence points to the wide prevalence and respectful acceptance of religious mendicancy in ancient India prior to the birth of Buddhism, and that what was most noteworthy about it was the diversity rather than the homogeneity of its character. On the origins of Buddhist monasticism much more markedly divergent theories have been put forward since the beginning of this century. One of the distinguished pioneers in the field of Buddhist studies, Professor Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids" , expressed the following view about Buddhist monasticism at a date as early as 1886.  `It was a logical conclusion from the views of life held by Gotama XE "Gotama" , that any rapid progress in spiritual XE "spiritual"  life was only compatible with a retired life, in which all such contact with the world as would tend to create earthly excitement and desires should be reduced as much as possible; and accordingly, from the first he not only adopted such a mode of life for himself, but urged it on his more earnest disciples.' In 1912 he was joined by his wife XE "wife" , Mrs. C.A.F. Rhys, in expressing the same view. In the unrevised editions of her Buddhism in the Home University Library series (pre-1934) she says the following about Buddhist monasticism: `The monastic habit or practice of seclusion in the wild, common to Indian recluseship XE "recluseship"  from time immemorial, and probably imported from India to Egypt XE "Egypt"  and so to the newly Christianized Europe XE "Europe" , was largely and systematically practiced by Buddhists. It was both practiced by the founder himself, and recommended to the followers, as the best opportunity for cultivating detachment, spiritual XE "spiritual"  calm, and thoroughgoing meditation on any given subject prescribed by the recluse's superior.' After a thorough analysis of the evidence of the Sutta and Vinaya Pimakas we feel that this explanation of Buddhist monasticism is indisputably correct. The motive in renunciation XE "renunciation"  as given here could not be any more near the truth. But we lament the fact that, supported by her new discovery of `the growing vogue of the cenobitic XE "cenobitic"  monk and his peculiar ideals', Mrs. Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  abandoned her early ideas about Buddhist monasticism expressed earlier. In her Outlines of Buddhism published in 1934 she shows her new attitude to monasticism in Buddhism: `I believe, that for the founder of Buddhism and their co-workers the business of the missioner XE "missioner"  was the main pre-occupation, and that, effectively to carry on this, it was necessary to give up the life `of the world' as a tie which would nullify the worth in their work in religion. People would not have listened to the gospel taught by one who was sharing their life. He had to show that that gospel was the one thing in the world which mattered.' This is a very strange motive which is ascribed here to the pabbajita XE "pabbajita" . This is as it were to show that pabbajj XE "pabbajj"  and the life of brahmacariya have nothing in common. Mrs. Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  goes a step further. She undertakes the formidable task of simplifying, or oversimplifying we should say, the concept of brahmacariya in Buddhism. Of brahmacariya in Buddhism she says: `It paraphrases Dharma XE "Dharma"  as perfect conduct XE "conduct" , in a word hitherto used for the life of a student XE "student"  under his teacher XE "teacher" , resembling to some extent the life of a medieval youth in a collegiate cloister, but now applied to life as the `many-folk' might live if they chose to.' But this popularized rendering of the meaning of brahmacariya when it comes to Buddhism, unlike in the Catur[rama Dharma XE "Dharma" , seems to be hardly justifiable except on the assumption that Buddhism, in its origin, was a religion for the `many- folk'. In a chapter devoted entirely to this subject of brahmacariya, we show why we prefer to hold a different point of view on the evidence of the Pali texts (See Ch. III.). For the present we would place before the reader a very different evaluation of the life of pabbajj XE "pabbajj"  and its relation to the practice of brahmacariya as given by Miss Horner: `For one of the points of entering Gotama XE "Gotama" 's Order was to learn control of body, mind and speech. This, it was thought, was essential to spiritual XE "spiritual"  progress, and was extremely hard to attain unless the shackles of the household life had been laid aside. Then man, as monk, could more readily attain perfection and its fruit (arahattaphala XE "arahattaphala" ), the goal of brahmacariya, the good, divine XE "divine" , holy or Brahma XE "Brahma" -life.' These remarks, whatever may be the interpretation of Brahma XE "Brahma" -life, savour truly of the contents of the early Nikyas. Monier Williams XE "Monier Williams"  who completed his treatise on Buddhism in 1880 has made the following remarks on the origins of the Buddhist SaEgha: `What ought rather to be claimed for him (Buddha) is that he was the first to establish a universal brotherhood (SaEgha) of coenobite monks, open to all persons of all ranks. In other words, he was the founder of what may be called a kind of universal monastic communism (for Buddhist monks never as a rule, lived alone), and the first to affirm that true enlightenment XE "enlightenment"  - the knowledge of the highest path leading to saintship - was not confined to the Brahmans, but open to all the members of all castes.' He adds further: `The peculiarity about Gotama XE "Gotama" 's teaching in regard to monachism was that he discouraged solitary XE "solitary"  asceticism XE "asceticism" , severe austerities XE "austerities" , and irrevocable vows, though he enjoined moral XE "moral"  restraint XE "restraint"  in celibate fraternities, conformity to rules of discipline, upright conduct XE "conduct" , and confession XE "confession"  to each other.' These observations of Monier Williams XE "Monier Williams"  both with regard to the origins of Buddhist monasticism and the pattern of the consequent organization, we would regard as being commendably thorough and accurate. However, there is one single point on which we would like to seek further clarification. He says that Buddhist monks never, as a rule, lived alone. It is difficult for us to determine the evidence on which he arrived at this conclusion. Judging by his evident familiarity with the Vinaya texts, we wonder whether it is the apparent compulsory residence XE "residence"  under a teacher XE "teacher"  for a prescribed period of time which is in the tradition of the Vinaya which led him to this remark. But we should observe here that the Vinaya itself gives many exceptions to this general practice. At the same time, forest-dwelling, solitary XE "solitary"  monks were as much a feature of early Buddhism as the resident, urban monks who lived in communities. This is the burden of the KhaggavisGa XE "KhaggavisGa"  Sutta of the Suttanipta. This aspect of Buddhist monastic life is discussed at greater length elsewhere (See Chs. VII & XII). On the other hand, Dr. Sukumar Dutt, obsessed as it were with the idea of itinerant mendicancy XE "mendicancy"  which he derives from the life of Parivrjakas XE "Parivrjakas" , seems to be unable to conceive of any settled life in the early Buddhist community of Bhikkhus. Of their life he says: `in its original condition of homeless wandering'. Was not the Buddha himself, even prior to his enlightenment XE "enlightenment" , sufficiently acquainted with settled community life among his contemporaries who had renounced the household life? The institutions of lra Klma XE "lra Klma" , Uddaka Rmaputta XE "Uddaka Rmaputta" , Sajaya XE "Sajaya"  and the three Kassapa XE "Kassapa"  brothers, all point to the existence of well settled communities of `homeless men'. Such settled life did not come to be tabooed in Buddhism, either early or late. Itinerancy was not a compulsory injunction and was never implied in the Buddhist ideal of agrasm anagriyam pabbajati.. As we have pointed out elsewhere, it came to be adopted by some through personal preference, but this does not in any case imply any general change of attitude in Buddhist monasticism. Life in the community and life in seclusion were undoubtedly in existence side by side even during the earliest phase of the Ssana XE "Ssana" . But to affirm this is not to lose sight of the fact that both monasteries XE "monasteries"  and community life in them grew in stature in the centuries that followed the establishment of the Ssana. In support of his theory of the exclusive eremetical XE "eremetical"  ideal of early Buddhism, Dutt quotes the Mah(vagga statement m( ekena dve agamittha which he translates very correctly as `let not two of you go one and the same way'. But we are surprised to find him use this statement thereafter to conclude that `the Buddha insists on unsocial life in its extreme form.' Dutt seems to lose sight completely of the historical setting in which the remark was made by the Buddha. It was the Buddha's philanthropy and magnanimity which made him dispatch his first band of sixty disciples who were of reliably good character to wander about in the country and the town for the weal and welfare of many. He wanted his message to reach as wide a circle as possible and he was confident of the calibre of his disciples. That is what made him say the above, that no two disciples should go in the same direction. In those pioneering days of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  it would have been a tragic waste of man power to do so when every one of the disciples so dispatched was equal to the task. We would refer the reader here to the thoroughly accurate explanation which Miss Horner has given to the above injunction of the Buddha: " These are the grandiloquent words which have come down to us. It is more likely that Gotama XE "Gotama"  said something like `Go out now to the villages near by, and as there are so few of you, no two of you should go by the same way. Speak of the new ideas that I have just been telling you about to any one who will listen'." Having postulated that the Buddhist Bhikkhus formed a sect of the Indian Parivrjaka community, Dutt associates, ipso facto, an exclusive eremetical XE "eremetical"  ideal with the early Buddhist Bhikkhus. But he seems to run into a number of references in the Canonical XE "Canonical"  Pali texts which differentiate the Bhikkhus from Parivrjakas XE "Parivrjakas" . As these obviously are contrary to his supposition he chooses to regard them as being of later origin. It is difficult to detect the criteria which Dutt uses in underrating the evidence of some portions of the Pali texts as being unhistorical. The Gopakamoggallna XE "Gopakamoggallna"  Sutta of the Majjhima Nikya clearly does not support his theory of the early Buddhist eremetical ideal. He thinks this Sutta is unhistorical in its narrative contents. The solitary XE "solitary" , retiring type of Bhikkhu who loved a life of peace and quiet and who for that purpose even penetrated into the forest depths was by no means the exclusive pattern of early Buddhist monasticism. While the great elders like Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  were respected as champions of this way of life, monks who lived in an urban setting (gmantavihr+) have won as much praise for their spiritual XE "spiritual"  earnestness. (Evam eva kho vuso yassa kassaci bhikkhuno ime ppak icchvacar pah+n dissanti c'eva suyyanti ca kic'pi so hoti gmantavihr+ nemantaniko gahapatic+varadharo atha kho naC sabrahmacr+ sakkaronti garukaronti mnenti pkjenti. TaC kissa hetu. Te hi tassa yasmato ppak akusal icchvacar pah+n dissanti c'eva skyanti c'ti - M.I.31). In the Gulissni XE "Gulissni"  Sutta, the venerable Sriputta XE "Sriputta"  shows us that the forest-dwelling monk needs as much to develop his virtue XE "virtue"  as the monk who lives in the village. Both groups seem to have been known at a very early date and it also appears that their venue of residence XE "residence"  was no major concern. In marked contrast to Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa" , Sriputta XE "Sriputta"  and Moggallna XE "Moggallna"  mingled with their fellow brethren in large communities and worked for their uplift. Dutt also tells us that "the counterpart in practice of the `rhinoceros XE "rhinoceros" ' ideal is represented by the formula of the Four Resources (nissaya XE "nissaya" ) of a Bhikkhu." Elsewhere he says the same in the following words: `The eremetical XE "eremetical"  ideal indicated here - a life of solitude XE "solitude"  and austerity - is that recommended in the so -called Four Nissayas.' Neither the nature of these Nissayas nor the incident which is said to have prompted the announcement of these make us believe that they have anything in common with the solitary XE "solitary"  ideal of the KhaggavisGa XE "KhaggavisGa"  Sutta. They only constitute a sound attitude of mind towards the life of pabbajj XE "pabbajj" . They refer to the four requisites (catupaccaya XE "catupaccaya" ) which a Bhikkhu expects to receive from the laymen. It is of paramount importance that a Bhikkhu who chooses on his own a life of renunciation XE "renunciation"  should be able to live that life, without discontent, on the simplest of requisites which he would receive from others. The virtue XE "virtue"  which is aimed at in this idea of the Nissayas is contentment. In a desire for more and better requisites the pabbajita XE "pabbajita"  shall not let a spirit of discontent overpower him and embitter him about his religious life. That is the warning struck in the admonition on the Nissayas: Tattha te yvaj+vaC ussho karaG+yo. It means `In that holy way of living you should continue to strive all your life.' Dutt's remarks on the Nissayas show signs of unnecessary distortion. He says: `When a person has already been ordained as a Bhikkhu, an almsman professing to live for the rest of his life on alms, he is thus reminded in a formal exhortation of the other three nissayas, supposed to be the other resources of his mendicant life.' He appears to derive the idea that a Bhikkhu is `an almsman professing to live for the rest of his life on alms' perhaps from the expression of the first Nissaya in the form `PiG iylopabhojanaC nissya pabbajj XE "pabbajj" '. But we do not see any justification for it. Nor do we feel warranted to make such a statement on the purely etymological definition of the word bhikkhu (bhikkhat+'ti bhikkhu). This concept of the Bhikkhu as indicated by Dutt is obviously in the tradition of Devadatta XE "Devadatta"  who requested the Buddha to lay it down that a Bhikkhu should live on begged food XE "food"  all his life (sdhu bhante bhikkhk ... yvaj+vaC piG aptik assu - Vin.III.171). Dutt goes even so far as to think that Devadatta's request to make rigid, lifelong habits of certain recommendations which also include the Nissayas was an unsuccessful attempt at reviving the old eremetical XE "eremetical"  ideal. But what Devadatta attempted was more to toe the line with the champions of severe austerity, for Devadatta himself states that people generally have a greater regard for austerity in religious life - lkkhappasann hi manuss. But whether Devadatta did this out of genuine respect for austerity, or as the Vinaya texts put it, out of the sinister motive of discrediting the Buddha and his Order in the eyes of the people because the Buddha denounced severe austerities XE "austerities" , is a different problem. As Dutt himself points out, Devadatta's proposals accord more with Jaina XE "Jaina"  practices. In Buddhism, they strike a discordant note and consequently Devadatta appears more a dissentient XE "dissentient"  than a revivalist. Dutt is apparently sorry that `Devadatta got no credit for enjoining strictness with regard to some of them.' But for very obvious reasons we are certainly not. Dutt's historical sense has also led him to develop an evolutionary theory with regard to the concept of Ctuddisa SaEgha XE "Ctuddisa SaEgha" . He begins by saying that "the word SaEgha signified later on not the whole body of Buddhist `Bhikkhus of the Four Quarters', but only a particular cenobitical society XE "society"  resident at an vsa XE "vsa" ." Elsewhere he is even more categorical about the use of the word Ctuddisa Bhikkhu-saEgha. He says: `The primitive Buddhist SaEgha in Pali literature is designated by its founder the Ctuddisa Bhikkhu-saEgha.' `This identification of `the primitive Buddhist SaEgha' with the Ctuddisa Bhikkhu-saEgha, in our opinion, is hardly justifiable. The Ctuddisa Bhikkhu-saEgha, in the context in which it occurs, did not represent a distinct group as such. It implied, on the other hand, the bestowal of gifts to the `Order as a collective organization'. The phrase was used in such context, from the earliest times, connoting the totality of the SaEgha. This undoubtedly was more a theoretical reckoning than a physical reality and was used for purposes of monastic administration XE "administration" , particularly in the acceptance and ownership of property XE "property" . We reproduce below in full the instances cited by Dutt where the word Ctuddisa SaEgha is used: D.I.145Yo kho brhmaGa XE "brhmaGa"  ctuddisaC saEghaC uddissa vihraC karoti....Vin.I.305YaC tattha garubhaG aC garuparikkhraC tam gatngatassa ctuddisassa saEghassa avissajjikam vebhaEgikan'ti.Vin.II.147Rjagahako semmhi bhagavato pamissutv te sammhiC vihre gatngatassa ctuddisassa saEghassa patimmhpesi. Vin.II.164Tena hi tvaC gahapati jetavanaC gatngata- XE "gatngata"  ctuddisassa saEghassa patimmhpeh+'ti. It should be clear from a study of the above statements that where the Buddha uses the word ctuddisa (of the four quarters) with reference to the SaEgha, he does so for the specific purpose of enjoining the collective acceptance of gifts in the name of the SaEgha in its totality. This is further clarified by the additional word gatngata XE "gatngata"  (those present and not present) which is sometimes used with the former implying that the physical presence of every member is not necessary at such a bestowal although the right of use of property XE "property"  so bestowed is shared by every member of the SaEgha. In the light of these observations we are unable to agree with the following statements of Dutt: The persistency with which the expression is used in reference to the primitive Buddhist SaEgha seems to indicate that it was used originally not as descriptive phrase merely, but as a name. In the Vinaya Pimaka and in Ceylonese XE "Ceylonese"  inscriptions dating back to the time of Asoka XE "Asoka" , it is used in contexts where no special signification of universality is intended. The SaEgha of the Four Quarters meant latterly an ideal confederation, which at one time had an historical reality. If we examine the Rdha XE "Rdha"  BrhmaGa episode of the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  we see a very early stage in the evolution of monastic administration XE "administration" . The right of admitting new converts to the monastic order through a formal resolution before the SaEgha is introduced here for the first time. This was done by the Buddha himself to avoid the possible abuse of power by individuals to whom he had already relegated the authority which he once held. In this transference of power from individuals to a corporation we see the recognition of the existence of such separate bodies which carried the designation of SaEgha. They were real and active institutions which had a local relevance. One would not deny that this instance of empowering SaEghas for the conferment of Upasampad XE "Upasampad"  is relatively early in the history of the Ssana XE "Ssana" . Nevertheless one cannot confuse the SaEgha who thus acts collectively at these monastic functions with the Ctuddisa SaEgha XE "Ctuddisa SaEgha" , a concept which connotes something very different. These independent groups of SaEgha, to begin with, were not necessarily residents of one single vsa XE "vsa"  or monastic residence XE "residence" . Sometimes the residents within a single village unit formed one SaEgha as is evident from details of the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  which is referred to in the Gopakamoggallna XE "Gopakamoggallna"  Sutta. We shall now turn our attention to what has been said so far about the organization and discipline of this early monastic community. As early as 1880 Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  and Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg"  jointly expressed the following view: `It seems to us that Gotama XE "Gotama" 's disciples, from the very beginning, were much more than a free and unformal union of men held together merely through this common reverence for their Master, and through a common spiritual XE "spiritual"  aim. They formed rather, and from the first, an organised Brotherhood.' Speaking of the Buddhist monastic fraternity Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg"  says: `It appears from the very beginning to have been a society XE "society"  governed by law XE "law" . The completion of a procedure XE "procedure"  prescribed by law was necessary to the reception of a postulant into the society. The law of the Order pointed out to him his course of action and of omission. The society itself as a court XE "court"  of discipline secured conformity to the ecclesiastical rules by keeping up a regular judicial procedure.' Based on independent observations we are in a position to say that what has been stated in both cases is thoroughly accurate. Let us now turn to Sukumar Dutt. `It is unhistorical to presume that the entire corpus of the laws the Vinaya Pimaka was drawn up at one time. From the beginning we hear of persons in the Buddhist SaEgha, called Vinayadharas, who concerned themselves with the study and exposition of the rules of the Vinaya. The existence of such professors was the surest guarantee for conservation and consolidation of the laws from generation to generation among the Buddhist Bhikkhus.' We are glad to say that these words too, constitute very sound observation. Note here Dutt's admission of the early existence of Vinayadharas in the SaEgha and `the study and exposition of the rules of the Vinaya'. He proceeds thereafter to strike a note of warning against possible lapses in this field of study. `Through an inadequate appreciation of the complexities of the study, even learned writers on Buddhism have been betrayed into attributing to the historical Buddha rules and regulation XE "regulation"  of his Order, most of which did not emanate from him, but were adopted by his monk-followers from time to time under the aegis of the Founder's name.' When and where these criticisms apply, we will leave the reader to judge. But where Dutt expresses his own ideas about the origins of Vinaya rules he seems to be obviously on slippery ground. Speaking of the role of the Buddha in the Vinaya Pimaka he says: `He is therefore set up rather as a judge than as a law XE "law" -maker. He pronounces on the validity of acts done by the Bhikkhus and does not profess to prescribe general courses of conduct XE "conduct"  for them.' We feel that his remarks here are mixed up with a bit of legal XE "legal"  jargon and they obviously miss the mark. As has been explained in detail elsewhere under the origin of s+la XE "s+la"  and sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada" , the Buddha does not proceed as a law XE "law" -maker, without any provocation. This is clearly stated to be so by the Buddha himself both in the Bhaddli XE "Bhaddli"  Sutta and the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga" . Judgement on a single wrong act done by a Bhikkhu marks the birth of a new rule. Nothing is further from the truth than his remark that the Buddha does not profess to prescribe general courses of conduct XE "conduct"  for the Bhikkhus. Here Dutt seems to fail to assess correctly the role of the Vinaya sikkhpada. They are unmistakably generalisations based on specific instances. Collectively they determine the general course of conduct for the monks. Whatever be the evidence of the Sutta and Vinaya Pimakas, Dutt seems to have reached the conclusion that the Vinaya is a very late product in the Ssana XE "Ssana" . But some of his remarks at times seem to contradict his own theory. We examine below some of his major postulates. He begins his argument regarding the origin of Buddhist Vinaya as follows: `Each of these sects had a Dhamma, a body of doctrines, of its own, but whether it had an equally defined Vinaya, a special body of external rules, is another question which we shall deal with in Chapter III.' In Chapter III which is referred to here, he makes the following analysis: `Considering this episode ... the conclusion is irresistible that the idea of the primitive Buddhist community was that the Buddha himself had laid down no regula for the SaEgha. The seeming inconsistency in the Buddha's saying later on in the same Suttanta "Yo vo Ananda may dhammo ca vinayo ca desito," etc.... vanishes if we regard Vinaya in this context as not signifying the rules of an Order,but those of right conduct XE "conduct" .' But we are sorry to say, with all due deference to Dutt's critical attitude, we are not in a position to concede this manner of historical reconstruction which is based on misconceptions and is exeedingly misleading. Let us examine these statements more closely. The episode he speaks of refers to a statement said to have been made by the Buddha to Ananda. It reads as Tathgatassa kho nanda na evaC hoti ahaC bhikkhusaEghaC pariharissm+'ti. KiC nanda tathgato bhikkhusaEghaC rabbha kicid'eva udharissati. Based on this, Dutt says that `the Buddha refused to lay down any rule for the SaEgha.' But to say this is no more than an act of wishful thinking, for by no stretch of imagination can we find any such idea in the above statement which is ascribed to the Buddha. Therefore we would call this the first false move of Dutt in consequence of which he ventures to ascribe to the primitive Buddhist community an idea which would historically be most unsound, viz. that the Buddha himself had laid down no regula for the SaEgha. It has been pointed out elsewhere that the cry came from more than one quarter of the Buddhist SaEgha that the Buddha was laying down too many rules. The first assumption of Dutt has led him to his second error of judgement where he suggests a new meaning to the word Vinaya in the quotation Yo vo nanda may dhammo ca vinayo ca desito paatto XE "paatto" ... Note his remarks here: `... if we regard the Vinaya in this context as not signifying the rules of an Order, but those of right conduct XE "conduct" .' Now we should point out that it is hardly fair that Dutt leaves out of his quotation the word paatto XE "paatto"  which appears just after desito in the above statement. This, in effect, would be a distortion, for the word paatto has a specific ring of codified XE "codified"  law XE "law" , and the word paatti is used throughout the Vinaya Pimaka with reference to the promulgation of rules of discipline. Further, Dutt himself does not fail to menmion the fact that these remarks were made by the Buddha during his last missionary tour. In numerous sections of Canonical XE "Canonical"  texts which can legitimately claim great antiquity the words dhamma and vinaya are used ascribing to both, as it were, equal prestige and importance. One only needs to analyse such statements as the following to be acquainted with such usage. gat'gam dhammadhar vinayadhar mtikdhar D.II.125; M.I.223. ayaC dhammo ayaC vinayo idaC satthussanaC D.II.124; A.IV.143,280. abhidhamme XE "abhidhamme"  vinetum abhivinaye XE "abhivinaye"  vinetum -Vin.I.64. abhidhamme XE "abhidhamme"  abhivinaye XE "abhivinaye"  yogo karaG+yo - M.I.472. What justification is there then for regarding `Vinaya in this context' as something very different from what it usually is in the references to Dhamma and Vinaya? Are we here called upon to imagine that the Vinaya in the last days of the Master was something much more diminutive than during his life time? Or are we expected to be so critical as to reject every other reference which does not support our hypothesis as being unhistorical and unacceptable? Thus having set the stage according to his own inclinations, Dutt proceeds to build up his own theory as follows: `There is no reason to suppose that the Buddhist Parivrjakas XE "Parivrjakas" , who called themselves Bhikkhus did not abide by them. It seems, on the other hand, as the legend of Subhadda XE "Subhadda"  would seem to suggest, that the Buddha had enjoined strictness with regard to them. The followers of the great Teacher obeyed these rules of Parivrjaka life, as presumably did the other Parivrjakas.' We do not deny that the background of Buddhism did influence to some extent the evolution of the Buddhist Vinaya. But this interpretation of Subhadda XE "Subhadda" 's words is certainly far-fetched and appears to be calculated to support a pre-conceived notion. Dutt makes several bold attempts to establish this idea and makes several new interpretations of passages too well known. Note the obvious contradiction in what Dutt says about the proceedings of the First Council XE "First Council" : `In other words, its main object was to collect the rules of right conduct XE "conduct"  for the Bhikkhus which had been laid down by the Buddha at various times and, by giving them an authoritative Buddhist stamp, to convert them into special rules of the Buddhist Order.' If on his own admission the Buddha had laid down at various times rules of right conduct for the Bhikkhus, the question arises what then is the need to give them an authoritative Buddhist stamp? What of the redundant conversion into special rules of the Buddhist Order? How do we dismiss the references which point to the early existence of Vinayadharas? Many such problems would be reviewed in the course of this study. We would now consider the evolution of the Vinaya literature which is preserved to us in the Pali Tipimaka. There too, on many problems, one discovers a diversity of opinion. Before we enter into any controversy we would like to name the works which are recognised as the contents of the Canonical XE "Canonical"  Vinaya Pimaka. They are: Ptimokkha (Bhikkhu and Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+" ) VibhaEga or SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  (MahvibhaEga XE "MahvibhaEga"  and Bhikkhun+vibhaEga) Khandhaka (Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  and Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga" ) Parivra XE "Parivra" . In our present study we do not undertake any serious study of the Parivra XE "Parivra"  as it does not make a really worthwhile contribution to the problems of monastic discipline. Considering the vital role of the Ptimokkha in Buddhist monasticism we would choose to begin our discussion with what has been said about the Ptimokkha. Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  and Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg"  say: `It (Ptimokkha) is one of the oldest, if not the oldest, of the Buddhist text- books; and it has been inserted in its entirety into the first part of the Vinaya, the VibhaEga.' As a result of extensive investigations made into early monastic history we are unable to concede the use of the description `oldest text-book' with reference to the Ptimokkha. By Ptimokkha we mean the code XE "code"  of bare rules, without any details regarding the rules. Judging by the nature and function of the early ritual XE "ritual"  of Ptimokkha in Buddhist monasticism we are convinced that if anything served as a text-book in the early days of the Ssana XE "Ssana" , it should certainly be the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga" , though not necessarily in the present form, yet as something more than the Ptimokkha itself. Evidence in support of this view is examined in detail in a succeeding chapter (See Ch. VIII). Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg"  who takes the Ptimokkha alone to be the older portion poses the following question. `The question is, therefore, whether the ordinances originally appeared with the explanatory notes as in the VibhaEga, the Ptimokkha being subsequently extracted from it, or whether the Ptimokkha alone was the older portion, the additional matter of the VibhaEga being the work of subsequent revision.' He refers to Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  as holding a different view: `Mr. Rhys Davids considers the Ptimokkha of more recent origin than the works which form the great complexus of the Tipimaka, and assumes that at the time when the latter works were collected, the Ptimokkha either did not exist or was of too recent a date to be admitted into the holy writings.' It would be seen in the course of the present study that we are in perfect agreement with Mr. Rhys Davids on this point. But we are surprised to find Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  and Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg"  push their argument too far and say the following regarding the place of the Ptimokkha in the Canon. `... and indeed the work, as a separate work, is not considered among Buddhists to belong to the Pimakas at all, and is therefore not included in the list of works of which the Pimakas consist.' Winternitz XE "Winternitz"  too seems to hold the same idea. While we subscribe to the view that the Ptimokkha as an independent Vinaya treatise has been subsequently extracted from the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga" , very probably before it reached its present form, we should point out here the inaccuracy of the statement that Buddhists do not consider the Ptimokkha as belonging to the Pimakas. Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  himself, perhaps backed by a contemporary tradition, includes the two Ptimokkhas under the contents of the Vinaya Pimaka (Tattha pamhamasaEg+tiyaC saEg+ta ca asaEg+ta ca sabbam'pi samodhnetv ubhayni ptimokkhni dve vibhaEgni dvv+sati khandhak so7asaparivr'ti idaC vinayapimakaC nma - DA.I.17 & VinA.I.18). On the other hand we should also here take note of the Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga"  account of the First Council XE "First Council"  (Vin.II.287). No attempt is made there to name any specific texts under the Vinaya recital XE "recital" , its entire contents being brought under the designation of ubhato vinaya [PTS and Cambodian text reading. See p.79 n.3 ]. We presume ubhato implies `of both Bhikkhu and Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+" '. Vinaya here has to be taken to include both the VibhaEga (Mah-vibhaEga and Bhikkhun+vibhaEga) as well as the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas" , possibly in their initial, rudimentary form. We reject the Sri Lanka Buddha Jayanti Tripimaka Series - Volume 5(2), of 1983, p. 550 reading vibhaEge for vinaye which would totally exclude the Khandhaka Vinaya. [We are aware of the existence in Sri Lanka of a 1910 edition of the Cullavagga by Bentara Saddhatissa Thera which reads ubhato vinaye, in total agreement with PTS and Cambodian texts.] In the samples given here of the work recited under Vinaya we discover portions of the detailed work, the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  and not of the bare code XE "code" , the Ptimokkha. This core of the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga" , on account of its association with the fortnightly recital XE "recital"  called the Uddesa XE "Uddesa"  which had a specific religious disciplinary function, came to be known by the name of Ptimokkha. From the point of view of the recital it was also called the Uddesa. As the bare code XE "code" , without any details, it was also designated as sutta XE "sutta" . The Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga"  distinguishes the two as follows:.. tassa n'eva suttam gataC hoti no suttavibhaEgo. The Commentary on this statement brings out their relative values in the following remarks: N'eva suttaC gatan'ti na mtik XE "mtik"  gat. No suttavibhaEgo'ti vinayo na paguGo. The knowledge of the suttas, without their details is only fragmentary learning. It is not Vinaya. The inadequacy of these bare regulations for the successful maintenance of monastic discipline is clear from this reference in the Vinaya Pimaka. (Tehi ce bhikkhave bhikkhkhi tasmiC adhikaraGe vinicchiyamne tatra'ssa bhikkhu dhammakathiko tassa suttaC hi kho gataC hoti no suttavibhEgo. So atthaC asallakkhento vyajanacchyya atthaC patibhati - Vin.II.97.) Speaking of the Uddesa XE "Uddesa" , Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  says: `The completion of the recitation is therefore evidence that all who have taken part in it are pure in respect of the specified offences. And this is the origin of that second name, the Ptimokkha, which means the Acquittal, or Deliverance or Discharge.' Careful examination of available evidence has led us to conclusions not very different from the above. We have attempted a detailed study of the many problems connected with the Ptimokkha in a chapter specially devoted to it. Speaking of the origin of what now constitutes the Ptimokkha, Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  and Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg"  express the following view. `Tradition even ascribes the first laying down of each clause to the Buddha himself. This tradition is of course very far from being conclusive. But neither should we hold it impossible that the Ptimokkha, either in its present shape, or at least in its most essential parts, can reach back to the Buddha's own time, or to that of his personal disciples.' Of these remarks, we shall say for the present that they are characterised by their sobriety and moderation. Evidence in support of the ideas expressed here, we shall furnish in due course. Regarding the origin of the Ptimokkha as a ritual XE "ritual"  among the Buddhist SaEgha, Dutt seems to base his investigations on two assumptions. First, he assumes that the disciples of the Buddha, at first, formed a loosely-strung group without any disciplinary rules of their own. Hence he concludes that they needed a bond of union and that Ptimokkha was therefore originally used in that sense and for that purpose. Secondly, in spite of his perfect disregard for legend, Dutt is willing to treat the Mahpadna XE "Mahpadna"  Sutta as a reliable bit of historical evidence. We have shown elsewhere that we take a very different attitude with regard to both these assumptions. It will be made clear that all available evidence prove more the contrary and we are compelled to reject the following statement of Dutt as lacking in historical support. " But the Ptimokkha, the `bond' or the external token of union of the Bhikkhu-saEgha, changed its character, shortly after the founder's decease, from a mere declaration of faith XE "faith"  in the Dhamma to a discipline and rule of life. " Speaking further of the Ptimokkha, Dutt says: `The existence of the Ptimokkha at first as a mere code XE "code"  and not a ritual XE "ritual"  is beyond all legitimate doubt.' According to Dutt's idea stated earlier the Ptimokkha, upto the founder's decease, was apparently only `a mere declaration of faith XE "faith"  in the Dhamma'. From when does he then date `the existence of the Ptimokkha at first as a mere code' ? Besides, where does one get this original form as `a mere code' ? Does one find such a code divorced from the confessional meeting XE "confessional meeting"  of the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  and referred to by the name of Ptimokkha? How does one ignore the references to the Uddesa XE "Uddesa" , which mean the recital XE "recital"  at the confessional meetings, which occur in the Suttas and in the Vinaya, including the Ptimokkha itself ? If what Dutt means by `the present ritual form of the Ptimokkha' is the presence of `the Introductory formular at the beginning and the Interrogatory Portions XE "Interrogatory Portions"  appended to each section' in the text of the Ptimokkha, then one is compelled to point out that these `later additions' should be as old as the days when Uddesa or the recital of the list of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada" , the confession XE "confession"  of guilt XE "guilt"  by transgressing monks and the consequent punishment XE "punishment"  of offenders were the functions of the Uposatha. Both those portions of the text referred to above are essential to give the recital of the Ptimokkha a truly live function. We have shown that this was in fact so in the early days of the Ssana XE "Ssana" . At any rate, one cannot speak of an original form of the Ptimokkha earlier than this. What did exist was the body of sikkhpada. It is lamentable that Dutt tries to discover a form `Ptimokkh' in the plural and says that it `cannot but mean the rules of law XE "law"  contained in the code XE "code" '. But we have to point out that this assumed plural form is only the second member, mutilated from the compound sampanna-ptimokkh. Hence we should understand the plural form here as belonging to the compound as a whole and not to the word Ptimokkha. Compare the similar use of the form `sampanna-s+l' in the same context. It is also Dutt's idea that `the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  in fact, regards the Ptimokkha as a mere code XE "code" , while the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  regards it as a liturgy.' Whatever he means here by a `mere code' and a `liturgy', let us repeat again what we have said earlier that the SuttavibhaEga knows of the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha at the confessional meeting XE "confessional meeting" s of the Uposatha XE "Uposatha" . As Dutt pursues his own line of argument he is led to the following observations regarding the exercise of disciplinary authority of the Ptimokkha: `But there were graver offences for which confession XE "confession"  would be no atonement. It is difficult to ascertain how these offences were dealt with before the Buddhist Order had attained to that stage when each Bhikkhu was regarded as member of a single corporate body, of a particular SaEgha, subject to its disciplinary jurisdiction.' It would be clear at this stage that the above remarks result from Dutt's confusion of the connotation of SaEgha and Ctuddisa SaEgha XE "Ctuddisa SaEgha"  in the early history of the Ssana XE "Ssana" , The Buddhist Order had attained to that stage that he speaks of at a very early date. Let us now turn our attention to the rest of the Vinaya Pimaka with which we are interested, viz. the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  and the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas" . Let us introduce the SuttavibhaEga with the following remarks of Miss Horner whose unsurpassed familiarity with the Vinaya literature lends such maturity to her judgement on problems of Buddhist monastic discipline: `The Vinaya, the Discipline, especially that portion of it called SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga" , appoints and decrees a definite standard of outward morality XE "morality" , comprised in courses of training laid down for the proper behaviour of monks and nuns. On the surface the SuttavibhaEga is not much more than an attempt to restrain unsuitable behaviour; but in reality it also arrives, though in many cases by a long process of exclusion XE "exclusion" , at the kind of positive conduct XE "conduct"  to be pursued by the monk who wishes his life to be externally blameless, so far as his relations with his fellow monks, with the Order as a whole, and with the laity XE "laity"  are concerned.' Here are the views of Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  regarding the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga" : `The book deals with each of the 227 rules in order and following throughout one set scheme or method. That is to say it tells us firstly how and when and why the particular rule in question came to be laid down. This historical introduction always closes with the words of the rule in full. Then follows a very ancient word-for-word commentary on the rule - a commentary so old that it was already about B.C.400 (the probable approximate date of the SuttavibhaEga) considered so sacred that it was included in the canon. And the Old Commentary is succeeded, where necessary, by further explanations and discussions of doubtful points. These are sometimes of very great historical value. The discussions, for instance (in the rules as to murder XE "murder"  and theft XE "theft" ), of what constitutes murder, and what constitutes theft, anticipate in a very remarkable degree the kind of fine-drawn distinctions found in modern law XE "law"  books.' In relation to the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  comments on the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  as follows: `It deals one after another with all those matters relating to Order which are not stated in so many words in the Rules of the Ptimokkha.' Winternitz XE "Winternitz"  puts it more directly when he says that `the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas" ... form a kind of continuation and supplement of the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga" .' Speaking of the relation of SuttavibhaEga to the Khandhakas in point of time, Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  says: `... it follows that in all probability they were composed, or put into their present shape, at about the same period in the development of early Buddhism - it is even possible that both works arose in immediate connection.' E.J. Thomas XE "Thomas"  expresses the same idea in the following: `Besides these rules intended for the daily life of the individual monk, others were found necessary for the organization of the Order. These also in their essentials must have existed from the beginning. They are contained in the second part of the Vinaya known as the Khandhakas and in the Pali are divided into two series (Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  and Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga" ).' We are in perfect agreement with the views expressed above. The nature and scope of the contents of the Ptimokkha being so limited the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  had, of necessity, to take up the rest of monastic discipline from the very outset. Further, the contents of the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  being necessarily based on the text of the Ptimokkha admitted of no additions beyond that. On the other hand, the Khandhakas had to envisage and accomodate evolutionary changes. Thus the period of development of the whole of the Khandhakas must inevitably spread over a much longer period of time than that of the SuttavibhaEga. Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg"  himself makes similar observations on the above subject: `While the VibhaEga stands in the closest relation to the Ptimokkha, there was a new and wider circle of additions added to that same centre of the Vinaya-discipline - the Ptimokkha - most probably about the same time in which the VibhaEga originated, an endeavour was made to go beyond the more confined domain of that series of ecclesiastical offences as established of old, to give a coherent picture of the whole legal XE "legal"  life of the SaEgha.' It would be clear from what has been said so far that we are on the whole in agreement with the views expressed by Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  and Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg" , both jointly and severally, with regard to monastic discipline and Vinaya literature. One notable exception to this occurs in the ideas we hold regarding the text of the Ptimokkha and its place in the Canon. We hope we have succeeded in stating our position clearly in the light of evidence we have examined. On the other hand, the greatest disagreement is with the views expressed by Sukumar Dutt. We were compelled to make a detailed and exhaustive analysis of very many of his statements. After careful consideration we have expressed our opinion about them. The present study is therefore undertaken in the belief that we could make our contribution to the elimination of such failings as the following which vitiate a fair and unbiased examination and evaluation of the subject: Inadequate examination of all original source material. Misinterpretations resulting from ignorance of the language, i.e. Pali, and lack of familiarity with the subject. Misinterpretations resulting from a desire to force available evidence to fit into a preconceived pattern. It is also our considered opinion that once these defects, which we have specifically pointed out in several works on the subject, are remedied it is also necessary to view the problems of monastic discipline from the wider angle of religion as a whole. For Buddhist monks are not a class of officiating priests. They are not members of a purely administrative hierarchy who tend the flock. They are symbolic of the religious earnestness of those who choose to follow the teaching of the Buddha. Their life has to be fashioned to accord with the professed faith XE "faith" . It must be such as would necessarily lead them to the aspired goal. Thus we feel the necessity to study Buddhist monastic discipline based on the joint evidence of the Sutta and the Vinaya Pimakas. Historically, there is no doubt that the Buddha had a message for the world, even before `the group of five' (pacavaggiy bhikkhk) thought of joning him. One might call the contents of that message a philosophy or a way of life. One might therefore say with commendable accuracy that both the theory and practice of good living were contained in these early teachings which are in the domain of the Dhamma (or Sutta according to subsequent classification). Thus the seeds of monastic discipline are seen to be rooted in the teaching of the Dhamma. With the spread and expansion of monastic life from the personal and the individual to an institutional group level we discover the problems of monastic discipline increasing in complexity. The efficacy of the `early philosophy of life' seems to lose its grip on the increasing membership and this marks the appearance of the new medium of monastic control and administration XE "administration" . This is the birth of the Vinaya literature. It is from this basic position that we propose to proceed on our investigations. Therefore our primary source of information consists of the Sutta and the Vinaya Pimakas. These Canonical XE "Canonical"  texts are read and studied with as much care as we could command with our present knowledge of the Pali language. Even where the meaning of texts is clear it has been our desire to probe further into the notes in the Commentaries XE "Commentaries"  (Ammhakath) and the Sub-commentaries (l+k) for purposes of comparison and contrast. This has proved to be of immense value as would be shown in relevant places. Owing to the vastness of the field of study we lave had to confine ourselves mainly to Pali literature. But in a number of places where we thought it extremely important we have ventured out into two further fields, namely Sanskrit and Chinese XE "Chinese" . In both cases our suspicions and speculation which prompted us to go to them have been amply rewarded. Considering the complexity of the problems of monasticism within Buddhism itself we have thought it wise to leave any references to Jainism XE "Jainism"  completely out of the present study. As a basic source of investigation our choice invariably falls on the Theravda school which upheld the monastic ideals of the faithful disciple in Buddhism: saddh XE "saddh"  agrasm anagriyaC pabbajito. Monastic discipline is essentially their concern. At the same time it is clear from the evidence relating to the early history of the Buddhist SaEgha that the first hundred years of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  knew of only a single body of disciples, more or less homogenous. One does not discover at this stage any traces of groups with distinct names which indicate their partisan loyalties or sectarian teachings. Thus one is inclined to consider terms like Theriya XE "Theriya"  (Theravda) and MahsaEghika XE "MahsaEghika"  as being obviously necessitated by the first schism in the Ssana, the distinction between them being essentially relative. However, disagreements and differences of opinion did exist within this apparently homogenous body of early sisciples. While a common Dhamma and Vinaya guided their destinies during this period, it becomes clear in our studies that the Dhamma begins to lend itself to diverse interpretations and the Vinaya comes to be challenged and criticised as being too stringent. Although it is not always possible to identify the men behind these moves, the portents are visible threatening a schism in the Ssana XE "Ssana" , be it either on account of the Dhamma or the Vinaya. Thus we are not surprised to find, on a comparison of the Prtimokca sktras of the different schools, that the Theravdins XE "Theravdins"  and the MahsaEghikas share the greatest measure of agreement, having coexisted so long close to each other during their formative years. It is with this common heritage that they part their ways and as they develop their own distinctive doctrines and traditions, the new schools which emerge align themselves with the one or the other. However, it should be pointed out here that in the seven categories of ecclesiastical offences listed in the Prtimokca sktra there is almost complete conformity among all the early schools with regard to the first six categories. These account for 145 out of the total of 220 rules. In the last category of minor rules XE "minor rules"  dealing with etiquette, popriety and decorum called the Sekhiya XE "Sekhiya"  Dhamma, however the new schools show an evident increase. While the Theravda school lists 75 and the MahsaEghika XE "MahsaEghika"  66 under this category, the Sarvstivdins XE "Sarvstivdins"  go as far as 113. The reason for this agreement in their Vinaya literature between the Theravda and the MahsaEghika XE "MahsaEghika"  on the one hand and between these and the later schools on the other is more to be sought in the fact that these legal XE "legal"  enactments of the Vinaya being stratified in a fixed form at a very early date and being shared unaltered by the earliest groups which appeared after the first schism, namely the Theriya XE "Theriya"  and the MahsaEghika, left little room for any changes or modifications. But the weight of ideological changes and changes of tradition in the different schools is certainly felt in the less stratified historical records and in the instructions on procedure XE "procedure"  in the rest of the Vinaya literature, particularly the portions which correspond to the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  of the Theravda Vinaya and portions of the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga" . These observations do not necessarily lead us to the conclusion that the Theravda literature preserves completely the Buddha's teaching on monastic discipline, i.e. the Vinaya, in its original form. However, comparing it as a whole with that of the MahsaEghikas one cannot fail to be impressed by the fact that the canonical texts of the Theravda Vinaya show more coherence and continuity as well as a conciseness in the statement of ideas which entitle them to be considered closer to the time of the origin of the Buddhist monastic institutions. We do indicate, at the same time, more than one instance in the Theravda Vinaya literature where we suspect a violation of the spirit of the early traditions and injunctions. On the other hand, we do find the MahsaEghikas to be more alert at times and more sensitive to such discrepancies. In such instances the traditions preserved or the modifications effected by the `dissentients' appear to us to be more orthodox than the Theravda version. Nevertheless, assessing the overall position we are led to use the Vinaya literature of the Theravdins XE "Theravdins"  together with their suttas dealing with the Dhamma, as the basis of this study. Evidence from other schools of Buddhism has been brought in from time to time both to investigate a doubtful proposition and to stabilise a tottering tradition. Before we bring these prefatory remarks to a close we should make a few observations on Buddhist monastic discipline in general. As the teacher XE "teacher"  (satth) who had a new message (dhamma) for the world, the Buddha was soon surrounded by a group of disciples who chose to follow him (uddissa pabbajit). This placed him, as the Pali texts describe it, in the distinguished position of being the propounder of a completely new way (anakkhtassa maggassa akkht- M.III. 8). The disciples were the followers of that way (maggnug ca pana etarahi svak viharanti pacch samanngat - ibid.). At this stage in life, the Buddha was making no experiments. As early as the First Sermon, he had known as to what should constitute the foundations of Buddhist monastic life. He himself had been through a life of mendicancy XE "mendicancy"  which led him to his enlightenment XE "enlightenment" . He denounced both the life of sensual XE "sensual"  pleasures and that of extreme austerity as being unsuited for a Buddhist disciple (Dve'me bhikkhave ant pabbajitena na sevitabb...Vin.I.10.) The life he enjoined on them steered clear of these two extremes. Early Buddhist monastic life, which was thus one definite way for one definite purpose, admitted of no compromises. It would be shown in the relevant places that the Buddha was firmly opposed to those who rebelled against discipline and dealt with them with such strictness as worthy of a teacher XE "teacher"  who does not swerve from his ideals for the sake of popularity with his pupils. Additions and modifications to rules which did not violate their spirit were accepted and even initiated by the Buddha himself. Constructive evolution of this nature did, in fact, bring the Vinaya Pimaka into its present shape. Against destructive revolutionary trends, legislation XE "legislation"  was enacted and the very machinery of the Vinaya was geared against them. Thus Buddhist monastic life being what we have shown it to be, the content of its discipline had to embrace every aspect of life as viewed in Buddhism. According to Buddhism, life activity goes on through the three media of thought, word and deed. Progress or depravity are reckoned in terms of refinement or deterioration of these. Therefore the total content of Buddhist monastic discipline had to be in terms of thought, word and deed. Even in what appears to be a modified statement of old material Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  clearly upholds this view. Of this threefold discipline, it is said that the Vinaya Pimaka claims to concern itself only with two, viz. word and deed. They are the aspects of outward conduct XE "conduct"  (Tasm vividhanayatt visesanayatt kyavcna ca vinayanato vinayo'ti akkhto.). Here we would also refer the reader to Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg" 's very precise definition which describes the Vinaya Pimaka `as a collection of rules regulating the outward conduct of the SaEgha and the Bhikkhu'. But true monastic discipline covers a little more. It embraces the discipline of the mind too. It has been our endeavour to relate this to the former and to show that any violation of the former would possibly produce serious repercussions on the latter. Monasticism in Buddhism comes in the wake of the brahmacariya ideal which the Buddha preached from the beginning of his mission. Hence our present study primarily springs from the study of the life of brahmacariya in Buddhism. But even prior to the birth of the Buddha the notion of brahmacariya has had an appeal to the religious men of India. Each creed had its own form of Brahmacarya life leading to its desired goal, which was often termed emancipation, immortality XE "immortality"  or divine XE "divine"  absorption. In Chapter II we deal with the different forms of brahmacariya both in the Brahmanic XE "Brahmanic"  and non-Brahmanic religious creeds. Chapter III portrays the Buddhist concept of brahmacariya in marked contrast to the rest. Chapters IV, V, VI and VII deal in succession with the foundations on which the life of pabbajj XE "pabbajj"  is built. In Chapter VIII we have attempted to show how the early basis of monastic life gradually changed its character from a simple system of advice and admonition to a complete code XE "code"  of monastic law XE "law" . In Chapter IX one witnesses the disciplinary machinery of the SaEgha at work. Numerous factors are seen retarding its efficiency in course of time. Once the machinery of the Vinaya Pimaka was set up it also became necessary to see that its operation was smooth and effective. Every attempt to put it out of gear was also guarded against. Thus, in the wake of the rules there also came provision for prosecution XE "prosecution"  and punishment XE "punishment"  of those who violated them. We have made special studies of these aspects of the Vinaya in Chapters X and XI. Besides all legislation XE "legislation"  and legal XE "legal"  machinery, yet another factor played a very dominant part in the history of the Ssana XE "Ssana" . It is the spiritual XE "spiritual"  leadership XE "leadership"  which the members of the Order, individually and collectively, offered to the others and the integrated life in the community which contributed to its stability and well-being. See Chapter XII. Whatever may be the verdict of the later generations on the role of Bhikkhunis in the Ssana XE "Ssana" , there is no doubt that they distinguished themselves and fulfilled the mission of their monastic life with as much success as the Bhikkhus. Thus we have thought it fit to devote a part of this study to the establishment of this new division of Buddhist monasticism and the formation of the code XE "code"  of discipline for the Bhikkhunis. In Chapters XIII and XIV we have examined this development in relation to the Order of the Bhikkhus and lay society XE "society"  of the day. We have also thought it necessary at his stage to probe further into two problems which we think are very much more controversial than they seem to be on the surface. It appears as though history has stratified them in such a way as to be unquestionably settled. But curiosity has spurred us into this venture of re-investigating them. The two problems are: Legislation regarding the exclusion XE "exclusion"  of a guilty XE "guilty"  monk (spattika) from the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha. See Appendix I. The attitude of the SaEgha of the Theriya XE "Theriya"  Group towards the `lesser and minor' precepts (khuddnukhuddakni sikkhpadni). See Appendix II. We have attempted to compare and contrast the evidence found in Pali literature with those we have been able to gather from Sanskrit and Chinese XE "Chinese"  sources. If we have succeeded in indicating even to some extent the complexity of these problems we would feel more than amply rewarded. The S+m also has been a subject of great interest in the history of Buddhist monasticism, both during the life time of the Buddha and in the centuries that followed. We have occasion to refer to it briefly in the study of the Ptimokkha ritual XE "ritual" . But we feel that the subject needs more careful analysis and examination. Hence we have pursued the matter further and we present our observations to the reader separately in an appendix. See Appendix III. It is our belief that this brief outline of the contents of the present study will enable the reader to view the problems of Buddhist monasticism from a fresh angle as he reads through this thesis. It is also hoped that he would be able to purge his mind of various misconceptions about the subject which have been created through mistakes of omission and commission of some of the pioneer work. CHAPTER II Brahmacarya: The Quest for Emancipation and Immortality Throughout the pages of Indian religious thought, in Buddhist as well as non-Buddhist terminology, brahmacarya XE "brahmacarya"  (Pali brahmacariya) is the term of choice used to designate the life of discipline ordained for the aspirant to spiritual XE "spiritual"  awakening. The life of brahmacarya had a meaning and purpose to many in India even before the appearance of Buddhism. Here we shall be concerned with a survey of the background of Buddhism in which the life of brahmacarya under diverse religious traditions was widely known. A passage in the Chndogya Upanicad in which one seems to get a glimpse of the first beginnings of the Catur [rama doctrine of the Brahmins refers to the life of brahmacarya as one of `the three dharmaskandha XE "dharmaskandha" s' each of which is regarded as capable of leading the adherent to a state of spiritual edification or a `world of bliss' (puGyaloka XE "puGyaloka" ). According to the text the result of the pursuit of these dharmaskandha is that thereby one becomes an heir to a punyaloka (Trayo dharmaskandh yajo'dhyayanaC dnam iti prathamas. Tapa eva dvit+yas. Brahmacary cryakulavs+ t[t+yo' tyantamtmnam cryakule' vasdayan. Sarva ete puGyalok bhavanti brahmasamstho'm[tatvameti - Chnd.2.23.1.). ZaEkara XE "ZaEkara" , commenting on this passage in the Chndogya, identifies these dharmaskandha XE "dharmaskandha"  with the stages of the [rama doctrine and goes on to say that each [ramin reaches a puGyaloka XE "puGyaloka"  by virtue XE "virtue"  of his own dharma (Sarva ete trayo'py[ramino yathoktair dharmaih puGyalok bhavanti - ibid.). But we are not certain how far one could look for the pattern of the fully developed Catur [rama( Dharma XE "Dharma"  in this passage. Belvalkar XE "Belvalkar"  and Ranade, in their chronological grouping of the Upanicadic XE "Upanicadic"  texts, place this section of the Chndogya in the early portion of group one which they call Brahmanic XE "Brahmanic" . Hence we would consider this as one of the earliest references to the institution XE "institution"  of brahmacarya XE "brahmacarya" , perhaps as a unit in itself or as a part of religious life in the Brahmanic tradition. It is not convincingly clear whether these three dharmaskandha are parts of an integrated whole. Each one of them seems to have a justification in itself and appears capable of producing the desired effect of a puGyaloka, although such a state may not be identified with the highest goal which is am[tatva XE "am[tatva" . For, over and above these dharmaskandha, the highest premium is set on what is referred to as brahmasaCstha XE "brahmasaCstha" , because it is the brahmasaCstha who attains am(-tatva or immortality XE "immortality"  (BrahmasaCstho am[tatvameti - ibid.) Therefore we would consider brahmacarya XE "brahmacarya"  here as still being ranked as one of several ways of religious living. It is worth noting the ritualistic XE "ritualistic"  bias of some of the other dharmaskandha XE "dharmaskandha" s which are mentioned along with brahmacarya. They do not reflect a moral XE "moral"  or ethical XE "ethical"  basis of religious life or an intellectual attitude towards it. The inclusion of adhyayana and brahmacarya along with yaja XE "yaja"  and tapas XE "tapas"  aproximates to a fusion of old and new ideas about religious life. Brahmacarya here is still neither the religious initiation nor the stepping stone to social uplift among the Brahmins as it was at a later date. Those who took to this life of brahmacarya, it may be argued, did so out of their own choice with a view to spiritual XE "spiritual"  edification. It was undoubtedly a life of devotion and dedication as is clear from the passage in the Chndogya Upanicad which describes the brahmacrin as wearing himself away at the house of his teacher XE "teacher"  (Brahmacrycryakulavs+ t[t+yo'tyantamtmnamcryakule' - ibid.). This old Brahmanic XE "Brahmanic"  institution XE "institution"  of brahmacarya which evidently was the choice of a select few underwent a process of popularisation in the formulation of the Catur [rama Dharma XE "Catur [rama Dharma"  whereby it was brought into the life of every Brahmin XE "Brahmin" , or in fact of every member of the three principal castes. The religious and secular duties of life were magnificently blended together in this fourfold institution. However, it is clear that the older concept of brahmacarya constituted a way of religious life which was, more or less, complete in itself. The Manusm[ti XE "Manusm[ti"  describes two different types of brahmacrins who are referred to in the Commentary of Medhtithi XE "Medhtithi"  as naicmhika( and upakurvGa XE "upakurvGa" . The former is lifelong studentship XE "studentship" . It is described as an effective means of making an end of saCsra XE "saCsra" . This naicmhika evidently refers to the older concept of brahmacarya XE "brahmacarya"  which was a lifelong institution XE "institution"  and which had to be lived under a teacher XE "teacher" . This completely religious life which was divorced from social obligations did promise as its goal the attainment of Brahman XE "Brahman" . Thus as a way of life it could not be displaced completely with the inauguration of the Catur [rama Dharma XE "Catur [rama Dharma" . Brahmanic XE "Brahmanic"  tradition often shows acquaintance with both. The latter, upakurvGa, which shows more conformity to the Catur [rama Dharma XE "Dharma" , was a limited period of studentship whereby initiation into true Brahminhood was effected through the mastery of the sacred learning. Manu gives thirty-six years as the maximum period of time for this preparation which he calls the `traivedikaC vrataC XE "traivedikaC vrataC" ' or dedication to the study of the three Vedas. He apparently shows no concern for the fourth Veda XE "Veda" , the Atharvan XE "Atharvan" , as a part of the sacred learning. Thus each Veda would have a maximum period of twelve years for its study. But the possibility is indicated of completing the study of the Vedas in much less time. It is in fact brought down to a total of nine years thus giving only three years for each Veda. This is considered possible only in the case of exceptionally good students. This tradition of twelve years for the study of each Veda XE "Veda"  during the period of Brahmacarya appears to have been well known to the Buddhists. But the Buddhist texts which speak of the Brahmin XE "Brahmin"  institution XE "institution"  of brahmacarya XE "brahmacarya"  apparently go a step further than Manu in this connection. What they describe as komrabrahmacariya XE "komrabrahmacariya"  of the Brahmins extends over forty-eight years. This komrabrahmacariya unmistakably refers to the period of studentship XE "studentship"  during which the study of the sacred literature was undertaken. Here the Buddhist texts seem to be in accord with Baudhyana XE "Baudhyana"  who `alone states that the term of studentship extends over forty-eight years. This rule includes the Atharva-veda.' However, we are not in a position here to examine the reasons for this preference shown by the Buddhists. In the vast complex of Upanicadic XE "Upanicadic"  thought it is difficult to see a singleness either with regard to what constituted the life of brahmacarya XE "brahmacarya"  or the nature of the goal that was to be attained by means of it. However, there is no doubt that brahmacarya meant a period, limited or otherwise, of training in religious life under the guidance XE "guidance"  of a teacher XE "teacher" . Some of the early Upanicads, deviating perhaps from the `older' nai-(mhika brahmacarya way which was a complete means by itself, use brahmacarya as a vital part of religious life on to which are grafted moral XE "moral"  and ethical XE "ethical"  considerations. The MuG aka Upanicad which has a claim to a relative antiquity gives brahmacarya XE "brahmacarya"  along with truth, austerity and correct knowledge (satyam, tapas XE "tapas"  and samyagna XE "samyagna" ) as a means of reaching the tman XE "tman" . The Pra[na Upanicad XE "Pra[na Upanicad"  which chronologically belongs to the succeeding group attaches similar importance to brahmacarya when it says the following: They indeed possess that Brahma XE "Brahma" -world, Who possess austerity (tapas XE "tapas" ) and chastity XE "chastity"  (brahmacarya XE "brahmacarya" ) In Whom truth is established. To them belongs yon stainless Brahma XE "Brahma" -world, In whom there is no crookedness and falsehood, nor trickery (my). This is a further indication of the insistence on moral XE "moral"  values. One cannot fail to notice at this stage the fact that the goal of religious life presented in the Upanicads is, in itself, not a fixed concept. Brahma XE "Brahma" , whatever it may connote in different contexts, comes to be repeatedly given as the goal which is to be reached through brahmacarya XE "brahmacarya" . At any rate, the motive underlying this Brahma-reaching was the escape from this whirl of human existence. `He leads them on to Brahma. This is the way to the gods, the way to Brahma. They who proceed by it return not to the human condition here - yea, they return not.' The importance of the observance of brahmacarya in the sphere of religious life has been very keenly recognised in the Upanicads. Chndogya 8.4.3 says that only those who find the Brahma-world through brahmacarya possess the Brahma-world. The next khaG a of the same text goes so far as to identify brahmacarya with a host of sacrificial duties of varying degrees of importance thus giving brahmacarya the pride of place as the sole means to the attainment of the highest goal. Brahmacarya is equated to what people call `sacrifice' (yaja XE "yaja" ), what people call `what has been sacrificed' (icmaC XE "icmaC" ), what people call `the protracted sacrifice' (sattryaGa XE "sattryaGa" ), what people call `silent asceticism XE "asceticism" ' (mauna XE "mauna" ), what people call `a course of fasting' (ansakyana XE "ansakyana" ) and what people call `betaking oneself to hermit life in the forest' (araGyyana XE "araGyyana" ). But it should be pointed out that these portions of the Chndogya belong to the late period of the Upanicadic XE "Upanicadic"  group. We are not in a position to determine with any certainty wherher brahmacarya here is completely identified with the first stage of the Catur [rama Dharma XE "Catur [rama Dharma" . Apparently, ti is as a part of this systematised way of life that brahmacarya here eclipses, more or less, the cult of yaja and tapas XE "tapas" . This complexity of the idea of brahmacarya XE "brahmacarya"  which we find in the Upanicads is simplified by the commentators who readily identify this brahmacarya with the first stage of the Catur [rama Dharma XE "Catur [rama Dharma" . At Chnd.2.23.1 ZaEkara XE "ZaEkara"  identifies the three dharmaskandha XE "dharmaskandha"  which include brahmacarya with three of the four [ramas. The commentators associate the following ideas with this institution XE "institution"  of brahmacarya: That one lives the life of brahmacarya XE "brahmacarya"  under a teacher XE "teacher"  for the purpose of religious education. The importance of brahmacarya for the acquisition of sacred knowledge is reaffirmed by (akara in his comment on Brh. 5.2.1 where he points out that brahmacarya is the basis of studentship XE "studentship" . That the practice of celibacy XE "celibacy"  and renunciation XE "renunciation"  of all desire for women constitute the hallmark of this institution XE "institution"  of brahmacarya XE "brahmacarya" . Commenting on Chnd 8. 4. 3. (akara says that brahmacarya is the renunciation of desire for women. At Mu. 3. 1. 5 he defines brahmacarya as the negation of the enjoyment of the company of women. In the wake of this negative virtue XE "virtue"  comes the acquisition of instruction from one's teacher XE "teacher"  to which we have already referred above. Rmnuja XE "Rmnuja"  puts this effectively as `instruction and guidance XE "guidance"  from the teacher is preceded by the life of brahmacarya, which in turn is characterised by the renunciation of desire for women.' That brahmacarya XE "brahmacarya"  is the initiation into true Brahminhood through which every Brahmin XE "Brahmin"  must pass. It is clearly brought out in (akara's comment on Chnd. 6.1.1. The pattern of brahmacarya XE "brahmacarya"  in the Upanicads which we have discussed so far does not seem to be identifiable with that formulated in Buddhism. In the Upanicads the life of brahmacarya has a different end in view. It is the attainment of Brahma XE "Brahma"  or the Brahma-world and the way to it is distinctly prescribed. In summing up the Upanicadic XE "Upanicadic"  position the commentators recommend brahmacarya as a particular stage in life which is to be gone through for the purpose of religious and social accomplishment. However, the life of brahmacarya in the Upanicads and that in Buddhism seem to be drawn very close to each other in the remarks of (ZaEkara XE "ZaEkara"  on Chnd. 8.7.3. Describing the practice of brahmacarya by Indra XE "Indra"  and Vairocana XE "Vairocana"  under Prajpati XE "Prajpati" , (ZaEkara goes on to say that although these two were jealous of each other before they came to Prajpati, they gave up their failings such as greed, hatred, delusion and jealousy before commencing the life of brahmacarya under Prajpati. It should be noted that these commentarial observations are peculiar to (ZaEkara alone. He seems thereby to make this ethical XE "ethical"  purge a pre-requisite of brahmacarya. Although this same ethical purge, viz. the elimination of rga XE "rga" , dosa XE "dosa"  and moha XE "moha"  is the fundamental concern of Buddhism, the Buddhist life of brahmacarya does not begin with it. On the other hand, the life of brahmacarya is undertaken in Buddhism, as will be shown below, for the purpose of eliminating rga, dosa and moha by a gradual process of development. Their elimination is given as the goal of brahmacarya. The disciples of the Buddha are thus guided through brahmacarya towards this end. The Atharva-veda which lies outside the BrahmaGic tradition of the three Vedas presents to us at 11. 5 a very different character in the person of the brahmacrin. Bloomfield makes the following observations on this hymn: `Here a Brahma XE "Brahma"  disciple - brahmacrin - in the full glory of his holy functions and monastic habits is treated as an incarnation of the brahma; from him the brahma springs, and in his holy life - brhmaGaC - the brahma is glorified.' Griffith too refers to this hymn as a glorification of the brahmacrin or religious student XE "student" . According to this Atharvan XE "Atharvan"  hymn the brahmacrin is infinitely powerful and controls the universe and the gods therein. `He hath established firmly earth and heaven XE "heaven" .' He has command over both worlds. `Stirring both worlds the Brahmacri moveth.' He takes precedence over Brahma too, and all this power he derives through tapas XE "tapas" . `The Brahmacri, earlier born than Brahma, sprang up through Fervour, robed in hot libation.' His power of tapas is repeatedly mentioned. He is the most potent factor in the universe. He is the source from which the highest Brahma sprang and all the gods owe their origin to him. `From him sprang the heavenly lore, the highest Brahma, and all the Gods, with life that lasts for ever.' All life, both animate and inanimate, sprang from him. `The plants, what is and what shall be, day, night, the tall tree of the wood, the year with seasons of the year, all from the Brahmacri sprang. All creatures of the earth and heaven, tame animals and sylvan beasts, winged and wingless creatures, from the Brahmacri sprang to life.' In him lay the ultimate guardianship of all. `The Brahma that is stored within the Brahmacri guards them all.' The contents of this hymn seems to give an indication that the brahmacrin of the Atharva-veda belongs to a different tradition. Religiously he may be regarded as being more primitive in character, deriving his power mainly through tapas and yaja XE "yaja" . Nevertheless, it shows the wide acceptance and unchallenged importance which the institution XE "institution"  of brahmacarya XE "brahmacarya"  had acquired. We are also aware that the term brahmacarya XE "brahmacarya"  was something familiar to the other contemporary religious circles as well. The term was used by them to mean the ideal life prescribed by each. The Bodhisatta XE "Bodhisatta"  himself refers to the religious life he opted to live under lra Klma XE "lra Klma"  and Uddaka Rmaputta XE "Uddaka Rmaputta"  as brahmacariya. The Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  of the Vinaya Pimaka refers to the religious life of the Jamilas XE "Jamilas"  who were contemporaries of the Buddha as brahmacariya. It is said that after the Buddha converted the Jamila chief, Uruvela Kassapa XE "Uruvela Kassapa" , people were still in doubt as to who really was converted, the Buddha or Uruvela Kassapa XE "Kassapa" . So they questioned, `Has SamaGa Gotama XE "Gotama"  taken up the life of brahmacariya under Kassapa or vice versa?' It is also said that Sriputta XE "Sriputta"  and Moggallna XE "Moggallna" , prior to their conversion to Buddhism, lived the life of brahmacariya of the Paribbjakas under the Paribbjaka XE "Paribbjaka"  chief Sajaya XE "Sajaya" . In the Assalyana XE "Assalyana"  Sutta it is associated with the Seven Brahmin XE "Brahmin"  Sages XE "Brahmin Sages"  of yore. The Sandaka XE "Sandaka"  Sutta mentions eight such courses, which when judged by the criteria of the Buddhists, fall below standard. Hence they are termed abrahmacariyavsa XE "abrahmacariyavsa"  (no real abodes of brahmacariya) or anasssika-brahmacariya (rewardless life of brahmacariya). They seem to include the Materialists (under the doctrine associated with Ajita Kesakambal+) and the j+vakas (under the doctrines of PkraGa Kassapa XE "PkraGa Kassapa" , Makkhali Gosla XE "Makkhali Gosla"  and Pakudha Kaccyana XE "Pakudha Kaccyana" ). None of these teachers, however, are referred to by name in the Sutta. In the Sutta, the venerable nanda XE "nanda"  explains to Sandaka Paribbjaka why the Buddha declared the religious life lived under most of the contemporary teachers as being void and worthless. In all cases it is pointed out that no wise man would choose to practise the brahmacariya under them and that if one ever did he would thereby never gain enlightenment XE "enlightenment" . Under the four abrahmacariyavsa the doctrines of Ajita Kesakambal+, PkraGa Kassapa, Makkhal+ Gosla and Pakudha Kaccyana are critically examined and the verdict is given that no true brahmacariya life could be lived under them. The four anasssikni brahmacariyni refer to the following four types of teachers whose doctrines are similarly scrutinised and dismissed: 1.The teacher XE "teacher"  who claims omniscience. 2.The traditionalist. 3.The rationalist. 4.The sceptic. In the Mahs+handa XE "Mahs+handa"  Sutta the Buddha tells the venerable Sriputta XE "Sriputta"  of another form of brahmacariya which he himself is said to have practised. It also, no doubt, stands outside the pale of Buddhism. It was a form of severe asceticism XE "asceticism"  characterised by fourfold austerities XE "austerities"  such as abstemious partaking of food XE "food" , seeking the solitude XE "solitude"  of forest retreats, etc. Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  places before us a list in which he tries to indicate the connotation of the term brahmacariya in different circles at different times. He says: `This term brahmacariya here is used in the following senses.' But one is not quite sure whether Buddhaghosa refers to the use of the term only in Buddhism. What is clear from the evidence of Buddhaghosa is that brahmacariya in all these cases, not necessarily Buddhist, meant virtuous living. But the concept and magnitude of virtue XE "virtue"  apparently varied. Here are the different applications of the term according to Buddhaghosa: dna XE "dna"  - charity. veyyvacca XE "veyyvacca"  - rendering a service or being dedicated to. pacasikkhpadas+la XE "pacasikkhpadas+la"  - observance of the five precepts. appama XE "appama"  - practice of brahmavihra. methunavirati XE "methunavirati"  - celibacy XE "celibacy" . sadrasantosa XE "sadrasantosa"  - chastity XE "chastity" . viriya XE "viriya"  - striving. uposathaEga XE "uposathaEga"  - observance of the full-day of the fast. ariyamagga XE "ariyamagga"  - the noble path. ssana - the complete Buddhist way of life. While some of these practices may fall in line with the Buddhist concept of morality XE "morality"  still there is evidence to show that at least a few of these forms of brahmacariya were not at all Buddhist in outlook. Illustrating the use of the term brahmacariya in the sense of viriya XE "viriya"  or striving Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  refers to the LomahaCsana Sutta which is the same as the Mahs+handa XE "Mahs+handa"  Sutta which was quoted earlier. There the Buddha describes the fourfold austerities XE "austerities"  which he had practised. Those debased practices with regard to food XE "food" , lodgings etc. as they are described in the Sutta are evidently among those which the Buddha rejects in more places than one. We discover clear proof of this as we examine the story in the Jtaka collection which goes by the same name, namely the LomahaCsana Jtaka XE "LomahaCsana Jtaka" . The Jtaka story which summarises the contents of the LomahaCsana Sutta goes into great detail in the narration of the story. Perhaps, in an attempt to avoid any mistaken association of these practices with what were genuinely Buddhist, the Jtaka story makes the Buddha state that he practised these austerities to see whether there was any value in them. It is further added that these constituted a form of j+vaka XE "j+vaka"  life. Thereafter the Jtaka story goes on to stigmatise these practices completely by stating that these practices invariably lead to birth in hell XE "hell" . Buddhism seems to have found in the setting in which it grew up a number of terms of very great popularity and wide acceptance. Their connotations had been established through continued usage and as religious concepts they had reached an unchallenged position. The term Brahma XE "Brahma"  and its derivatives seem to occupy the foremost place among them and they are our main interest here. In the Upanicadic XE "Upanicadic"  schools of thought the Highest Being, Brahman XE "Brahman" , is sometimes conceived personally and at other times as an Impersonal Absolute. To reach it and be merged in it or be identified with it was the aim of all their religious endeavours. It is as the fountain-head of all existence that Brahman was accorded this position. Brahman is believed to be the source whence everything originated. In the more developed later Upanicadic thought we get a pantheistic XE "pantheistic"  conception where Brahman is identified with the universe. Buddhism too, seems to use the term Brahma to mean the Highest and the Perfect, but apparently with none of the theological and metaphysical associations. The term is always defined by Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  in this sense, giving the word brahma the meaning of semmha XE "semmha" . The Buddha, however, was aware of the earlier connotations of the term. This becomes quite evident in the new definitions and explanations which the Buddha offers to the exponents of these ideas. In the SaCyutta, the Buddha is seen giving a new interpretation which accords with his teaching to the Brahmanic XE "Brahmanic"  concept of Brahma XE "Brahma" -reaching. He tells the Brahmins that it is essentially based on moral XE "moral"  achievements like honesty, self-restraint XE "restraint"  and holy life: SaccaC dhammo saCyamo brahmacariyaC majjhe sit brhmaGa XE "brhmaGa"  brahmapatti XE "brahmapatti" . In Buddhism these concepts of `Becoming Brahma' (brahmabhkta XE "brahmabhkta" ) and `Attaining Brahma' (brahmapatti) had no associations of a higher power, an absolute with which an alliance was sought. As far as the Buddha was concerned, these terms implied only the attainment of the goal, the perfection of the religious life which he propounded. It is the enlightenment XE "enlightenment"  which leads to perfect liberation from the cycle of saCsra XE "saCsra" . It is also the purge of all the defiling traits of human life which hence comes to be called savnaC khaya XE "savnaC khaya" . The Buddha, while he was once resting in a forest glade, was asked by Bhradvjagotta XE "Bhradvjagotta"  BrhmaGa whether he was there practising austerities XE "austerities"  (tapas XE "tapas" ) in order to reach Brahma (brahmapattiy) and to gain companionship with him (lokdhipatisahavyataC kaEkhamno). The Commentary on the above passage gives the concept of Brahma here the more personal character by explaining lokdhipatisahavyataC as lokdhipatimahbrahmun sahabhvaC. We have already observed that such a concept of Brahman XE "Brahman"  was not unknown among the Brahmins. The Buddha, in his reply to the Brahmin XE "Brahmin" , not only points out that as Buddha he is supremely enlightened and possesses a clarified vision into the nature of all things, but also indicates the way whereby he attained to that state. This shows that the talk of Brahma-reaching in the way in which the Brahmins understood it had no relevance to the Buddha or to the religious life he advocated. What the Buddha valued most was his victory in the battle against craving and desire which are rooted in ignorance. Freed from craving and desire, and seeing things in their true perspective, the Buddha is wise and enlightened. He is happy and for him there are no further attainments beyond this. But on the other hand, we notice that the concept of `Becoming Brahma XE "Brahma" ' (brahmabhkta XE "brahmabhkta"  and brahmabhkya XE "brahmabhkya" ) as found in the Bhagavadg+t XE "Bhagavadg+t"  is always coupled with the idea of identification of the individual self with Brahman XE "Brahman" . The consequence of this seems to be the final mergence of the tman in Brahman which the G+t refers to as BrahmanirvGa. A commentarial note explains this clearly. With remarkable consistency the term brahmabhkta is defined in a number of places in more or less identical terms which amounts to an identifcation of oneself with Brahman. Similar observations are made in the comment on brahmabhkya. Brahmabhkta is also defined as the reciprocal identification of Brahman and tman. It should also be noted that the G+t too, like Buddhism, reckons with moral XE "moral"  values. But these are subordinated to the absolutism of its Brahma ideal. In Buddhism, the term brahmabhkta XE "brahmabhkta"  is used in two different contexts. It is used with reference to the Buddha along with a host of other attributes which describe him as a wise and reliable teacher XE "teacher" . In all instances, the term brahmabhkta as an epithet of the Buddha is closely associated with the term dhammabhkta XE "dhammabhkta" . In the Aggaa XE "Aggaa"  Sutta, these two terms are declared to be epithets of the Buddha and are associated with two other terms derived from the same concepts of Dhamma and Brahma XE "Brahma" . The Buddha is also described as dhammakyo and brahmakyo. He is the symbol of the Dhamma (dhammakyo) and he is identified with it. Hence th is also dhammabhkto. The Commentary on the above passage adds that the Dhamma, on account of its supreme nature, is called Brahma which is the recognised and accepted term to signify the highest and the perfect in contemporary religious thought. Here comes the identification of Dhamma with Brahma and perhaps this gave further support for the adoption of the term Brahma by the Buddhists to describe their own state of religious perfection. Now it becomes clear that the term brahmabhkta is used to stress the Buddha's perfection and pre-eminence. The Commentaries XE "Commentaries"  regularly explain it as semmhabhkta: Semmhammhena brahmabhkto -MA.II.76. It is also used as an attribute of the Arahant XE "Arahant" , i.e. the disciple who, in this very life, has reached peace and perfection, is tranquil and blissful. Here too, the idea does not seem to be far from what was stated above, for it seems to emphasise the transcendent character of the Arahant as compared with the rest of the worldlings. But neither in the descriptions of the spiritual XE "spiritual"  progress of one who aspires to Arahantship XE "Arahantship"  nor in the accounts of the achievements and attainments of the Arahant do we ever get any associations with Brahma, personal or impersonal, as the highest and the absolute. The term Brahma XE "Brahma" , however, does appear in Buddhism in such contexts as brahmacariya, brahmabhkta XE "brahmabhkta"  and brahmapatti XE "brahmapatti" . Here the term connotes only the idea of noble, worthy and supreme. It is this same phenomenon of adapting terms with already established connotations that we find in the use of the word brhmaGa XE "brhmaGa"  with reference to the worthy Buddhist disciple. During the days of the Buddha, the Brahmins as a group had attained an unassailable position in society XE "society" , and the Buddha too, seems to have conceded this up to a point. He always had a word of praise for those whom he called the virtuous Brahmins of old. His lament was that the Brahmins of his day did not live up to the worthy Brahmin XE "Brahmin"  ideals set up by the ancestors of the clan. The following are some of the virtues he ascribed to them: `The sages of yore were full of restraint XE "restraint"  and given to austerity. Rejecting the pleasures of the senses they sought their own salvation.' `They considered the life of brahmacariya, morality XE "morality" , honesty, austerity, benevolence, compassion and tolerance as great virtues.' It would have been both futile and almost impossible to dislodge the Brahmin from the social position which he had acquired for himself. The Buddha accepted the concept of the ideal Brahmin and redefined the qualifications for the title of BrhmaGa with the stress on ethics and morality. He challenged the accepted value attached to birth as the exclusive qualification for Brahminship. It is the mode of a man's life, according to the Buddha's new criterion, that determines a man's social and religious pre-eminence. It is not the purpose of the present study to go into details of the development of Buddhist cosmological ideas. However, it must be mentioned that Buddhist texts know of references to Brahm XE "Brahm"  as a personal being. He is referred to as Mahbrahm and is recognised as the head of the thousand world systems. But the interest of the Buddhist texts here is not so much to stress the greatness of Brahm as to show that he himself is subject to the law XE "law"  of change and therefore is not an ideal or absolute position to aspire to, although it is, no doubt, regarded as a very high one. According to the Buddhist texts, it is to this great Brahm that the Brahmins of the day addressed their prayers and sacrifices. It is a very ritualistic XE "ritualistic"  Brahmanism XE "Brahmanism"  that is portrayed here. It is centered on the cult of a personal Brahma XE "Brahma" . The world of Brahm was the religious goal of the Brahmins and companionship with him was the consummation of their religious life. The Brahmins themselves are seen professing it to be so. A passage from the Dhnajni XE "Dhnajni"  Sutta makes it further clear that this was the manner in which the Buddhists explained the position of the Brahmins of the day who aspired to reach the world of Brahma (brahmalokdhimutt). Here the Buddha questions the venerable Sriputta XE "Sriputta"  why he aided Dhnajni to be born in the Brahma-world which according to the religious considerations of the Buddhists was an inferior goal. But in the Tevijj XE "Tevijj"  Sutta, the Buddha himself, being questioned by the Brahmin XE "Brahmin"  pupils of Pokkharasti and Trukkha XE "Trukkha" , is seen redefining the path to the world of Brahm and the way to Brahma-union. What strikes us in both these instances is that birth in the world of Brahm as a reward for the practice of the religious life is conceded. However, nowhere is it recognised as the final end. On the other hand, the Buddha asks Sriputta why he set Dhnajni in the world of Brahm when something further could have been achieved (sati XE "sati"  uttariC karaG+ye). Brahm himself is declared to be subject to change (mahbrahmuno'pi atth'eva aattattaC atthi vipariGmo). Consequently a high premium is never set on life in the Brahma-world for the Buddhists who always regard it as a relatively inferior position in relation to nibbna XE "nibbna"  (h+ne brahmaloke). At the same time we notice that the idea of birth in the Brahma XE "Brahma" -world is closely bound up with the practice and development of the four virtues of mett XE "mett" , karuG, mudit XE "mudit"  and upekkh XE "upekkh"  which in Buddhism have come to be known as the four Brahma-vihra or divine XE "divine"  abodes. However, in the early texts the term Brahma-vihra is not always used for the practice of these virtues. The SaEg+ti XE "SaEg+ti"  Sutta refers to them as catasso appamayo or the fourfold boundlessness. In the Dhnajni XE "Dhnajni"  Sutta, it is the practice of these four virtues which the venerable Sriputta XE "Sriputta"  recommends to the Brahmin XE "Brahmin"  Dhnajni as the way to reach the Brahma-world. Each one of these is spoken of as leading to that much coveted goal. Here, the practice of the Brahma-vihra seems to stand on its own without any leanings on Buddhism, except for the fact that the Sutta simply says that a Bhikkhu does practise these. Dhnajni was thus able, apparently without any radical change of his ways, to practise it in his Brahmin setting and be born in the Brahma-world. In the Tevijj XE "Tevijj"  Sutta, the position is different. It is admitted that the development of these practices leads to Brahma-companionship, but it is to come only after the fulfilment of the preliminary duties which are to be carried out by a Buddhist disciple. The grounding in morality XE "morality"  (s+lakkhandha XE "s+lakkhandha" ), restraint XE "restraint"  of the sense faculties (indriyasamvara), mental XE "mental"  alertness (satisampajaa XE "satisampajaa" ) and contentment (santummhi) are all basic requirements, possessed of which the Buddhist disciple is to purge his mind of the five evil traits (pacan+varaGa XE "pacan+varaGa" ). Then alone has he reached the necessary mental poise for the effective practice of the above virtues referred to as Brahma-vihra. We see in this Sutta the practice of the Brahma-vihra adequately garbed in Buddhist fashion, even though it is recognised that this practice leads to Brahma-companionship. This being so, no difficulty of incompatibility seems to be encountered here. But in the Makhdeva XE "Makhdeva"  Sutta, the Brahma XE "Brahma" -vihra are valued differently. King Makhdeva who is recognised as the Buddha in one of his earlier existences, is said to have renounced the household life at the first appearance of the signs of old age. Living the life of brahmacariya, he practised not one, but all the four Brahma-vihra and after death was born in the Brahma-world. But after he became the Buddha, he was in a position to point out the limitations of the practice of the Brahma-vihra as a way of religious life. It leads not to detachment, tranquility and cessation. It leads not to enlightenment XE "enlightenment"  but only confers birth in the Brahma-world. The Buddha is happy to be able to offer a new way of religious life which leads to detachment, cessation and tranquility. It is the way to enlightenment which is none other than the noble eightfold path. We notice that there is a definite attempt in this Sutta (Tevijja) to reject this alien way of the practice of Brahma-vihra, with its limitations, perhaps because of its strong ties with the Brahma-world, the relative inferiority of which the Buddha repeatedly stressed. The scope of the religious life of a Buddhist disciple would not only thereby be limited but also misdirected. The same criticism is made when a Buddhist disciple practises the life of brahmacariya, aspiring to be born in a particular heavenly world. The Cetokhila XE "Cetokhila"  Sutta considers it a definite hindrance to spiritual XE "spiritual"  progress. However, the virtues developed under the Brahma XE "Brahma" -vihra are in no way incompatible with the spiritual XE "spiritual"  progress of a Buddhist disciple. They are, in fact, associated with the Buddha too. In the J+vaka XE "J+vaka"  Sutta, J+vaka tells the Buddha about these four virtues which are believed to be characteristics of Brahm XE "Brahm"  and adds that he feels that the Buddha also possesses them. The Buddha admits that he possesses them but not as the result of a direct process of practice. On the other hand, it is by virtue XE "virtue"  of the fact that rga XE "rga" , dosa XE "dosa"  and moha XE "moha"  are completely eliminated in the Buddha. For it is these which give rise to vypda XE "vypda" , vihes, arati XE "arati"  and pamigha which are the opposites of these four virtues. Thus, in him they are only derivative virtues resulting from a higher achievement. But the Buddha speaks of his disciples as developing these virtues in their daily life. In the Mahrhulovda XE "Mahrhulovda"  Sutta, the disciples are asked to develop these with the primary idea of eliminating their opposites, viz. vypda, vihes, arati and pamigha. The Commentary adds that these virtues are essential as the means to the attainment of Arahantship XE "Arahantship" . We notice here an attempt to offer a different motive which is more in keeping with Buddhist values for the practice of these much recognised virtues. It is particularly interesting to note how the elimination of arati is held out as an incentive for the practice of mudit XE "mudit" . The explanation of arati XE "arati"  as given in the Commentaries XE "Commentaries"  gives the virtue XE "virtue"  of mudit XE "mudit"  an essentially monastic character which it need not necessarily have. Arati is accordingly the apathy and indifference to the cloistered life and the lack of initiative in the striving for higher spiritual XE "spiritual"  attainments. Also note the comment on arati which is given in the Suttanipta Ammhakath. There it is indicated that the pabbajita XE "pabbajita" , even after the conquest of kma XE "kma"  on entering the monastic life, may yet fall a victim to arati if he fails to engage himself actively in the pursuit of the monastic aspirations. As we examine the interpretation given here to mudit and arati with this distinctly monastic bias we begin to see that the Brahma XE "Brahma" -vihra which originally were meant to bring about a mental XE "mental"  purge and secure an equipoise of mind are also being used to serve partly as a stimulant in Buddhist monasticism. There is a statement in the SaCyutta Nikya XE "SaCyutta Nikya"  which tries to make out that the difficult task for a pabbajita is the devotion and dedication to his mission of good monastic living. The SaCyutta has repeated laments over the falling standards of the Buddhist SaEgha and we may safely infer that this statement reflects a similar attitude. At such a stage in the history of the order it is understandable that mudit is called upon to play this additional role of battling against spiritual lethargy and indifference. The practice of these four virtues is also called appamG cetovimutti and this cetovimutti is esteemed high in so far as it is stable and has led in that state of mental XE "mental"  perfection to the elimination of rga XE "rga" , dosa XE "dosa"  and moha XE "moha" . Of these four, mett XE "mett"  alone as a virtue XE "virtue"  by itself, is advocated by the Buddha in the Kakackpama XE "Kakackpama"  Sutta. This sermon which refers to the elimination of feelings of anger under all circumstances became, more or less, a standard injunction to his disciples. They are called upon to bear in mind the simile of the saw (kakackpama) at all times. Consequently it became a guiding principle in their life as is borne out by the Theragth. The Mgha XE "Mgha"  Sutta too, seems to single out mett as a virtue to be developed by the Buddhist disciple. The Metta XE "Metta"  Sutta goes further to recommend the development of mett and calls it, in its isolation, the Brahma XE "Brahma" -vihra. The Ammhakangara XE "Ammhakangara"  Sutta points out that a disciple, realising the limitations of the mental XE "mental"  purge resulting from the practice of these virtues under the Brahma XE "Brahma" -vihra, would be propelled thereby to strive for further attainments. Thus it becomes abundantly clear that in spite of the allusions to their transcendent character the Brahma-vihra have only a limited significance in Buddhism in relation to the Buddhist life of brahmacariya. CHAPTER III The Early Buddhist Ideal of The Monk The Buddha, who discovered the path to enlightenment XE "enlightenment"  after a successful process of trial and elimination, proclaims a new way of religious life which he recommends to his followers under the name of brahmacariya.  We find that as the goal of this life of brahmacariya, the accent falls on the release from dukkha XE "dukkha"   and the attainment of nibbna XE "nibbna" . This is clear from the recurring statement in the texts which is ascribed to the Buddha: `Come. O monk, live the life of brahmacariya in order that you may make an end of suffering' (Ehi bhikkhk'ti bhagav avoca svkkhto dhammo. Cara brahmacariyaC samm dukkhassa antakiriyy'ti -Vin.I.12.). This orientation is due to the fact that the Bodhisatta XE "Bodhisatta" 's search for enlightenment derived its urge from his consuming anxiety to discover the root-cause of the phenomenon of dukkha and the way to its extinction [dukkha chaC papemi dukkhassa ca nirodhaC] The Bodhisatta XE "Bodhisatta"  seems to have analysed the problem of dukkha XE "dukkha"  in terms of its origin (samudaya XE "samudaya" ) and its cessation (nirodha XE "nirodha" ). Through this, it is not difficult to see the emergence of the Noble Truths or Ariya-saccni as a part of the basic doctrines of Buddhism. This quest of the Bodhisatta resulted in the discovery of the ultimate cause of dukkha and hence of its cessation too, a discovery which he made following the principle of causal genesis XE "causal genesis"  (idappaccayat pamicca-samuppdo). From this, the evolution of the Chain of Causation XE "Chain of Causation"  would have naturally resulted. In the Sammdimmhi XE "Sammdimmhi"  Sutta, the venerable Sriputta XE "Sriputta"  defines dukkha and analyses it in terms of its origin, cessation and the path leading to its cessation. Thereafter, he defines likewise the twelve links of the Pamiccasamuppda XE "Pamiccasamuppda"  chain and analyses each one of them in turn in the same manner. In this analysis of Sriputta we see an extended use of the Buddha's idea of causal genesis. Here too the successive links of the chain follow, as it were, from an analysis of dukkha. Thus it is clear that the fact of dukkha XE "dukkha"  was the starting-point of the Bodhisatta XE "Bodhisatta" 's journey of discovery of the causative links. As Buddha, he makes this point crystal clear in more than one place. Thus he tells the venerable Anurdha XE "Anurdha" : `One thing do I teach, suffering and the cessation of suffering' (Sdhu sdhu anurdha pubbe c'ham anurdha etarahi ca dukkha c'eva papemi dukkhassa ca nirodhan'ti -S.IV.384. See also M.I.140.). Nothing could have been a more realistic approach to mokca XE "mokca"  or deliverance than an awareness of the presence of suffering and a desire to terminate it. Even in his first sermon to the Pacavaggiya monks, the Buddha discoursed on dukkha and the escape therefrom. This is so fundamentally the dominant theme of Buddhism that even the philosophical expositions of nibbna XE "nibbna"  savour of this. They describe nibbna as being the termination of dukkha: es'ev'anto dukkhassa.(Atthi bhikkhave tadyatanaC yattha n'eva pathav+ na po... es'ev'anto dukkhass'ti... etc. -Ud.80f.) This current life, associated together with the idea of many more repeated existences, appeared to the Bodhisatta XE "Bodhisatta"  as but a single link in the continuous chain of births and deaths, holding between them decay and disease as inescapable consequences. These ills of life, which the Bodhisatta observed around him, stand out as the first promptings which stirred him to the quest of a way of release from them. The inquiry which he initiated and the results he achieved have become so significant in the history of Buddhism that these researches have been referred retrospectively to times anterior to Buddha Gotama XE "Gotama" . They are ascribed to all the six Buddhas XE "Buddhas"  of the past who are listed together in the Mahpadna XE "Mahpadna"  Sutta. All these Buddhas seem to make the same observation regarding life in the world, namely, that the world is subject to the ills of birth, decay and death with the threatening reality of birth again in another existence. `And to me, brethren, before I was enlightened, while I was yet unenlightened and only a Bodhisatta, there came this thought: Alas! this world has fallen upon trouble. There is getting born and decaying and dying and passing away and being reborn. And yet from this suffering, from decay and death, an escape is not known. O when shall escape from this suffering, from decay and death, be revealed? Then to me, brethren, came this thought, What now being present, does decay and death come to be? What conditions decay and death?' The theory of causal genesis XE "causal genesis"  in Buddhism was therefore a direct outcome of this probe and it is little wonder that the venerable Assaji XE "Assaji" . who was one of the first five disciples of the Buddha, gave this theory as the essence of his master's teaching: Ye dhamm hetuppabhav tesaC hetu tathgato ha tesa ca yo nirodho evaCvd+ mahsamaGo'ti. In the Ariyapariyesana XE "Ariyapariyesana"  Sutta, the Buddha himself identifies the theory of causal genesis XE "causal genesis"  - idappacayat pamiccasamuppdo, a theory in terms of which phenomenal existence and all its concomitants are explained, as the central feature of his Dhamma. As the only complement to this the Sutta introduces the cessation of samsric XE "samsric"  existence which is the goal in Buddhism - nirodho nibbna XE "nibbna" C. The words of Assaji XE "Assaji"  are undoutedly resonant of these two fundamental and correlated ideas of the Buddha's teaching. Thus, as already pointed out earlier, the four Truths of Buddhism including the way or magga (dukkha XE "dukkha" -nirodhagmin+-pamipad) and the Chain of Causation XE "Chain of Causation"  are products of the Buddha's application of the principle of causal genesis to the problem of dukkha. Therefore they are essentially of the very core of Buddhism. In the Mahhatthipadopama XE "Mahhatthipadopama"  Sutta, the venerable Sriputta XE "Sriputta"  quotes the Buddha as having identified the Pamiccasamuppda XE "Pamiccasamuppda"  with the whole of his teaching. This same prestige for the Pamiccasamuppda is claimed with greater eloquence in the Mahnidna XE "Mahnidna"  Sutta. The problem of dukkha XE "dukkha"  as envisaged by the Bodhisatta XE "Bodhisatta"  and analysed by him later in great detail is shown to be both varied and extensive. In addition to the physical changes of decay, disease and death which are inherent in the fact of birth and are aspects of the basic suffering in life, there are also other painful situations which are consequent on it. The Buddha, in his first sermon at Isipatana XE "Isipatana" , explained that all our relationships with the world outside which are based on strong likes and dislikes and perverted values also lead to dukkha. Dukkha is there defined as `the company of those whom one does not like, separation from those whom one likes and the inability to gain the objects of desire.' Cares and considerations of household life lead to numerous such instances. The Kma XE "Kma"  Sutta of the Suttanipta portrays some of these as follows: Whoso for pleasure longs And therein hath his will, How happy is that man With all he wished for won. But when those pleasures fade, The wanton wight, thus steeped In pleasure, craving-born, Suffers as pierced by dart. Who craves for pleasure's brood: Fields and demesnes and gold, Horses and cows and slaves, Retainers, women, kin: Him weaknesses o'erpower, Him troubles dominate, And on him closes ill As sea on vessel split. However, it is pointed out that these are situations which a wise man may discreetly avoid and keep away at a distance. The Mahdukkhakkhandha XE "Mahdukkhakkhandha"  Sutta also discusses how the manifold implications of life bring dukkha XE "dukkha"  in their wake, to a greater or lesser degree. These aspects of dukkha, man creates for himself to whatever degree he gives vent to his desires. The burden of earning a livelihood, loss and failure, insecurity, interstate warfare, communal and family disputes, and acts of political violence are all listed in the Sutta as contributing their quota to the additional load of dukkha which man piles upon himself. Brahmacariya XE "Brahmacariya"  or the higher religious life which is often identified with the life of pabbajj XE "pabbajj"  is held out in early Buddhism as the one certain way for the effective elimination of these ills of existence. The disciples of the Buddha, once being asked by the followers of other religious schools as to the purpose of Buddhist monastic life, answer that it aims at the termination of dukkha XE "dukkha" . This reply of the disciples is heartily endorsed by the Master who maintains that it is the correct interpretation of his teaching. He is himself seen stating the same. The following items are also added as motives for the practice of brahmacariya: Elimination of lust - rgavirgatthaC Removal of fetters of existence - saCyojanapahnatthaC Destruction of predispositions - anusayasamugghtatthaC Extinction of defilements - savnaC khaya XE "savnaC khaya" tthaC XE "savnaC khayatthaC"  Realisation of the fruits of release through wisdom - vijjvimuttiphalasacchikiriyatthaC XE "vijjvimuttiphalasacchikiriyatthaC"  Realisation of knowledge and insight - GadassanatthaC XE "GadassanatthaC"  Complete liberation from the whirl of esistence - anupd parinibbnatthaC XE "anupd parinibbnatthaC"   Brahmacariya XE "Brahmacariya"  is the Buddhist way to perfection which is referred to as the attainment of nibbna XE "nibbna" . The Mahassapura XE "Mahassapura"  Sutta states that the one concern of brahmacariya is the attainment of that poise and freedom of the mind which is nibbna. The Cullavedalla XE "Cullavedalla"  Sutta explains the purpose of brahmacariya as the attainment of nibbna. The SaCyutta explains further how the life of brahmacariya leads to the cessation of dukkha XE "dukkha" . Through the practice of brahmacariya, it says, rebirth is ended, and thereby one is freed of all consequent ills. The above passage in the Samyutta strives hard to establish, in no uncertain terms, the essential connection between the practice of brahmacariya and the attainment of the Buddhist goal of terminating saCsric existence. The early Canonical XE "Canonical"  texts repeatedly record that every Arahant XE "Arahant" , while declaring the fact of his enlightenment XE "enlightenment" , claims that he would not be reborn again and that he has perfected the life of brahmacariya: kh+G jti vusitaC brahmacariyaC. He is also aware of the termination of his existence in saCsra XE "saCsra"  which he has accomplished: nparaC itthatty'ti pajnti. This life of brahmacariya admits of no compromises and is described as a mode of life which is perfect and wholly pure: ekantaparipuGGaC ekantaparisuddhaC saEkhalikhitaC. There should be no erring even for a single day, says the Commentary. The Commentaries XE "Commentaries"  go on to add that the life of brahmacariya is so called because it is the noblest way of life or the way of life of those who have reached the highest state of perfection. The Arahant is described as brahmacariyassa keval+ XE "brahmacariyassa keval+"  or one who has perfected the life of brahmacariya. The Commentary on the above adds that he is also called sakalabrahmacr+ XE "sakalabrahmacr+" . i.e. a complete brahmacr+. As the complete way to salvation it is also said to embrace all three phases of sikkh XE "sikkh"  or self-culture in Buddhism, namely s+la XE "s+la" , samdhi XE "samdhi"  and pa XE "pa" . i.e. morality XE "morality" , tranquility of mind and wisdom respectively. It is in this sense, namely that brahmacariya is the way to Arahantship XE "Arahantship" , that brahmacariya comes to be identified with the Noble Eightfold Path XE "Eightfold Path" . The Commentaries XE "Commentaries"  repeatedly speak of brahmacariya as the path leading to Arahantship. Thus it is undoubtedly the ideal religious life in Buddhism, recommended and practised for the attainment of the final goal. The efficacy of this way of life is readily admitted by its adherents. The elder PuGGa Mantniputta XE "PuGGa Mantniputta"  tells the venerable Sriputta XE "Sriputta"  that the life of brahmacariya under the Buddha is lived for the sake of attaining complete emancipation: Anupd parinibbnatthaC kho vuso bhagavati brahmacariyaC vussati - M.I.148. The Buddhist disciple who has attained the goal of his quest, the Arahant XE "Arahant" , speaks of having perfected this higher life of brahmacariya: vusitaC brahmacariyaC. The pragmatism of the Buddha's teaching is clearly revealed in the statement that he preaches only what contributes to his life of brahmacariya and leaves unexplained that which has no relevance to it. The life of brahmacariya amounts almost to complete renunciation XE "renunciation"  in that all the followers of the Buddha are invariably found saying that this perfect and pure religious life cannot easily be lived while leading the life of a householder. Thus the ardent convert is seen going from home to homelessness, with faith XE "faith"  in the way of life laid down by the Buddha, for the purpose of perfecting this life of brahmacariya. The Pabbajj XE "Pabbajj"  Sutta of the Suttanipta describes on very similar lines the motive which prompted the Bodhisatta XE "Bodhisatta"  to renounce the household life. It is at this point of emphasis of complete renunciation that brahmacariya and the life of pabbajj XE "pabbajj"  seem almost to converge. In describing the s+la XE "s+la"  observed by a pabbajita XE "pabbajita" , Suttas go on to say that he is a brahmacr+ in that he observes the vow of celibacy XE "celibacy" , having given up the life of abrahmacariya (non-brahmacariya) which is, more or less, identified with the sex XE "sex"  life of a householder. The Tissametteyya XE "Tissametteyya"  Sutta of the Suttanipta sheds further light on the Buddhist monastic attitude to celibacy. Called upon by the elder Tissametteyya to explain the dangers of sex life to a monastic career, the Buddha says that the monk who indulges in the pleasures of sex (methuna XE "methuna" ) would, first and foremost, fail to fulfil his avowed mission. The Commentary explains this further as the failure to gain mastery over the Buddha's teaching (pariyattissana XE "pariyattissana" ) and the inability to attain to any higher spiritual XE "spiritual"  states (pamipattissana XE "pamipattissana" ). He would also consequently slip into wrong patterns of conduct XE "conduct"  which are unworthy of the noble traditions of true monasticism. It is also said to be despicable in the eyes of the public that one who had renounced everything and chosen a monastic career to lead a solitary XE "solitary"  life should be lured by thoughts of methuna or sex gratification. He would be looked upon as a carriage which has gone out of control, which ere long would go to wreck and ruin. Such a decline would be degrading and the Sutta goes on to say that these considerations should suffice as inducements for a monk to eschew such vulgar pleasures. On account of this monastic attitude to celibacy we discover in the SaCyutta Nikya XE "SaCyutta Nikya"  what appears to be a fossilized idea which regarded women as a danger to the life of brahmacariya. This latter attitude to women in Buddhism may also be partly derived from Jainism XE "Jainism"  and from the Brahmacarya [rama of the Brahmins which we discussed earlier under the Upanicads. But the really vital consideration, over and above all these, is the Buddhist attitude to the enjoyment of kma XE "kma"  or pleasures of the senses. The desire for their enjoyment, the Buddha has repeatedly stated, is contradictory to the spiritual aspirations of the monk. It is the celibacy XE "celibacy"  and the good life of the monk that we have discussed so far, and thus brahmacariya remains as though it were the prerogative of the monk. However, in the Mahvacchagotta XE "Mahvacchagotta"  Sutta we see the term brahmacr+ being used with reference to laymen. The Psdika XE "Psdika"  Sutta too, uses it in the same sense. The essence of the term here, which is also applied to the white-clad laymen, is that a brahmacr+ is one who has eschewed sensual XE "sensual"  pleasures. Hence he is not a kmabhog+ XE "kmabhog+" . The white-clad laymen who are brahmacr+ are presented in marked contrast to the white-clad laymen who enjoy sensual pleasures. This stresses the idea that the essence of brahmacariya is the spirit of complete renunciation XE "renunciation" . It is not the mere departure from home to homelessness but the surrendering of all the pleasures which are the lot of a householder. This detachment which is to be acquired through diligent cultivation is the fundamental characteristic of true pabbajj XE "pabbajj" . It is evident from the statement in the SaCyutta which says that once the mind has achieved this detachment, the pabbajita XE "pabbajita"  would not exchange his mode of life for the lower order of the laymen. It is also clear from the testimony of the Suttas that the early disciples who took to the monastic life under the Buddha did so with a characteristic awareness and earnestness. They admit that it is difficult for one who lives the life of a householder to practise this code XE "code"  of higher living. The household, with its many-faceted activities could never provide the necessary leisure or freedom for its development. It is far from being the ideal setting for it. It is also said that the unstable and disquietening character of household life is enough in itself to drive a man to complete renunciation XE "renunciation" . The contrast between the two is emphatically stated in the following statement. `Life in the household is full of impediments and leads to corruption. Life of mendicancy XE "mendicancy"  affords complete freedom': Bahusambdho gharvso rajopatho abbhokso pabbajj XE "pabbajj" . The Commentaries XE "Commentaries" , which give further details of this, quote the Mahammhakath XE "Mahammhakath"  as saying that the household life does invariably give rise to defilement of the mind through greed etc. This point of view, that the higher life of brahmacariya is closely bound up with renunciation, is so significant and is accepted in principle in Buddhism that in the biographies of the Buddha he is made to express it even at the stage of being a Bodhisatta XE "Bodhisatta" , prior to his enlightenment XE "enlightenment" . Those who choose that life leave their household behind with perfect ease. Inspired by this end which they have in view they find that nothing in their worldly possessions is too great to be sacrificed. Kla XE "Kla" , who fled from his wife XE "wife"  and son, reassures us of this as he says: `Like the elephant that breaks its chains asunder the wise leave behind their sons, wealth and kinsmen and enter the life of pabbajj..' The goal for which they strive becomes the constant and unfailing guiding force in their lives. It is abundantly clear that early Buddhism with its spiritual XE "spiritual"  earnestness considered pabbajj XE "pabbajj"  or the life of renunciation XE "renunciation"  as the ideal religious life. The life of the monk is a stage beyond that of the laymen, and the passage from lay life to recluseship XE "recluseship"  is always looked upon as an advance, a step forward in spiritual progress. Discarding all paraphernalia and associations of lay life a man should leave his home and take to the solitary XE "solitary"  life of a mendicant. In doing so he is compared to the Pricchatta tree which sheds its leaves. The Ckladukkhakkhandha XE "Ckladukkhakkhandha"  Sutta expresses the idea that the spiritual development enjoined in Buddhism would ultimately lead to pabbajj or renunciation of household life. It is argued in the Sutta that if the basis from which thoughts of lobha XE "lobha" , dosa XE "dosa"  and moha XE "moha"  spring has been eliminated in any man, he would then no longer remain in the household or enjoy sensual XE "sensual"  pleasures. Those who chose this way of life, inspite of the strict discipline and the endless striving it involved, decided that they would ceaselessly work all their life for the attainment of their goal. An independent observation by King Pasenadi Kosala XE "Pasenadi Kosala"  in the Dhammacetiya XE "Dhammacetiya"  Sutta testifies to this. Those disciples would prefer death rather than give up their chosen career. A ther+, despairing at the slow progress she made in her spiritual endeavours, declares that she would rather make an end of her life than return to lay life. The elder Sappadsa XE "Sappadsa"  who was placed in a similar situation voiced the same sentiment. This, in fact, became the accepted attitude to fickleness of faith XE "faith"  among those leading the higher life. It is suicide XE "suicide" , declares the SaCyutta, to give up the higher religious life and revert to the lower order. Thus early Buddhism, very naturally, seems to have exalted the life of the monk over that of the layman XE "layman" . In the spiritual XE "spiritual"  quest, the monk is ahead of the layman on account of his very natural advantages with which the layman could not compete. The Suttanipta illustrates this position beautifully where it says that the crested peacock adorned with its blue neck never equals the swan in its speed. A monk does transcend a layman in that he gives up not only the belongings. but also the desires and emotions which are characteristic of those living in the household. He leads such a light livelihood, with just enough food XE "food"  for his sustenance and a garment to cover himself, that it is said that the monk goes about like a bird which, wherever it goes, carries only the weight of its feathers. These world-renouncing and abstemious disciples of the Buddha seem to have had a mixed reception in the contemporary Indian society XE "society" . Although celibacy XE "celibacy"  and renunciation XE "renunciation"  were nothing strange to Indian religions, yet the popularity of the new creed of the Buddha and the success of his early conversions appear to have roused some animated comments from his contemporaries. The ideal of renunciation in the new religion, they argued, led to social disintegration and breach of family life. It was added that women were widowed on account of this new movement and parents were robbed of their children. This presumably would have been the most natural and at the same time the most superficial charge that could have been made against the Buddhist Order of monks. The Indians of the Buddha's day seem to have been accustomed to look upon renunciation and religious mendicancy XE "mendicancy"  as a stage in man's life which is to be initiated at the appearance of grey hairs. Renunciation marks the quest for celestial pleasures on which one embarks only after the enjoyment of the pleasures of the world. This is well attested in the words of King Makhdeva XE "Makhdeva"  in the Makhdeva Sutta where he says that since grey hairs have appeared on his head it is time for him to search for heavenly pleasures. In the Rammhapla XE "Rammhapla"  Sutta we get another expression of this idea where King Koravya XE "Koravya"  tells the elder Rammhapla that people leave the household life and take to religious mendicancy only when they fail to make a success of this life on account of old age or disease, loss of wealth or kith and kin. It would also not be out of place here to observe that the hallmark of Indian religious mendicancy XE "mendicancy"  at the time was asceticism XE "asceticism"  which more often than not turned out to be of a severe order. Both popular taste and contemporary practices mutually contributed towards this position. Putting forward his new charter for more rigorous monastic living, Devadatta XE "Devadatta"  pointed out that people adore severe self-abnegation. The naked ascetics of the day argued with the Buddha that no happpiness could be attained except through the path of pain. It was also observed earlier that the caturaEga-samanngata-brahmacariya which is of non-Buddhist origin consisted of austerities XE "austerities"  of the highest severity. The Buddha denounced this as a form of religious life and said, in his first sermon, that it was a mean and vulgar way of life which was painful. Therefore it was to be ruled out as a disastrous extreme which should be avoided. It was not the way whereby the mind would triumph over the body and attain to higher states of enlightenment XE "enlightenment" . Nor did this mode of conduct XE "conduct"  help to pay off the sins of the past as was maintained by the Jains. Thus the Buddha never set the mind and the body against each other. One should take special note here of the statement in the Padhna XE "Padhna"  Sutta which appears, as it were, to contradict this position. In reply to Mra XE "Mra" , the Bodhisatta XE "Bodhisatta"  is reported to have said the following.' While my flesh wastes away my mind will reach greater tranquility': MaCsesu kh+yamnesu bhiyyo cittaC pas+dati - Sn.v.434. This does not, however, seem to mean that the way to the tranquility of mind is through this physical decline. As the Commentary appears to indicate these words are in reply to Mra who exaggerated the Bodhisatta's physical deterioration with a view to luring him into the enjoyment of sensual XE "sensual"  pleasures. The Bodhisatta was fully aware that the way to the attainment of the desired goal was undeniably a hard one which would make very heavy demands. But with a sincerity of purpose and an unrivalled earnestness which are coupled with a perfect judgement, he was not to be dissuaded from his venture. It is in spite of the threatened danger to his physical self that he is certain of attaining the desired mental XE "mental"  equipoise. Thus what the Bodhisatta wished to establish was that his indomitable spirit would not give way under the decline of the flesh: Na tv'eva tappaccay saCs+dati - SnA.II.389. It is in fact a healthy and peaceful interdependence of the mind and the body that is aimed at in the religious life which the Buddha prescribed. While the body is distressed no control or concentration of the mind could ever be achieved. Keeping this in mind the Buddha decried not only the baser forms of austerities XE "austerities"  which weary the body but also excessive striving, even though such striving may be channelled in the right direction. The composure of the dody and the consequent sense of ease was vital for the acquisition of any tranquility of the mind. (Pamuditassa p+ti jyati p+timanassa kyo passambhati passaddhakyo sukhaC vedeti sukhino cittaC samdhiyati - M.I.37). Coloured by this new attitude to mind culture, the code XE "code"  of conduct XE "conduct"  governing the life of the Buddhist disciple became considerably different from those of the contemporary groups. The life of the Buddhist disciple was never degraded to sub-human levels as are described at length in the Buddhist Suttas which deal with the austerities XE "austerities"  of the day. Clean and healthy living, both in mind and body, was their rule. The Buddha saw no reason to retreat from physical and mental XE "mental"  well-being, as long as it was not mingled with and contaminated by sensual XE "sensual"  pleasures. In fact, he recognised the physical well-being as a basis for the other. A high value was set on physical fitness and freedom from disease, not so much for its own sake but as forming a solid basis for mental development. It is partly with this end in view that the Buddha regulated the lives of the monks with regard to their habits of food XE "food"  and drink. Regularity and moderation in eating, the Buddha maintained, contributes to a healthy life, but lack of food would impair the successful progress of brahmacariya. Food is therefore to be taken with a view to eliminating physical distress so that the endeavour for spiritual XE "spiritual"  development may be made unhindered. Thus the Buddhist monks did eat and dress much less than the laymen and on a much simpler pattern. The Buddha constantly reminded them that once they renounced the household life they should never again lean towards the ways of the laymen. Seyyath'pi gih+ kmabhogino was a grim reminder to every erring individual. Every monk who was sufficiently alert in mind always reminded himself that it was unworthy of his ideal to incline towards the enjoyment of pleasures which he had renounced on leaving the household. The monk who is satisfied with his four basic sustenances (cattro nissay) which consist of begged food and patch-work robes, way-side shelters and the simplest of medicaments, is described as a triumphant free man who finds himself at home everywhere. Even these minimum requirements, a monk should use with extreme frugality and diligent consideration. The marked contrast of the Buddhist monks when viewed in relation to contemporary religious mendicants XE "mendicants" , and the liberal patronage they enjoyed brought upon them a series of accusations that they were leading a life of ease and luxury. But these statements were often groundless and based on misconceptions. It is proved by the fact that those who sought admission to the Buddhist Order, lured by these assumed attractions, were soon disillusioned and discovered to their utter dismay the demands of Buddhist monastic discipline. There is also no doubt that some would have found themselves in the same position as the Brahmin XE "Brahmin"  who joined the Order to make an easy living on the gifts of food XE "food"  offered by the laymen and subsequently threatened to revert to lay life on being called upon to go begging for alms. There was also the other section of the community who truly recognised the sincerity of the Buddhist diseiples and their devotion to the holy life. They were looked upon as a perfect model of good living and were of such exemplary character that men who wished to join their ranks were not wanting in the society XE "society"  of the day. CHAPTER IV The Foundations of Monastic Life: S+la, Sikkh and Sikkhpada The complete spiritual XE "spiritual"  development of the early Buddhist disciple who has voluntarily embarked on the life of brahmacariya seems to have been covered under the term sikkh XE "sikkh"  which means culture, training, discipline and also study. All the rewards of monastic life including the final goal of Arahantship XE "Arahantship"  are therefore the result of sikkh (Tassa evaC jnato evaC passato kmsav'pi cittaC vimuccati... nparaC itthatty'ti pajnti. TaC kissa hetu. EvaC hi etaC bhaddli hoti yath taC satthussane sikkhya paripkrakriss'ti - M.I.442.) Similarly the respect in which sikkh is held by the disciples (sikkh-gravat) is considered a cardinal virtue XE "virtue"  of Buddhist monasticism (ye pana te kulaputt saddh XE "saddh"  agrasm anagriyaC pabbajit... sikkhya tibbagrav - M.I.32). It is also one of six virtues which contribute to a disciple's spiritual stability. It is listed together with the respect for the Buddha, Dhamma and SaEgha (satthugravat, dhammagravat and saEghagravat) and two other virtues which vary in different contexts. Consequently the abandonment of the monastic discipline and the return to lay life was regarded as the negation of sikkh (ye pi samaGassa gotamassa svak sabrahmacr+hi sampayojetv sikkhaC paccakkhya h+nya vattanti - M. II. 5). This concept of sikkh XE "sikkh"  which brings within its fold the entire system of spiritual XE "spiritual"  development in Buddhism is considered as being threefold in character. According to this classification the training of the disciple is divided into three successive stages of 1.s+la XE "s+la" , 2.samdhi XE "samdhi"  and 3.pa XE "pa"  and goes under the name of tisso sikkh XE "tisso sikkh"  (Tisso im bhikkhave sikkh. Katam tisso. Adhis+lasikkh adhicittasikkh adhipasikkh - A.I.235.). It is reported in the AEguttara Nikya that once a Vajjiputtaka XE "Vajjiputtaka"  monk who confessed his inability to abide by such a large number of rules which exceeded one hundred and fifty in number (sdhikaC diya  hasikkhpadasataC) and which were recited fortnightly at the Ptimokkha ceremony was told by the Buddha that it would serve the purpose of his monastic life if he could discipline himself in terms of the threefold sikkh. All those rules, it is said, are contained within the threefold sikkh (Im kho bhikkhave tisso sikkh yatth'etaC sabbaC samodhnaC gacchati - A.I.231). These three items of discipline are also referred to as constituting the duties of monastic life (T+Gi' mni bhikkhave samaGassa samaGakaraG+yni. Katamni t+Gi. Adhis+lasikkh-samdnaC adhicittasikkh-samdnaC adhipasikkh-samdnaC - A.I.229.) They bring about the accomplishments of a recluse which make him a true samaGa XE "samaGa" . Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  too, quoting the AEguttara Nikya verbatim in his commentary on the Mahassapura XE "Mahassapura"  Sutta, reaffirms this view. These three stages of s+la, samdhi and pa, together mark the complete development of Buddhist monastic life which leads to the acquisition of true knowledge or a (Seyyath pi sriputta bhikkhu s+la-sampanno samdhi-sampanno pa-sampanno dimmheva dhamme aaC rdheyya - M.I.71). Viewed negatively, it is said that self-training in terms of these three results in the elimination of lust, hatred and delusion (tasm tuyhaC bhikkhu adhis+lam'pi sikkhato adhicittam'pi sikkhato adhipaam'pi sikkhato rgo pah+yissati doso pah+yissati moho pah+yissati - A.I.230). Thus the true endeavour to develop all these aspects is made the basis of all monastic aspirations. The kaEkheyya XE "kaEkheyya"  Sutta gives it as a prescription for the perfection of monastic life. It is held out as the best code XE "code"  for the attainment of the highest good in religious life, including Arahantship XE "Arahantship" . (kaEkheyya ce bhikkhave bhikkhu savnaC khay ansavaC cetovimuttiC pavimuttiC dimmhe'va dhamme sayaC abhiya sacchikatv upasampajja vihareyyan'ti s+lesv'eva'ssa paripkrakr+ ajjhattaC cetosamathaC anuyutto anirkatajjhno vipassan XE "vipassan" ya samanngato brkhet sugrnaC - M.I.35f.). Buddhaghosa establishes that the procedure XE "procedure"  described here is identical with the discipline of the tisso sikkh. Nevertheless, it is clear from the evidence of the Suttas that out of the threefold sikkh XE "sikkh"  special emphasis was laid on s+la XE "s+la"  as the foundation of all spiritual XE "spiritual"  attainments. The Buddha himself is seen assuring his disciples of the efficacy of s+la as the basis of spiritual progess (yato kho tvaC bhikkhu s+laC nissya s+le patimmhya ime cattro satipammhne bhvessasi tato tuyhaC bhikkhu y ratti v divaso v gamissati vuddhi yeva pmikaEkh kusalesu dhammesu no parihn+'ti - S.V.187.). Once the monastic life is well established on the s+la basis all else seem to follow in natural succession. The kaEkheyya XE "kaEkheyya"  Sutta, in fact, begins with the Buddha's admonition to the monks to be mindful of their s+la and to acquire thereby the necessary discipline (sampannas+l bhikkhave viharatha sampannaptimokkh ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvut viharatha cragocara-sampann anumattesu vajjesu bhayadassv+ samdya sikkhatha sikkhpadesu - M.I.33). The Smaaphala Sutta gives a complete account of what ought to be and what probably was the proper conduct XE "conduct"  of the good monk (EvaC pabbajito samno ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto XE "ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto"  viharati cragocarasampanno anumattesu vajjesu bhayadassv+ samdya sikkhati sikkhpadesu kyakammavac+kammena samanngato kusalena parisuddhj+vo XE "parisuddhj+vo"  s+lasampanno indriyesu guttadvro XE "indriyesu guttadvro"  satisampajaena samanngato santummho - D.I.63.) An analysis and evaluation of the aspects of monastic conduct which are described here will be found in a succeeding chapter. For the present we shall only quote Professor Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  who in his study of the Smaaphala Sutta makes the following observations regarding its distinctly Buddhist flavour in its reference to monastic conduct: `Now it is perfectly true that of these thirteen consecutive propositions or groups of propositions, it is only the last, No. 13 which is exclusively Buddhist. But the things omitted, the union of the whole of those included into one system, the order in which the ideas are arranged, the way in which they are treated as so many steps of a ladder whose chief value depends on the fact that it leads up to the culminating point of Nirvna in Arahatship - all this is also distinctly Buddhist.' Getting down to the details of the above passage, however, the Sutta proceeds with an exhaustive analysis of s+lasampanno which is followed in succession by indriyesu guttadvro XE "indriyesu guttadvro" , satisampajaena samanngato and santummho. When we compare the comments of Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  on the above passage and the definition of s+lasampanno given in the Sekha XE "Sekha"  Sutta it becomes clear to us that here too the first consideration has been the perfection in s+la XE "s+la" . This prestige which s+la enjoys in early Buddhism as the basic training in religious life has never been challenged in the centuries that followed in the history of Pali Buddhism. In the Milindapaha (circa first century B.C.) the venerable Ngasena XE "Ngasena"  reiterates its impotrance with equal vigour (PatimmhnalakkhaGaC mahrja s+laC sabbesaC kusalnaC dhammnaC indriya - bala - bojjhaEga - magga - satipammhna - sammappadhna XE "sammappadhna"  - iddhipda - jhna - vimokkha - samdhi XE "samdhi"  - sampatt+naC s+laC patimtham. S+le patimmhassa kho mahrja sabbe kusal dhamm na parihyant+'ti - Milin.34). In the fifth century A.C. Buddhaghosa is equally eloquent on it in the Visuddhimagga. Both Ngasena and Buddhaghosa quote Canonical XE "Canonical"  texts regarding the basic value of s+la. The SaCyutta Nikya XE "SaCyutta Nikya"  records in two places the following statement which is ascribed to the Buddha: S+le patimmhya naro sapao cittaC paa ca bhvayaC tp+ nipako bhikkhu so imaC vijamaye jamaC.  This stanza which emphasises the importance of s+la XE "s+la"  is quoted by Ngasena XE "Ngasena"  as an utterance of the Buddha (Bhsitam'pi etaC mahrja bhagavat s+le patimmhya... Miln.34). Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  does the same in the Visuddhimagga. (Ten'ha bhagav s+le patimmhya ... Vism.I. 4) In the GaGakamoggllna and the Dantabhkmi XE "Dantabhkmi"  Suttas of the Majjhima Nikya, which deal with the development of the monastic life under the guidance XE "guidance"  of the Master himself, the main emphasis is on the idea that the spiritual XE "spiritual"  development of the monk is a gradual process and is undertaken in successive stages (anupubbasikkh anupubbakiriy anupubba-pamipad). The first words which the Buddha addresses to his disciples on taking them under his direction are with regard to their perfection in s+la and the consequent restraint XE "restraint"  which is associated with it (Ehi tvaC bhikkhu s+lav XE "s+lav"  hohi ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto XE "ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto"  viharhi cragocarasampanno anumattesu vajjesu bhayadassv+ samdya sikkhhi sikkhpadesk'ti - M.III.2,134). The perfection in s+la XE "s+la" , no doubt, marks the first stage in the spiritual XE "spiritual"  development of the Buddhist disciple and this advice of the Buddha to his disciples is found scattered in many places in the Sutta Pimaka XE "Sutta Pimaka" , sometimes addressed to single individuals and sometimes to the SaEgha as a whole. It is thus clear that s+la was the corner-stone of early Buddhist monasticism. First and foremost, the Buddhist disciple had to be s+lav XE "s+lav" . It meant that the disciple had to regulate his life in terms of what is recorded under s+la as conditions of good monastic living, abstaining from what is indicated as unworthy and contradictory to his spiritual aspirations. In the Smaaphala Sutta, the term s+lasampanno is used as equivalent in meaning to s+lav and under it are included forty-three items of s+la which are subdivided into three groups as Minor [26], Middle [10] and Major [7] - (cklas+la, majjhimas+la XE "majjhimas+la"  and mahs+la). A number of Suttas of the Majjhima Nikya, in describing the s+la of the Buddhist disciple, include under the category of s+la (s+lakkhandha XE "s+lakkhandha" ) only the first twenty-six items which in the Smaaphala Sutta are all grouped under cklas+la. They include the three bodily and the four verbal misdeeds or akusalakamma and have in addition certain practices, like the acceptance of gold and silver, cattle and land, which are unworthy of a monk but are allowable in the case of laymen. There are also some others like the last three items of the cklas+la which include fraudulent practices, violence and atrocities which are neither good for the monk nor for the layman XE "layman" . Almost all the ten items under the majjhimas+la are only further elaborations of some of the items of the cklas+la. The seven items of the mahs+la are only detailed descriptions of the different forms of ignoble livelihood or micch j+va which are improper for a monk. These items of s+la XE "s+la" , in the Suttas where they occur, do not bear the impress of an order or injunction. The disciples of the Buddha are described as giving up akusalakamma through word and deed. Abstaining from these evils, the disciples develop their corresponding virtues (Idha mahrja bhikkhu pGtiptaC pahya pGtipt pamivirato hoti nihitadaG o nihitasattho lajj+ daypanno sabba-pGa-bhkta-hitnukamp+ viharati - D.I.63ff.). They also abstain from patterns of conduct XE "conduct"  which are deemed unworthy of a monk. This freedom and the absence of pressure in the regulation XE "regulation"  of the spiritual XE "spiritual"  life which underlies the letter and the spirit of s+la is very characteristic of Buddhist monasticism in its earliest phase. With those sincere and earnest disciples of the Buddha who gathered themselves around him at the inception of the Ssana XE "Ssana" , no injunctions or restrictive regulations seem to have been necessary. In the Kakackpama XE "Kakackpama"  Sutta, the Buddha records his memory of the early days of the Ssana when he needed no strict orders to determine the behaviour of his disciples. At a mere suggestion by the Master the disciples took to the good ways of life recommended as they did when they adopted the habit of one meal a day (rdhayiCsu vata me bhikkhave bhikkhk ekaC samayaC cittaC. Idh'haC bhikkhave bhikkhk mantesiC. AhaC kho bhikkhave eksanabhojanam bhujmi ... Etha tumhe'pi bhikkhave eksanabhojanaC bhujatha ... Na me bhikkhave tesu bhikkhusu anussan+ karaG+y ahosi sat'uppdakaraG+yaC eva me bhikkhave tesu bhikkhusu ahosi - M.I.124). The incident referred to in the Kakackpama XE "Kakackpama"  Sutta clearly indicates the manner in which the Buddha's early disciples received and accepted his recommendations regarding the way of life appropriate for the monk. The Buddha seems at first to have counted on the sincerity and spiritual XE "spiritual"  earnestness of his early disciples for the success of his religious order. It was his wish, no doubt, to manage with the minimum of restrictive regulations. But in the growing monastic community whose numbers were rapidly increasing, laxity XE "laxity"  in discipline was bound to appear before long. The Bhaddli XE "Bhaddli"  Sutta indicates a recognition of the relative strength of the SaEgha at two different periods within one's memory (Appak kho tumhe bhaddli tena samayena ahuvattha yad vo ahaC jn+yasuskpamaC dhammapariyyaC desesiC. Sarasi tvaC bhaddl+'ti - M.1.445). The strength in numbers, the popularity of individuals or groups and the maturity of the members of the SaEgha as it was becoming a long established institution XE "institution" , were among the causes of corruption. The Bhaddli Sutta shows us how the once accepted monastic tradition of one meal a day which is recorded in the Kakackpama Sutta and which had also found for itself a place among the items of s+la XE "s+la"  as a condition of good monastic living had to be reinforced with a restrictive regulation XE "regulation"  making it an offence XE "offence"  to eat out of regular hours. These rgulations which are called sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  now provide, beside s+la, an effective instrument for the furtherance of good discipline in the monastic community. It is also probable that the Buddha has such rebellious XE "rebellious"  disciples like Bhaddli XE "Bhaddli"  in mind when he speaks in the Kakackpama XE "Kakackpama"  Sutta of the willing acceptance of the one meal a day recommendation by his disciples as a thing of the past. Inspite of the general agreement that abstinence from irregularity of meals was wholesome for the monastic life, yet certain laxities regarding this practice are noticeable in the early Buddhist monastic community. The incident which brought about the promulgation of Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  37 is such an instance. It was certainly an offence XE "offence"  against s+la XE "s+la" , but since sila had no legal XE "legal"  status the offender XE "offender"  could not be prosecuted and punished under its authority. It is such situations as these which mark the introduction of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  into the sphere of Buddhist monastic discipline. Thus, in the Buddhist Vinaya, the first offender who provokes the promulgation of a sikkhpada is declared free, in a legal sense, from guilt XE "guilt"  (anpatti ... dikammikassa - Vin.III.33. etc.). His offence, at the time, is against an item of s+la and he could not therefore be legally prosecuted for a pre-sikkhpada offence. This role of the Vinaya, that it serves as an instrument of prosecution XE "prosecution" , is clearly indicated in the text of the Vinaya itself. In the introduction to Pcittiya 72, we diccover the fear expressed by the Chabbaggiya XE "Chabbaggiya"  monks that if many monks are conversant with the text of the Vinaya that they are liable to be accused and questioned by those Masters of the Vinaya with regard to laxities in discipline (Sace ime vinaye pakatauno bhavissanti amhe yen'icchakaC yad'icchakaC yvad'icchakaC ka  hissanti parika  hissanti. Handa mayaC vuso vinayaC vivaGGem'ti - Vin.IV.143). Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  too, explains the role of sikkhpada on the same lines when he says that in the presence of sikkhpada the SaEgha could make specific references to the body of rules and make just and legally valid accusations. A careful analysis of the history of Prjika XE "Prjika"  I reveals the manner in which the authoritative disciplinary machinery of the Vinaya came to be set up in gradual stages. The SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  records that Sudinna XE "Sudinna"  committed the offence XE "offence"  of methunadhamma (sexual intercourse) at a time when the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  on this point had not been promulgated. It is said that he did not know the consequences it involved (... apaatte sikkhpade and+navadasso XE "and+navadasso"  - Vin.III.18.). It is difficult to maintain here that and+navadasso means that Sudinna did not know that his act was an offence against the spirit of Buddhist monasticism. Two things preclude us from accepting this position. Some time after the commission of the act Sudinna is stricken with remorse that he had not been able to live to perfection his monastic life (atha kho yasmato sudinnassa ahu'd eva kukkuccam ahu vippamisro albh vata me na vata me lbh dulladdhaC vata me na vata me suladdhaC yv'haC evaC svkkhte dhammavinaye pabbajitv nsakkhiC yvaj+vaC paripuGGaC parisuddhaC brahmacariyaC caritun'ti - Vin. III.19) He knows and feels that he has erred and brought ruin upon himself. For he says that he has committed a sinful deed (Atthi me ppaC kammaC kataC - Vin.III.19). Perhaps it would also have occurred to him that his act was in violation of the item of s+la XE "s+la"  which refers to the practice of celibacy XE "celibacy"  (AbrahmacariyaC pahya brahmacr+ hoti rcr+ virato methun gmadhamm - D.I.63). Therefore we cannot take and+navadasso XE "and+navadasso"  to mean that Sudinna XE "Sudinna"  did not know that methunadhamma was an offence XE "offence"  against monastic life. Nor does he claim such ignorance anywhere during the inquiries held by his fellow celibates or the Buddha. Secondly, even in the absence of any restrictive regulations it seems to have been very clear to all members of the Buddhist SaEgha that according to what the Buddha had declared in his Dhamma, the offence of methunadhamma contradicts the spirit of true renunciation XE "renunciation"  (Nanu vuso bhagavat aneka-pariyyena virgya dhammo desito no sargya visaCyogya dhammo desito no samyogya anupdnya dhammo desito no saupdnya - Vin.III.19). Similarly, the Buddha had repeatedly stated to the monks that gratification of sense desires was in no way permissible. Both the disciples and the Buddha remind Sudinna of this position (Nanu vuso bhagavat anekapariyyena kmnaC pahnaC akkhtaC kmasanaC pari akkht kmapipsnaC pamivinayo akkhto kmavitakknaC samugghto akkhto kmapari7hnaC vkpasamo akkhto - Vin. III. 2). On the other hand, the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  on methunadhamma, i.e. Prjika XE "Prjika"  I, which came to be laid down subsequently does no more than determine the gravity of the offence and the consequent punishment XE "punishment"  it involves. Therefore what the statement and+navadasso here means probably is that abstinence from methunadhamma being one among the many items of s+la XE "s+la" , Sudinna did not fully apprehend the relative seriousness of his offence. However, this passage receives a very different interpretation in the hands of Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa" . The commentator says that Sudinna XE "Sudinna"  committed the act of methunadhamma thinking that it was not wrong because he did not realise the consequences which the Buddha was going to indicate while laying down this sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada" . It is abundantly clear that Sudinna did not know that he would have been expelled from the Order for his offence XE "offence"  had he not been the first to be guilty XE "guilty"  of it, because this penalty XE "penalty"  came to be categorically stated only in the sikkhpada which was laid down after the commission of the offence by Sudinna. But we are unable to agree with Buddhaghosa when he says that Sudinna did not know that he was doing something wrong and thought he was completely blameless (anavajjasa+ and niddosasa+). This interpretation does not seem to be possible unless we say that Sudinna was completely ignorant of the Dhamma or we take the words vajja and dosa XE "dosa"  here in an unnecessarily restricted legal XE "legal"  sense. This is obviously what Buddhaghosa does in his explanation of anavajjasa+ and niddosasa+ (And+navadasso'ti yaC bhagav idni sikkhpadaC papento d+navaC dasseti tam apassanto anavajjasa+ hutv... ettha pana d+navam apassanto niddosasa+ ahosi. Tena vuttam and+navadasso XE "and+navadasso" 'ti - VinA.I.213). But it is the criteria of the Dhamma which both Sudinna's fellow-celibates and the Buddha adopt in chastising him. Does not Sudinna himself admit that he has incurred a guilt XE "guilt"  (Atthi me ppaC kammaC kataC purGadutiyikya methuno dhammo pamisevito - Vin.III.19), and that therefore his monastic life has been a failure (...yv' haC evaC svkkhte dhammavinaye pabbajitv nsakkhiC yvaj+vaC paripuGGaC parisuddhaC brahmacariyaC caritun' ti - Ibid.)? Thus, this ignorance of the possible penalty cannot be taken as rendering the offender XE "offender"  blameless. It is possible to state at this stage that the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  of the Vinaya Pimaka have been evolved as instruments of prosecution XE "prosecution"  with a monastic legal XE "legal"  validity, against offences which in the general text of the Dhamma are put down as improper and unworthy of a monk, which sometimes are also applicable to laymen, or as being detrimental to the spiritual XE "spiritual"  progress of the monk. It is this particular character of the sikkhpada of which the greater part of the Vinaya consists, which made the Vinaya so obnoxious to quite a number of rebellious XE "rebellious"  monks even during the lifetime of the Master (Sace ime vinaye pakatauno bhavissanti amhe yen' icchakaC yad' icchakaC yvad' icchakaC ka  hissanti parika  hissanti. Handa mayaC vuso vinayaC vivaGGem' ti - Vin.IV.134.). The need for such legalised administration XE "administration"  of the SaEgha arose only with the lapse of time. It was already referred to above how the Buddha recollects with pleasure the golden age of the Buddhist SaEgha when the good life according to the Master's bidding was practised at a mere suggestion. According to a tradition preserved in the Samantapsdik, this sense of responsibility and earnestness among the members of the SaEgha lasted only twenty years. For twenty years from the enlightenment XE "enlightenment"  of the Buddha, says the tradition, no serious offence XE "offence"  like a Prjika XE "Prjika"  or SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  was ever witnessed, and hence there was no provocation for the promulgation of Prjika or SaEghdisesa rules. Then there began to appear the need for legislation XE "legislation" . In course of time laxities in discipline and lawlessness XE "lawlessness"  among the members of the monastic community signalled to the Buddha that the time had come to lay down restrictive regulations for the guidance XE "guidance"  of its members (Yato ca kho bhaddli idh' ekacce savammhniy dhamm saEghe ptubhavanti atha satth svaknaC sikkhpadaC papeti tesaC y'eva savammhniynaC dhammnaC pamightya - M.I.445.). In the Bhaddli XE "Bhaddli"  Sutta, the above quoted words of the Buddha to Bhaddli that he lays down rules and regulations only as the need arises seem to come at a time when already a fair number of regulations had been laid down. This fact appears to be recognised in the words of Bhaddli as he questions the Buddha with regard to the increase in the number of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  (Ko pana bhante hetu ko paccayo yen'etarahi bahutarni c'eva sikkhpadni honti appatar ca bhikkhk aya saGmhahanti - M.I.445). The Buddha's reply to this is, in fact, in defence of the increase of regulations which is said to have been necessitated by the steady decline in morality XE "morality"  (EvaC hi etaC bhaddli hoti sattesu hyamnesu saddhamme antaradhyamne bahutarni c'eva sikkhpadni honti appatar ca bhikkhk aya saGmhahanti - M.I.445). In the SaCyutta Nikya XE "SaCyutta Nikya" , the venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  is seen making the same observation about the increase in the number of sikkhpada. On the other hand, the semi-historical introduction to the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  places these words of the Buddha regarding the promulgation of the rules in a different context. Here the Buddha Gotama XE "Gotama" , at the request of the venerable Sriputta XE "Sriputta" , discusses the success and failure of the monastic organizations of the six previous Buddhas XE "Buddhas"  from Vipassi XE "Vipassi"  to Kassapa XE "Kassapa"  and analyses in detail the causes which contributed to these vicissitudes. In addition to the exhaustive preaching of the Dhamma, the adequate provision of restrictive regulations and the institution XE "institution"  of the monastic ritual XE "ritual"  of the Ptimokkha are considered vital for the successful establishment of the monastic order. It is further recorded that the venerable Sriputta, getting wiser by the experience of the Buddhas of the past, requests the Buddha Gotama to lay down s+kkhpada and institute the ritual of the Ptimokkha for the guidance XE "guidance"  of his disciples. The Buddha then silences Sriputta saying that he himself knows the proper time for it, and repeats the rest of the argument as is recorded in the Bhaddli Sutta that rules and regulations would be laid down only as the occasion demands. However, there are two noticeable differences in these two accounts. In the Bhaddli Sutta, the Buddha tells Bhaddli that he does not lay down sikkhpada until they are really necessitated by circumstances and that with the appearance of signs of corruption in the Order he would lay down sikkhpada for their arrest. In the SuttavibhaEga, the institution of the ritual of the Ptimokkha is added to this as a further safeguard. The absence of this reference to the Ptimokkha in the Bhaddli Sutta does not entitle us to argue that the account in the Bhaddli Sutta is therefore anterior to the institution of the Ptimokkha ritual. It may be that since sikkhpada and their gradual increase was the main concern of Bhaddli, the Sutta speaks about the promulgation of sikkhpada alone and leaves from it any reference to the Ptimokkha ritual. The second point is far more interesting. The Bhaddli XE "Bhaddli"  Sutta has five items as causes of corruption in the monastic order. The list begins with mahatta XE "mahatta"  (greatness) and adds lbhagga (highest gain), yasagga XE "yasagga"  (highest fame), bhusacca (great learning) and rattaut (seniority). The SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  has only four items which run as follows: rattaumahatta XE "rattaumahatta"  (greatness of seniority), vepullamahatta XE "vepullamahatta"  (greatness of number), lbhaggamahatta XE "lbhaggamahatta"  (greatness of gain) and bhusaccamahatta XE "bhusaccamahatta"  (greatness of learning). The first thing we notice here is that while mahatta was used in the Bhaddli Sutta as a specific condition it is used in the SuttavibhaEga as a general attribute. The yasagga of the former is also left out in the latter. In the SuttavibhaEga list, rattaumahatta which is the last item in the Bhaddli Sutta takes precedence over all other considerations. Consequently, mahatta which headed the list in the Bhaddli Sutta takes the second palce in the SuttavibhaEga under the new name of vepullamahatta. This change of position, and probably also of emphasis of rattaut is a significant one. For this attribute of rattaut, both in relation to the monastic community as well as to individual monks seems to imply their existence over a long period of time. Probably at the time of the Bhaddli Sutta, rattaut as cause of corruption of the monastic community was only beginning to gather momentum. It was to become a potent factor only in the years to come. Hence it would not have been in proper sequence if rattaut as a cause of corruption headed the list in the Bhaddli Sutta. It is therefore rightly relegated to the last place. On the other hand, the increase in the number of monks was then a reality and was no doubt a constant cause of trouble. The Buddha's remarks to Bhaddli imply that the numbers in the monastic community at that time were not as few as they used to be (appak kho tumhe bhaddli tena samayena ahuvattha yad vo aham jn+yasuskpamaC dhammapariyyaC desesiC. Sarasi tvaC bhaddl+ti - M.I.445). On the whole, the Sriputta XE "Sriputta"  episode in the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  regarding the origin of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada" , which undoubtedly is a part of the compiler's preface, lacks the historicity of the account in the Bhaddli XE "Bhaddli"  Sutta. Sriputta's inquiries are based on the semi-legendary story of the Buddhas XE "Buddhas"  of the past. According to the SuttavibhaEga, Sriputta's request to the Buddha to lay down sikkhpada and institute the ritual XE "ritual"  of the Ptimokkha was prompted by an observation of the catastrophe that befell the monastic communities of the Buddhas of the past which were not adequately bound by restrictive regulations. This, we have no doubt, is historically based on what was actually taking palce in the monastic community of Buddha Gotama XE "Gotama"  himself and is projected back into legendary antiquity. This same tendency to seek traditional authority is seen in the Mahpadna XE "Mahpadna"  Sutta where the biographies of the six previous Buddhas are modelled, more or less, on the main outlines of the life of the historical Buddha Gotama. In the Buddhavagga of the SaCyutta Nikya XE "SaCyutta Nikya" , Buddha Gotama's quest of enlightenment XE "enlightenment"  is similarly reproduced in relation to the Buddhas of the past. Furthermore, in the SuttavibhaEga, the discussion on the promulgation of sikkhpada in relation to the savammhniy dhamm or conditions leading to corruption which is placed at a time when there is no evidence either of the presence of savammhniy dhamm or the promulgation of sikkhpada, appears to be far more theoretical than the account in the Bhaddli Sutta which seems to analyse the situation in terms of what was actually taking place. Thus the SuttavibhaEga account appears to be, more or less, a romanticised version of what is recorded in the Bhaddli Sutta. A few points of interest seem to emerge from our earlier reference to the period of twenty years of good monastic discipline. While stating that during this period there was no provocation for the promulgation of Prjika XE "Prjika"  or SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  rules, the Samantapsdik goes on to say that during this period the Buddha did however lay down rules pertaining to the remaining five groups of lesser offences (paca khuddakpattikkhandha) as the occasion demanded (Atha bhagav ajjhcraC apassanto prjikaC v saEghdisesaC v na papesi. TasmiC tasmiC pana vatthusmiC avasese paca-khuddakpattikkhandhe'va papesi - VinA.I.213.). This note of the Commentator XE "Commentator"  on the history of the monastic regulations seems to create some problems of anachronism. Of the five groups of khuddakpatti XE "khuddakpatti"  referred to here we note that Thullaccaya XE "Thullaccaya" , Dukkama XE "Dukkama"  and Dubbhsita XE "Dubbhsita"  are generally derivative offences. The Dukkama has also an independent existence under the Sekhiy dhamm. The Thullaccaya on the other hand is derived from a Prjika or SaEghdisesa offence XE "offence" . As such, it is difficult to push the Thullaccaya back to a period when the major offences themselves were not known to exist. In fact, there is evidence to show that this statement of the Samantapsdik was later challenged and not accepted in its entirety. The Sratthad+pan+ XE "Sratthad+pan+"  Vinaya l+k records the tradition of a line of scholars who contend that the five khuddakpattikkhandha referred to here could only be what the Buddha laid down as regulations during the eight years which followed his rains-retreat at Veraj XE "Veraj"  in the twelth year of his enlightenment XE "enlightenment" . Apparently they do not concede the promulgation of any sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  anterior to this. But the author of the (l+k himself supporting the orthodoxy of the Samantapsdik and wishing to push the first promulgation of the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  of the lesser type to an earlier period, seems to reject this amendent (Ke ci pana tasmiC tasmiC pana vatthusmiC avasesapacakhuddakpattikkhandhe eva papes+'ti idaC dvdasame vasse verajya vutthavassena bhagavat tato pammhya ammhavassabbhantare paattasikkhpadaC sandhya vuttan'ti vadanti. TaC na sundaraC. Tato pubbe'pi sikkhpadapaattiy sabbhvato - Sratthad+pan+ XE "Sratthad+pan+" .I.401.). But neither of these traditions seem to question the antiquity of the Thullaccaya XE "Thullaccaya"  over the two major offences of Prjika XE "Prjika"  and SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa" . But there is no doubt that the Thullaccaya had already come to be regarded as one of the group of five offences. If we concede the existence of the fivefold group of lesser offences from the early days of the Ssana XE "Ssana" , prior to the rains-retreat at Veraj XE "Veraj" , then the request of Sriputta XE "Sriputta"  to the Buddha during his stay at Veraj, asking him to lay down sikkhpada for the guidance XE "guidance"  of the monks becomes considerably incongruous. The Sratthad+pan+, confronted with this anomaly, explains it by saying that the request of Sriputta was mainly concerned with regulations against grosser offences (PamhamabodhiyaC pacannaC lahukpatt+naC sabbhvavacanen'eva dhammasenpaissa sikkhpadapaattiycan visesato garukpattipaattiy ptimokkhuddesassa ca hetubhkt'ti dammhabb - Sratthad+pan+.I.401). But this turns out to be a very inadequate answer which only tends to disintegrate the ingeniously knitted episode of Sriputta in the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  regarding the promulgation of sikkhpada by the Buddha for the guidance of the life of his disciples. Another instance of unwarranted distortion resulting from commentarial over-anxiety is found in Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa" 's explanation of the conditions that lead to the corruption of the SaEgha (savammhniy dhamm) in the Papacaskdan+. Since it is said both in the Bhaddli XE "Bhaddli"  Sutta and the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  that the Buddha lays down sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  only at the appearance of signs of corruption in the Ssana XE "Ssana" , Buddhaghosa tries to indicate some sikkhpada from the extant Vinaya Pimaka as resulting from those said conditions. The result, however, is intriguing. Although the appearance of savammhniy dhamm has repeatedly been mentioned as prompting the promulgation of sikkhpada, Buddhaghosa is able to bring before us as consequent sikkhpada only about six Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  rules and two regulations regarding Dukkama XE "Dukkama"  offences. He has obviously missed the mark. There is no doubt that through some tradition which he inherited he has too narrowly viewed these savammhniy dhamm and the conditions that lead to their appearance. Further, if as he has stated in the Samantapsdik, the five groups of minor rules XE "minor rules"  had already been laid down previously, prior to the provocation for the promulgation of the major rules at the appearance of the savammhniy dhamm, then it does not appear convincing to regard these minor offences which Buddhaghosa quotes without any reference to major ones as resulting from those conditions. This unwarranted identification of Buddhaghosa has in no way contributed to explain or emphasise the point that the conditions mentioned both in the Bhaddli Sutta and the SuttavibhaEga tended to corrupt the monastic organization, thus compelling the Buddha to set up a body of regulations and thereby arrest this decay. At this stage the instructions of the Dhamma proved ineffective and nothing without monastic legal XE "legal"  validity would have compelled the offenders to submit themselves to correction and punishment XE "punishment" . We have now seen the introduction into Buddhist monasticism of restrictive legislation XE "legislation"  for the purpose of maintaining good discipline and furthering the spiritual XE "spiritual"  progress of the disciple. Ten considerations are listed under Prjika XE "Prjika"  I as well as several other sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  as having motivated the Buddha to lay down sikkhpada. The Buddha declared that he lays down sikkhpada to serve the following needs: SaEghasummhutya: well-being of the SaEgha. SaEghaphsutya: convenience of the SaEgha. DummaEkknaC puggalnaC niggahya: restraint XE "restraint"  of evil-minded persons. PesalnaC bhikkhknaC phsuvihrya: ease of well-behaved monks. DimmhadhammiknaC savnaC saCvarya: restraint XE "restraint"  against the defilements of this life. SamparyiknaC savnaC pamightya: eradication of the defilements of the life after. AppasannnaC pasdya: for the conversion of new adherents. PasannnaC bhiyyobhvya: enhancement of the faith XE "faith"  of those already converted. Saddhammammhitiy: stability and continuance of the Dhamma. Vinaynuggahya: furtherance of the good discipline. These seem to cover mainly the individual and collective welfare of the disciples, the relation of the disciples to the laymen on whom they are dependent, and the spiritual XE "spiritual"  attainments for the sake of which the disciples take to the monastic life. However, it is clear to us from statements in Canonical XE "Canonical"  Pali literature that these sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  did not, on their introduction, completely displace s+la XE "s+la"  from its position as the basis of a disciple's monastic development. True to the spirit in which they were instituted, they helped to augment s+la. In a statement in the Sekha XE "Sekha"  Sutta which enumerates the virtues which make a disciple to be one who is endowed with good living, i.e. s+lasampanno, s+la still seems to hold its basic position while the discipline through sikkhpada and other means are added on to it (katha ca mahnma ariyasvako s+lasampanno hoti. Idha mahnma ariyasvako s+lav XE "s+lav"  hoti ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto XE "ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto"  viharati cragocarasampanno anumattesu vajjesu bhayadassv+ samdya sikkhati sikkhpadesu. M.I.355). The Buddha appears to lay special emphasis on s+la while speaking of the items which form the foundation for the spiritual development of the monk (Tasm' t'iha tvaC bhikkhu dim eva visaodhehi kusalesu dhammesu. Ko c' di kusalnaC dhammnaC. Idha tvaC bhikkhu ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto viharhi cragocarasampanno anumattesu vajjesu bhayadassv+ samdya sikkhhi sikkhpadesu. Yato kho tvaC bhikkhu s+laC nissya s+le patimmhya ime cattro satipammhne evaC bhvessasi tato tuyhaC bhikkhu y ratti v divaso v gamissati vuddhi y' eva pmkaEkh kusalesu dhammesu no parihn+'ti - S.V.187). According to the definition of s+lasampanno quoted above, further to s+la XE "s+la" , the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  are drawn into the life of the disciple as providing the necessary guidance XE "guidance"  for his spiriual development. He is called upon to train and discipline himself in terms of the sikkhpada (samdya sikkhhi sikkhpadesu). The Vajjiputtaka XE "Vajjiputtaka"  monk who confesses to the Buddha his inability to conform to the complete monastic discipline admits his weakness that he cannot discipline himself in terms of the vast dody of sikkhpada which are recited regularly every fortnight (Sdhikam idaC bhante diya  hasikkhpadasataC anvaddhamsam uddesaC gacchati. N'haC bhante ettha sakkomi sikkhitun'ti - A.I.230). It is implied here that these sikkhpada now form the main stay of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  for the maintenance of discipline in the SaEgha. At this stage, with the largely increased number of sikkhpada governing the life of the monk, there arose the need to draw a distinction between the young noviciate monks called the smaGera XE "smaGera"  and the monks of senior status who on being twenty years of age have been elevated to the rank of upasampanna XE "upasampanna" . The noviciates are given a code XE "code"  of ten regulations as items of compulsary training and the use of the word sikkhpada is extended to cover these as well. Nine out of these sikkhpada are traceable back to s+la: nos.1-4 and 9-13 in the lists of s+la recommended for the monk. The regulation XE "regulation"  regarding the use of intoxicants XE "intoxicants"  is introduced as the fifth item. It is also the fifth item in the lists of fivefold and eightfold s+la laid down for the laymen. But this one relating to intoxicants had no place in the earlier lists of s+la of the monk. Reference to the use of intoxicants is also conspicuous by its absence in the lists of satta and dasa kammapatha XE "kammapatha" . Nor does it appear under dasa kusala or akusala kamma XE "akusala kamma" . On the other hand, it is in one of the regulations of the Vinaya Pimaka that we discover the circumstances leading to the prohibition of intoxicants for the monks. It is based on the very sound common sense consideration whether one should drink or take in [ the root / p to drink being also used in the sense of - to smoke ] anything which would make one lose one's sense of judgement (Api nu kho bhikkhave taC ptabbaC yaC pivitv visa+ ass'ti - Vin.IV.110). A more developed and elaborated account of this incident, coupled with a 'story of the past' has found a place in the Jtaka collection. Of the ten sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  laid down for the smaGera XE "smaGera" , the first five seem, more or less, inviolable XE "inviolable" . The smaGera is liable to be expelled for the violation of any one of them (Tasm yo pGtiptdisu ekam'pi kammaC karoti so liEgansanya nsetabbo - VinA.V.1014). Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  further stresses this distinction between the first five and the latter five of these dasasikkhpadni when he says that the violation of the former leads to the expulsion of a smaGera while the violation of the latter lead to the imposition of specific punishments (Dasasu sikkhpadesu purimnaC pacannaC atikkamo nsanavatthu pacchimnaC atikkamo daG akammavatthu. VinA.V.1012). It is these first five sikkhpada which are also spoken of as the code XE "code"  of the laymen's discipline (Te rmikabhkt v upsakabhkt v pacasu sikkhpadesu samdya vattanti - M. II. 5). It has come to be the standardised pattern, for all times, of basic good living for the layman XE "layman" . It is said in the Dhammapada that a man, by the neglect of these considerations, brings about his own ruin in this very life: Yo pGam atipteti musvda ca bhsati loke adinnaC diyati paradra ca gacchati surmerayapna ca yo naro anuyujati idh'eva eso lokasmiC mklaC khaGati attano. Dhp.vv.246-47. A Cakkavatti XE "Cakkavatti"  king is also presented as upholding this fivefold code XE "code"  of lay ethics [Rj mahsudassano evaC ha pGo na hantabbo adinnaC na dtabbaC kmesu micch na caritabb mus na bhaGitabb majjaC na ptabbaC yathbhutta ca bhujath'ti. D.II.173). Perhaps the fact that these five sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada" , with the adjustment of abrahmacariy-veramaG+ or complete celibacy XE "celibacy"  to read as kmesu micchcr-veramaG+ or chaste moral XE "moral"  behaviour in the case of laymen's s+la XE "s+la" , were shared in common both by the laymen and the noviciate monks made them inviolable XE "inviolable"  in the case of the latter. The Suttas also record countless occasions on which the Buddha advises his disciples without any reference to s+la XE "s+la"  or sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada" , to conduct XE "conduct"  and discipline themselves in a specific manner (evaC hi vo bhikkhave sikkhitabbaC). It is often said to be under the guidance XE "guidance"  of the Dhamma (Tasm t' iha bhikkhave dhammaC yeva sakkaronto dhammaC garukaronto dhammaC apacyamn suvac bhavissma sovacassataC pajjism'ti evaC hi vo bhikkhave sikkhitabbaC - M.I.126). Not only did this form another source of discipline from the earliest times but also supplemented s+la which regulated discipline in terms of word and deed, by bringing within its fold mental XE "mental"  discipline as well. This is clearly evident in the Buddha's advice to the Bhikkhus in the Kakackpama XE "Kakackpama"  Sutta where they are asked to rid themselves of anger, hatred and ill-will and develop love and magnanimity (Tatr'pi kho bhikkhave evaC sikkhitabbaC na c'eva no cittaC vipariGataC bhavissati na ca ppikaC vcaC nicchressma hitmukamp+ ca viharissma mettacitt na dosantar ta ca puggalaC mettsahagatena cetas pharitv viharissma tadrammaGa ca sabbvantaC lokaC mettsahagatena cetas vipulena mahaggatena appamGena averena abypajjhena pharitv viharissm'ti - M.I.129). In the passage cited above, although certain patterns of conduct are idicated to the monks, yet there are evidently no sikkhpada. What is referred to here is self-acquired discipline: evaC vo hi bhikkhave sikkhitabbaC. We also notice that sikkh XE "sikkh"  in its most liberal sense, without the aid of sikkhpada, not only thus regulated conduct but also urged the disciple to his highest culture, the attainment of wisdom [JarmaraGaC bhikkhave ajnat apassat yathbhktaC jarmaraGe yathbhkta-Gya sikkh karaG+y. EvaC ... catusaccikaC ktabbaC - S.II.131). We may now safely conclude that s+la XE "s+la" , sikkh XE "sikkh"  and sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  form the foundations of the life of brahmacariya in Buddhism. Not only do we find these perfectly co-ordinated but at times almost identified with one another. With reference to the dichotomous division of Abhisamcrika XE "Abhisamcrika"  and dibrahma-cariyika, s+la and sikkh are used as though they were identical with sikkhpada as their subject matter. The AEguttara Nikya divides sikkh into these two categories and includes under Abhisamcrik sikkh the regulations which determine the outward conduct XE "conduct"  of the monk in relation to the laymen on whose good will he is dependent (Idha bhikkhave may svaknaC abhisamcrik sikkh paatt appasannnaC pasdya pasannnaC bhiyyobhvya. Yath bhikkhave may svaknaC abhisamcrik sikkh paatt appasannnaC pasdya pasannnaC bhiyyobhvya tath so tass sikkhya akkhaG akr+ hoti acchiddakr+ asabalakr+ samdya sikkhati sikkhpadesu. A.II.243). The Commentary to the AEguttara Nikya, in more than one place, defines Abhisamcrik as vattavasena paattas+la or rules of propriety XE "propriety" . The dibrahmacariyik sikkh, on the other hand, contributes towards the attainment of complete freedom from suffering which is the goal of the life of brahmacariya (Puna ca paraC bhikkhave may svaknaC dibrahmacariyik sikkh paatt sabbaso samm dukkhakkhayya.... sikkhpadesu. A.II.243). Thus it is clear from both the text and the commentarial notes of the above two passages that Abhisamcrik and dibrahmacariyik sikkh XE "sikkh"  in Buddhism stood complementary to each other and that they did cover from the earliest times the social as well as religious aspects of Buddhist monasticism. Considering the importance which the Buddha attached from the very inception of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  to the good will of the lay public there is litle doubt that Abhisamcrk sikkh too, must have played an important part. The Vinaya Pimaka regards both these as two important aspects of training through which a teacher XE "teacher"  should put his pupil XE "pupil"  [Pamibalo hoti antevsiC v saddhivihriC v abhisamcrikya sikkhya sikkhpetuC dibrahmacariyikya sikkhya vinetuC Vin.I.64). In the Visuddhimagga, Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  divides s+la XE "s+la"  into Abhisamcrika XE "Abhisamcrika"  and dibrahmacariyika XE "dibrahmacariyika" , thus exhausting between them the complete monastic discipline and culture which leads up to the termination of dukkha XE "dukkha" . According to Buddhaghosa, the Abhisamcrika s+la as the lesser of the two consists of all sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  which are designated as minor in character (yni v sikkhpadni khuddnukhuddakn+'ti vuttni idaC abhisamcrikas+laC sesaC dibrahmacariyikaC. Vism..I. III f.). The rest of the sikkhpada form the dibrahmacariyika. Buddhaghosa makes the groups more specific when he divides the contents of the Vinaya into two categories as follows. The dibrahmacaryika consists of the contents of the twofold VibhaEga. The instructions of the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  form the Abhisamcrika, perfection in which assures the attainment of the other (UbhatovibhaEgapariypannaC v dibrahmacariyikaC khandhakavattapariypannaC abhisamcrikaC Tassa sampattiy dibrahmacariyikaC sampajjati - Vism.I.12). In the Samantapsdik Buddhaghosa presents the latter classification as Khandhakavatta and SekhapaGGatti (Abhisamcrikya sikkhy'ti khandhakavatte vinetuC na pamibalo hot+'ti attho. dibrahmacariyiky'ti sekhapaGGattiyaC vinetuC na pamibalo'ti attho - Vin A.V.989f.). It is clear from what has been stated above that Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  not only admits the higher role of the discipline brought about by the Ubhato VibhaEga XE "Ubhato VibhaEga" , but also emphasises at the same time the important basic character, in his opinion, of the discipline brought about by the regulations of the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas" . Thus we notice that both these items of Abhisamcrika XE "Abhisamcrika"  and dibrahmacariyika XE "dibrahmacariyika"  are, according to Budhaghosa, products of the Vinaya Pimaka. The Vinaya Pimaka in its codified XE "codified"  and legalised form, was designed to safeguard the monsastic discipline and contribute thereby to the furtherance of the spiritual XE "spiritual"  development envisaged in the Suttas. With the decline of morality XE "morality"  and the waning spiritual earnestness among the members of the monastic community such rigorous and binding discipline as is evident in the Vinaya Pimaka would have become indispensable. The liberalism of the instructions of the Suttas had to become, ere long, a thing of the past. We come to a stage when not only the Ptimokkha but the entire discipline of the Vinaya Pimaka is looked upon as the fundamental basis on which the Buddhist spiritual perfection of tisso sikkh XE "tisso sikkh"  had to be founded. According to this view Abhisamcrik sikkh XE "sikkh"  which is perfected through the discipline of the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  had to be accomplished first before the perfection of sekha dhamma XE "sekha dhamma" . On a comparison of commentarial notes we discover that this sekha dhamma is equated by Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  to sekha paGGattis+la. (SekhaC dhamman'ti sekkapaGGattiyaC - AA.III.228). In the Samantapsdik, Buddhaghosa defines dibrahmacariyik sikkh as sekhapaGGatti XE "sekhapaGGatti" . (dibrahmacariyiky'ti sekhapaGGattiyaC. VinA.V.990). Thus the sekha dhamma which can be perfected only after the Abhsamcrik sikkh is none other than the dibrahmacariyik sikkh. According to a statement in the AEguttara Nikya, it is only after these two stages of Abhisamcrik and dibrahmacariyik sikkh that the successive development through s+la XE "s+la" , samdhi XE "samdhi"  and pa XE "pa"  are considered possible. (So vata bhikkhave bhikkhu ... abhisamcrikaC dhammam aparipkretv sekhaC dhammaC paripkressat+'ti... sekhaC dhammam aparipkretv s+lakkhandhaC paripkresst+ ti...... s+lakkhandham aparipkretv samdhikkhandhaC paripkressati samdhikkahndham aparipkretv pakkhandhaC paripkressat+'ti n'etaC mhnaC vijjati. A.III.15). Here we are led to take note of two different views with regard to the perfection of monastic life. On the one hand, the Abhisamcrik and dibrahmacariyik sikkh XE "sikkh"  are looked upon as exhausting between them the complete monastic discipline and culture leading up to the termination of dukkha XE "dukkha" . (Note: Puna ca paraC bhikkhave may svaknaC dibrahmacariyik sikkh paatt sabbaso samm dukkhkkhayya. A.II.243). On the other hand, the dibrahmacariyik sikkh came to be narrowly defined, thus allowing for the integration of these two sikkh, i.e. Abhisamcrika XE "Abhisamcrika"  and dibrahmacariyika XE "dibrahmacariyika"  to provide a basis for the perfection of s+la XE "s+la" , samdhi XE "samdhi"  and pa XE "pa"  which once existed independently as a system of monastic culture under the name of tisso sikkh XE "tisso sikkh" . (Note: Sakkhasi pana tvaC bhikkhu t+su sikkhsu sikkhituC ... tasm tuyhaC bhikkhu adhis+lam'pi sikkhato adhicittam'pi sikkhato adhipaam'pi sikkhato rgo pah+yissati doso pah+yissati moho pah+yissati. A.I.230.). We have thus witnessed in the above discussion the origin and development of Buddhist monastic discipline in terms of s+la XE "s+la" , sikkh XE "sikkh"  and sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  and the relation in which they stand to the threefold sikkh and to the more codified XE "codified"  texts of the Vinaya Pimaka. They all contribute their share to the perfection of the spiritual XE "spiritual"  development of the disciple and to the attainment of the goal of Arahantship XE "Arahantship"  which Buddhism, as a way of life, offers its followers. CHAPTER V Further Aids to Monastic Perfection In the preceding chapter we pointed out the basic position which s+la XE "s+la"  occupies in the spiritual XE "spiritual"  development of the Buddhist disciple and the manner in which s+la came to be related to sikkh XE "sikkh"  and sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada" . Besides these, the Suttas also know of a number of other items, which together with the above, contribute to the perfection of a disciple. In the Smaaphala Sutta, for instance, we find an account of what constituted the perfect character of the good monk. `Having thus become a recluse he dwells, 1.disciplined by the restraints of the Ptimokkha, 2.endowed with the propriety XE "propriety"  of behaviour and conduct XE "conduct" , 3.heedful even of the slightest misdeeds, 4.disciplining himself in terms of the moral XE "moral"  injunctions, 5.possessed of blameless word and deed, 6.virtuous in his livelihood, 7.full of moral virtue XE "virtue" , 8.with well restrained sense organs, 9.endowed with mindfulness and awareness, and 10.full of contentment.' (EvaC pabbajito samno 1.ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto XE "ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto"  viharati, 2.cragocara-sampanno, 3.anumattesu vajjesu bhayadassv+, 4.samdya sikkhati sikkhpadesu, 5.kyakammavac+kammena samanngato kusalena, 6.pari-suddhj+vo, 7.s+lasampanno, 8.indriyesu guttadvro XE "indriyesu guttadvro" , 9.satisampajaena samanngato, 10.santummho. D.I.63). Explaining further the items which are mentioned here, the Sutta deals first with the concept of s+lasampanno (7), making an exhaustive analysis of its many aspects. The Sutta proceeds thereafter to indriyesu guttadvro XE "indriyesu guttadvro"  (8), satisampajaena samanngato (9) and santummho (10). In its summing up too, the Sutta is concerned only with these four items (So imin ca ariyena s+lakkhandhena samanngato imin ca ariyena indriyasaCvarena samanngato imin ca ariyena satisampajaena samanngato imya ca ariyya santummhiy samanngato vivittaC sensanaC bhajati. D.I.71). Thus we are naturally led to associate the first six items of the above list from ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto XE "ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto"  (1) to parisuddhj+vo XE "parisuddhj+vo"  (6) with s+lasampanno and consider them as subdivisions of the latter. Of these six items, the first four have already appeared together with s+lav XE "s+lav" , in the difinitions of s+lasampanno (Katha ca mahnma ariyasvako s+lasampanno hoti. Idha mahnma ariyasvako s+lav hoti ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto viharati cragocarasampanno anumattesu vajjesu bhayadassv+ samdya sikkhati sikkhpadesu. M.I.355). Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  helps us to include the remaining two items also under the category of s+la XE "s+la" . In the SumaEgalavilsin+ he takes these two (kyakammavac+kammena samanngato kusalena and parisuddhj+vo) as complementary to each other and points them out to be really amounting to one thing, namely s+la (Yasm idaC j+vaprisuddhis+laC nma na kse v rukkhaggdisu v uppajjati kyavac+dvresu eva pana uppajjati tasm tassa uppattidvradassanatthaC hyakammavac+kammena samanngato kusalen'ti vuttaC. Yasm pana tena samanngato tasm parisuddhj+vo. Mandiyaputtasuttantavasena v etaC. Tattha hi katama ca thapati kusalaC s+laC. KusalaC kyakammaC vac+kammaC. ParisuddhaC j+vaC'pi kho ahaC thapati s+lasmiC vadm+'ti vuttaC. DA.I.181f.). Buddhaghosa is, no doubt, backed here by the Canonical XE "Canonical"  texts. The Mandiyaputta XE "Mandiyaputta"  Sutta which he quotes is none other than the SamaGamaG ik Sutta of the Majjhima Nikya where j+vaprisuddhi XE "j+vaprisuddhi"  is recognised as a part of good s+la. After s+la XE "s+la"  and its accessory virtues we are introduced to three further items in the spiritual XE "spiritual"  development of the Buddhist disciple, viz. indriyesu guttadvrat, satisampajaa XE "satisampajaa"  and santummh+ XE "santummh+" . These together with s+la, are to be achieved and accomplished before the disciple embarks on his inner purification, commencing with the elimination of the five n+varaGa XE "n+varaGa" . IndriyasaCvara or indriyesu guttadvrat, restraint XE "restraint"  of senses referred to above, appears to take the disciple to a stage beyond s+la in that it aims at the discipline of the body as well as of the mind for the sake of further inner development. The disciple begins to regulate, in the light of the instructions of the Master, his responses to the external world through the sense organs so as not to allow evil thoughts which result from excessive desires and dislikes to get the better of him. He needs a cultivated outlook for this purpose. He has to guard his senses with cautions neutrality (So cakkhun rkpaC disv na nimittaggh+ hoti n'nubyajanaggh+ yatv'dhikaraGaC enaC cakkhundriyaC asaCvutaC viharantaC abhijjh XE "abhijjh"  domanass ppak akusal dhamm anvssaveyyuC tassa saCvarya pamipajjati rakkhati cakkhundriyaC. D.I.70f.) The significant part indriyasaCvara XE "indriyasaCvara"  thus plays in the religious life of a Buddhist disciple is amply illustrated in the MahtaGhsaEkhaya Sutta. It points out how unguarded senses upset the poise of mind and enslave one to his sense experiences (So cakkhun rkpaC disv piya[kpe rkpe srajjati appiyarkpe rkpe vypajjati anupammhitakyasati ca viharati parittacetaso ta ca cetovimuttiC pavimuttiC yathbhktaC nappajnti yattha'ssa te ppak akusal dhamm aparises nirujjhanti. So evaC anurodhavirodhaC sampanno yaC ka ci vedanaC vedeti sukhaC v dukkhaC v adukkhamasukhaC v so taC vedanaC abhinandati abhivadati ajjhosya timmhati. M.I.266). This in turn, it is pointed out, leads to the perpetuation of the saCsric process which the Buddhist disciple strives to transcend (Tassa tam vedanaC abhinandato abhivadato ajjhosya timmhato uppajjati nand+ y vedansu nand+ tadupdnaC tassupdnapaccay bhavo bhapvaccay jti jtipaccay jarmaraGaC sokaparideva-dukkha XE "dukkha" -domanassupys sambhavanti. Evam etassa kevalassa dukkhakkandhassa samudayo hoti. Ibid.). IndriyasaCvara or restraint XE "restraint"  over sense-faculties is also valued elsewhere as paving the way to s+la XE "s+la" . It is said that in the absence of indriyasaCvara, s+la would be without support (IndriyasaCvare bhikkhave asati indriyasaCvaravipannassa hatkpanisaC hoti s+laC. A.III.360). Hirotappa, the sense of shame and fear in doing what is wrong, is sometimes added as a virtue XE "virtue"  which necessarily precedes indriyasaCvara. Satisampajaa or mental XE "mental"  alertness and awareness is considered to be the first and foremost in this whole process of acquiring personal discipline. Regardless of the order in which they are listed, they all aim jointly at vimutti or the final liberation from saCsra XE "saCsra" . Besides this, indriyasaCvara XE "indriyasaCvara"  has a secondary importance in that it contributes to the successful practice of the monastic life. It is said that indriyasaCvara sustains the life of brahmacariya: IndriyasaCvaro brahmacariyassa hro. A.V.136. Expressed negatively, it is implied that the lack of indriyasaCvara is an impediment to it: Indriy'saCvaro brahmacariyassa paripantho. Ibid. The lure of sensual XE "sensual"  pleasures which a pabbajita XE "pabbajita"  has to renounce on leaving the household life was a great force against which he had to be constantly armed. On taking to the monastic career, if the pabbajita did not acquire proper control over his senses, temptations of kma XE "kma"  would not only defile his mind but also wreck his whole monastic life, swallowing him up in the whirl of worldly pleasures (So evaC pabbajito samno pubbaGhasamayaC nivsetv pattac+varaC dya gmaC v nigamaC v piG ya pavisati arakkhiten'eva kyena arakkhitya v vcya anupammhitya satiy asaCvutehi indriyehi. So tattha passati gahapatiC v gahapatiputtaC v pacahi kmaguGehi samappitaC samaEg+bhktaC paricrayamnaC. Tassa evaC hoti mayaC kho pubbe agriyabhkt samn pacahi kmaguGehi samappit samaEg+bhkt paricrimha. SaCvijjante kho kule bhog. Sakk bhoge ca bhujituC puni ca ktun'ti. So sikkhaC paccakkhya h+ny'vattati. AyaC vuccati bhikkhave vammabhayassa bh+to sikkhaC paccakkhya h+ny'vatto. M.I.461). IndriyasaCvara is also sometimes spoken of as an essential monastic virtue XE "virtue"  necessary for the safeguarding of a disciple's chastity XE "chastity"  and therefore also of his whole monastic life. In the adsene of such restraint XE "restraint"  he would succumb to the temptations of the world and would be torn off the moorings of monastic life. On the other hand, the insistence on indriyasaCvara XE "indriyasaCvara"  in Buddhist monasticism is given as a reason why Buddhist disciples, most of whom are described as not being mature in years, have successfully completed their monastic careers. They achieved this end through the restraint XE "restraint"  of their senses (VuttaC kho etaC mahrja tena bhagavat jnat passat arahat samm-sambuddhena etha tumhe bhikkhave indriyesu guttadvr viharatha cakkhun rkpaC disv ... manindriye saCvaraC pajjath'ti. AyaC kho mahrja hetu ayaC paccayo yen' ime dahar bhikkhk susuklakes bhadrena yobbanena samanngat pamhamena vayas anik+7itvino kmesu yvaj+vaC paripuGGaC parisuddhaC brahmacariyaC caranti addhna ca pdenti - S.IV.112.). Satisampajaa or mental XE "mental"  alertness, which comes next, is very generally described as awareness and deliberation over all bodily activities which range from movement of limbs, bodily ablutions and acts of eating and drinking to speech and silence, sleep and wakefulness (So abhikkante pamikkante sampajnakr+ hoti lokite vilokite sampajnakr+ hoti samijite pasrite sampajnakr+ hoti saEghmipattac+varadhraGe sampajnakr+ hoti asite p+te khyite syite sampajnaka+ hoti uccrapassavakamme sampajnakr+ hoti gate mhite nisinne sutte jgarite bhsite tuGh+bhve sampajnakri hoti - M.I.181). Santummhi which appears as the last virtue XE "virtue"  in this list, emphasises a disciple's contentment with regard to his food XE "food"  and clothing, which incidentally had to be of the simplest order (Seyyath'pi mahrja pakkh+ sakuGo yena yen'eva eti sapattabhro'va eti evam eva mahrja bhikkhu santummho hoti kyaparihrikena c+varena kucchiparihrikena piG aptena. So yena yen'eva pakkamati samdy'eva pakkamati. D.I.71). This virtue of santummhi or contentment is also used in relation to the wider field of requirements of a Buddhist disciple, viz. the fourfold requisites or catupaccaya XE "catupaccaya"  (Santummho hoti itar+tarac+vara-piG apta-sensana-gilnapaccaya-bhesajjaparikkhrena. A.III.135). The venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  is held out as a perfect embodiment of this virtue and the other disciples are advised to emulate him (Santummh'yaC bhikkhave kassapo itar+tarena....Tasmt'iha bhikkhave evaC sikkhitabbaC santummh bhavissma itar+tarena c+varena itar+tarac+varasantummhiy ca vaGGavdino na ca c+varahetu anesanaC appamirkpaC pajjissma. Aladdh ca c+varaC na paritassissma laddh ca c+varaC agadhit amucchit anajjhpann d+navadassvino nissaraGapa paribhujissma. EvaC ktabbaC..... itar+tarena piG aptena.... itar+tarena sensanena...... itar+tarena gilnapaccaya-bhesajjaparikkhrena.... Kassapena v hi vo bhikkhave ovadissmi yo v kassapasadiso. Ovaditehi ca pana vo tathattya pamipajjitabban'ti. S.II.194f.). The KhaggavisGa XE "KhaggavisGa"  Sutta echoes a similar refrain: Ctuddiso appamigho ca hoti santussamno itar+tarena parissaynaC sahit achambh+ eko care khaggavisGakappo. Sn.v.42. 'Moving freely in all the four quarters of the world, without any sense of cnflict or hostility, content with meagre provisions, braving all dangers without trepidation, let him wander alone like the rhinoceros XE "rhinoceros" .' Santummhi also focusses light on the abstemiousness of the disciple which has been praised elsewhere as santussako ca subharo ca appakicco ca sallahukavutti. 'Contented is he and easily supportable. He is abstemious and has few things that he needs to do.' Commenting on the word santummho, Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  does, in fact, emphasise this aspect of monastic life (Iti imassa bhikkhuno sallahukavuttiC dassento bhagav santummho hoti kyaparihrikena c+varen'ti dim ha - DA.I.207). We also witness in the Canonical XE "Canonical"  texts the elaboration of this concept of santummhi under the name of ariyavaCs XE "ariyavaCs" . The SaEg+ti XE "SaEg+ti"  Sutta speaks of cattro ariyavaCs or four noble traditions which according to the Commentary are characteristic of the Buddhas XE "Buddhas"  and their disciples. The Sutta itself calls them ancient traditions: porG agga ariyavaCs. The AEguttara Nikya also knows of the ariyavaCs. Describing them in greater detail it claims universal approval and acceptance for them. It is also claimed that they come down from hoary antiquity and have ever since held an unchallenged position. The practice of these it is said, will enable a monk to resist the temptations of the pleasures of the world and derive sufficient inspiration to fight the spiritual XE "spiritual"  lethargy that would impede his progress (Cattro' me bhikkhave ariyavaCs agga vaCsa porG asaCkiGG asaCkiGGapubb na saCk+yanti na saCk+yissanti appamikummh samaGehi brhmaGehi vikhi....Imehi ca pana bhikkhave catkhi ariyavaCsehi samanngato bhikkhu puratthimya ce 'pi disya viharati sv'eva aratiC sahati na taC arati XE "arati"  sahati....TaC kissa hetu. Aratiratisaho hi bhikkhave dh+ro'ti - A.II.27f.). The first three of these ariyavaCs pertain to a disciple's contentment with regard to his clothing, food XE "food"  and residence XE "residence"  respectively. The commentary on the SaEg+ti Sutta points out that being so they fall within the territory of the Vinaya Pimaka. It also tells us that in compressing the four requisites of the catupaccaya XE "catupaccaya"  within the first three items of ariyavaCs, gilna-paccayabhesajjaparikkhra is to be taken as being implicitly included under piG apta. The fourth place in the list of ariyavaCs is reserved for the disciple's interest and enthusiasm in his spiritual development, both by the elimination of evil traits of his mind and by his inner culture (pahnrmo and bhvanrmo). Hence the commentator suggests that the other two Pimakas, Sutta and Abhidhamma XE "Abhidhamma" , play their role here. Thus it should be noted that this concept of ariyavaCs is more developed and more comprehensive than the fourfold contentment in relation to the catupaccaya which was ascribed to the venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa" . As is evident from the text of the Smaaphala Sutta, these virtues of s+la XE "s+la" , indriyasaCvara XE "indriyasaCvara" , satisampajaa XE "satisampajaa"  and santummhi undoubtedly constituted the standard pattern of early Buddhist monasticism (EvaC pabbajito samno ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto XE "ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto"  viharati cragocarasampanno anumattesu vajjesu bhayadassv+ samdya sikkhati sikkhpadesu kyakammavac+kammena samanngato kusalena parisuddhj+vo XE "parisuddhj+vo"  s+lasampanno indriyesu guttadvro XE "indriyesu guttadvro"  satisampajaena samanngato santummho. D.I.63). We also discover in the Canonical XE "Canonical"  texts another list of virtues, somewhat different from the above, which are linked with the disciple's spiritual XE "spiritual"  development under s+la. They are as follows: s+lav XE "s+lav"  hoti ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto XE "ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto"  viharati cragocarasampanno anumattesu vajjesu bhayadassv+ samdya sikkhati sikkhpadesu. indriyesu guttadvro XE "indriyesu guttadvro" . bhojane mattak. jgariyaC anuyutto. satisampajaena samanngato. As in the former list the cultivation of these virtues here prepares the disciple for the elimination of the five n+varaGa XE "n+varaGa" . Thus both these lists which start with s+la XE "s+la"  appear to be similar in their scope. They are in fact identical as far as s+la and indriyasaCvara XE "indriyasaCvara"  are concerned. The latter list adds thereafter two new items in bhojane mattaut XE "bhojane mattaut"  and jgariynuyoga XE "jgariynuyoga" . It leaves out santummhi of the former, but agrees with it in retaining satisampajaa XE "satisampajaa" . As we examine the concept of bhojane mattaut XE "bhojane mattaut" , it appears as though considerations regarding the acceptance and use of food XE "food"  assumed, in course of time, increasing importance in Buddhist monasticism, and that it led to this special mention of moderation in eating. The broader concept of santummhi which covers all the needs of a disciple besides food is thus replaced by this narrower one of bhojane mattaut, perhaps with the intention of being more specific. In its wider interpretation, however, bhojane mattaut was taken to be equivalent to santummhi as is evident from the comment of Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  which says that bhojane mattaut brings to light such virtues like contentment: bhojane mattak'ti idam assa santosdiguGaparid+pam. VibhA.323. Heedlessness in eating was considered a danger not only to the physical well-being but also to the mental XE "mental"  poise and spiritual XE "spiritual"  development of the disciple. In several suttas like the Kakackpama XE "Kakackpama" , Bhaddli XE "Bhaddli"  and Lamukikopama XE "Lamukikopama" , the Buddha speaks of the physical benefits which result from moderation and regularity in meals. A verse in the Theragth almost specifies the quantity of food to be consumed by a monk. Cattro paca lope abhutv udakaC pive alaC phsuvihrya pahitattassa bhikkhuno. Thag.v.983. 'Let him drink water after his meal while he leaves four or five mouthfuls of food XE "food"  yet uneaten. This is conducive to the ease and comfort of the disciple who is striving for his emancipation.' It is suggested in the Commentaries XE "Commentaries"  that these bounds of propriety XE "propriety"  apply not only to the quantity of food XE "food"  consumed but also to the amount sought and accepted (Bhojane mattaut'ti bhojane y matt jnitabb pariyesana-pamiggahana-paribhogesu yuttat. MA.I.152). The Vatthkpama XE "Vatthkpama"  Sutta negatively implies the dangers to spiritual XE "spiritual"  life of the proneness to pleasures in eating. A disciple of such virtue XE "virtue"  and wisdom, even if he were to partake of a delicious and delightful meal, would not thereby bring ruin upon his spiritual life (Sa kho so bhikkhave bhikkhu evaCs+lo evaCdhammo evampao sl+na ce'pi piG aptaC bhujati vicitaklakaC anekaskpaC anekabyajanaC nev'assa taC hoti antaryya. M.I.38). Thus bhojane mattaut XE "bhojane mattaut"  became an important item of monastic discipline. True to the injunction under santummhi (santummho hoti kucchiparihrikena piG aptena) it not only sets the limit on the quantity of food XE "food" , but also corrects the disciple's attitude to the use of food in general. The disciple is advised to eat his food with the awareness that he does so in order to maintain his physical fitness, free from pain, that he may further his religious pursuit of brahmacariya. He should eschew all desires of physical perfection and adornment (Ehi tvaC bhikkhu bhojane mattak hohi pamisaEkh yoniso hreyysi neva davya na madya na maG anya na vibhksanya yvad'ev'imassa kyassa mhitiy ypanya vihiCskparatiy brahmacariynuggahya - M.III. 2). The Dhammapada views it from many other angles. Moderation in eating is said to be a great asset in the battle against the forces of evil. The disciple who along with other virtues possesses a sense of moderation in eating shall not easily be swayed by Mra XE "Mra" . It is said that the disciple should take his food with the awareness that it should contribute so much to his physical well being as would be needed for the successful completion of his life of brahmacariya. AsubhnupassiC viharantaC indriyesu susaCvutaC bhojanamhi ca mattauC saddhaC raddhav+riyaC taC ve nappasahati mro vto selaC'va pabbataC. Dhp. v. 8. It is also listed there among the basic injunctions of the Buddhas XE "Buddhas" . Ankpavdo ankpaghto ptimokkhe ca saCvaro mattaut ca bhattasmiC pantha ca sayansanaC adhicitte ca yogo etaC buddhna ssanaC. Dhp.v.185. This added emphasis which seems to be centered on the question of food XE "food"  does not appear to have resulted from mere theoretical considerations. Evidence of both the Sutta and the Vinaya Pimakas show that restrictions on food were constantly being challenged and violated by rebellious XE "rebellious"  disciples even during the time of the Buddha. Bhaddli XE "Bhaddli"  tells the Buddha of his inability to practise the habit of one meal a day (EvaC vutte yasm bhaddli bhagavantaC etad 'avoca. AhaC kho bhante na ussahmi eksanabhojanaC bhujituC - M.I.437). The Lamukikopama XE "Lamukikopama"  Sutta expresses through the words of Udyi XE "Udyi"  what might have been the general protest at the prohibition to the monks of the night meal and meals out of hours. Similarly, we witness in the K+mgiri XE "K+mgiri"  Sutta the followers of Assaji XE "Assaji"  and Punabbasu XE "Assaji and Punabbasu" , who being told about the Buddha's abstemious ways relating to food, argue on the merits of plentiful meals. We also come across a number of supplementary rules on the acceptance and use of food which were laid down by the Buddha as a result of certain irregularities indulged in by erring disciples. Once a number of monks, fearing that they would get only a frugal meal at the house of a poor man who had invited them. collected an early meal and enjoyed it beforehand. This led to the promulgation of Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  33. In the history of Pcittiya 35 we discover monks taking a second meal elsewhere after they had concluded their meal at one place. Pcittiya 37 had to be laid down as a special safeguard against eating after hours. It should here be observed that all these situations are implicitly guarded against under s+la XE "s+la"  in the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  which pertains to food, that the disciple takes only one meal a day, abstaining from the night meal and meals after hours (Ekabhattiko hoti rattkparato virato viklabhojan. D.I.64). Considerig all these dangers which could possibly befall Buddhist monasticism in general and the spiritual XE "spiritual"  life of the disciple in particular through an untutored attitude to food XE "food" , it is little wonder that bhojane mattaut XE "bhojane mattaut"  became a special monastic virtue XE "virtue" . We notice further a new attitude to food being cultivated by the Buddhist disciples which came to be regarded as one among seven conditions which lead to enlightenment XE "enlightenment" . It is an acquired feeling of disgust and detachment towards food which a disciple is called upon to develop gradually, stage by stage (TasmiC hre pamikkklkraggahaGavasena uppann sa hre pamikkklasa XE "hre pamikkklasa"  - Vism.341.). What is intended thereby is that a disciple's mind may never be enslaved through his greed for food (hre pamikkklasa bhikkhave bhvit bahul+kat mahapphal hoti mahnisaCs amatogadh amatapariyosn'ti iti kho pan 'etaC vuttaC kic'etaC pamicca vuttaC. hre pamikkklasaparicitena bhikkhave bhikkhuno cetas bahulaC viharato rasataGhya cittaC pamil+yati pamikummati pamivattati na sampasr+yati upekkh XE "upekkh"  v pamikkklyat v saGmhti. A.IV.49). The Visuddhimagga considers that the acquisition of this attitude would serve as a prelude to the complete eradication of lust centering on the fivefold pleasures of the senses (Atha 'ssa appakasiren'eva kabaliEkrhraparimukhena pacakmaguGiko rgo pariaC gacchati. Vism.347). The origin of this idea of Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  is in fact traceable back to Canonical XE "Canonical"  texts. The Samyutta Nikya (S.II.98) records a statement by the Buddha himself where he says that once a complete mastery over one's attitude to solid food of daily consumption has been gained (kabaliEkra-hre parite), one gains restraint XE "restraint"  over one's attitude to the entire range of fivefold sense pleasures or pacakmaguGika-rga XE "rga" . It is the vision of such possibilities, no doubt, which set a high premium on hre pamikkklasa and led to its being considered as a factor leading to nibbna XE "nibbna"  (amatogadh amatapariyosn). Jgariynuyoga too, like bhojane mattaut XE "bhojane mattaut" , is a very specific virtue XE "virtue" . It refers to both physical wakefulness and mental XE "mental"  alertness through control of sleep. Satisampajaa which was referred to earlier, concerns itself with the vigilance of a disciple. But jgariynuyoga XE "jgariynuyoga"  demands that a disciple should harness that vigilance to bring about the purge of his mind of the defiling traits. We notice that instead of replacing satisampajaa XE "satisampajaa" , jgariynuyoga augments it by adding this active mind-culture as another important monastic virtue. Thus the second list of monastic virtues is completed with satisampajaa as the last of its items. Out of the virtues enumerated in this second list three have come to deserve special consideration in that they are often listed together as basic virtues necessary for the successful continuance of monastic life as well as for the attainment of the final goal of Arahantship XE "Arahantship" . The catastrophic failure in spiritual XE "spiritual"  life, resulting from their absence, is relentlessly stated as follows: So vata vauso bhikkhu indriyesu aguttadvro bhojane amattak jgariyaC ananuyutto yvaj+vaC paripuGGam parisuddhaC brahmacariyaC santnessat+'ti n'etaC mhnam vijjati. (S.IV.103f.). It is in terms of these monastic virtues that the venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  judged the followers of nanda XE "nanda"  and declared them to be immature and unworthy. However, we notice that no mention is made here of s+la XE "s+la" . Perhaps it is implicitly taken to be contained within the framework of these three items of indriyasaCvara XE "indriyasaCvara" , bhojane mattaut XE "bhojane mattaut"  and jgariya. They lead to the physical and mental XE "mental"  well-being of a disciple in this very life and pave the way for the attainment of Arahantship (T+hi bhikkhave dhammehi samanngato bhikkhu dimmhe'va dhamme sukhasomanassabahulo viharati yoni ca'ssa raddh hoti savnaC khayya. Katamehi t+hi. Indriyesu guttadvro hoti bhojane mattak jgariyam anuyutto. S.IV.175f.). The AEguttara reiterates this idea, declaring the infallibility of these virtues. There is no doubt that they formed a powerful triad in the development of monastic life. However, we find at times satisampajaa XE "satisampajaa"  appended to these as a fourth (Kimaatra bhikkhave nando indriyesu guttadvro XE "indriyesu guttadvro"  bhojane mattak jgariyam anuyutto satisampajaena samanngato yena nando sakkoti paripuGGam parisuddham brahmacariyaC carituC. A.IV.166). CHAPTER VI The New Role of S+la in Buddhist Monasticism The final and what is claimed to be the most comprehensive code XE "code"  of monastic discipline is brought under the fourfold division of s+la XE "s+la"  known as the Catuprisuddhis+la XE "Catuprisuddhis+la" . Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  begins his Visuddhimagga, more or less, with a detailed analysis of this classification. Like the earlier lists of s+la which had indriyasaCvara XE "indriyasaCvara"  closely appended to it, this classification seems to recognise the basic importance of the two items of s+la and indriyasaCvara. Buddhaghosa goes so far as to say that no perfection in s+la could be achieved without stability in indriyasaCvara (Evam asampdite hi etasmim ptimokkhasaCvaras+lam'pi anaddhaniyaC hoti acirammhitikaC... Vism.I.37). However, the earlier concept of s+la as expressed in the Suttas in the reference imin ariyena s+lakkhandhena samanngato now forms only one single fragment in this larger fourfold classification. The earlier concept is narrowed down and is specifically referred to as PtimokkhasaCvaras+la XE "PtimokkhasaCvaras+la" . In this division of s+la the emphasis is more on the codified XE "codified"  legalised precepts. The sole basis of monastic discipline now seems to be the code of the Ptimokkha which is aptly described by Buddhaghosa as the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada" -s+la. Here one immediately feels that there is a complete disregard of the role of the Dhamma as a disciplinary force among the disciples. This new attitude is perhaps resonant of an age in which the Vinaya dominated. Buddhaghosa does bring before us in clearer relief the tendency of his day when he says that the Vinaya constitutes the life-blood of the Ssana XE "Ssana" . However, it is interesting to note that the Vimuttimagga XE "Vimuttimagga"  which is claimed to be a pre-Buddhaghosa work adds the following remarks after its definition of ptimokkhasaCvara: This is the entrance into the doctrines. By this the Good Law (saddhamma XE "saddhamma" ) is accepted.' One is tempted by this to ask whether the reference to the Good Law (saddhamma) under the definition of ptimokkhasaCvara implies in this context a recognition of the wide range of monastic discipline and a desire to infuse the spirit of the Dhamma into the legal XE "legal"  machinery of the Vinaya which tended to be exclusive in character in the regulation XE "regulation"  of monastic life. IndriyasaCvaras+la XE "IndriyasaCvaras+la"  forms the second item in this fourfold classification. It has retained its character, more or less unmodified in the new classification. j+vaprisuddhis+la XE "j+vaprisuddhis+la"  and Paccayasannissitas+la XE "Paccayasannissitas+la"  form the last two items. These are concerned with the daily life of the disciple, specially in relation to his food XE "food"  and clothing. The Suttas too are adequately concerned with this aspect of monastic discipline although it had not come to be laid down in the form of a division of s+la XE "s+la" . The j+vaprisuddhi XE "j+vaprisuddhi" , as a separate item of s+la in the new fourfold category, claims to safeguard the way in which a disciple `earns his living' without fraud and deceit, and greed for gain, and thus renders him blameless with regard to his livelihood. It is possible to infer from Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa" 's definition of j+vaprisuddhis+la that the origin of this special branch of s+la lay primarily in the last item of Majjhimas+la given in the Brahmajla XE "Brahmajla"  and the Smaaphala Suttas. Buddhaghosa quotes it as follows: ... kuhan lapan nemittakat neppesikat lbhena lbhaC nijigiCsanat'ti evam d+na ca ppadhammnaC vasena pavatt micchj+v virati. Vism.I.16. It is also of interest to note that the Mahcattr+saka XE "Mahcattr+saka"  Sutta defines micchj+va XE "micchj+va"  solely in terms of this item of s+la. Buddhaghosa further suggests that along with this are also to be taken the different forms of unworthy professional practices or micchj+va which are elaborated under the mahs+la. To supplement this concept of j+vaprisuddhi Buddhaghosa also draws reinforcements from the Vinaya. These consist of six sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  from the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  and Buddhaghosa describes them as being `laid down for the guidance XE "guidance"  of the livelihood of the monk ': j+vahetu paattnaC channaC sikkhpadnan'ti yni tni ... evaC paattni cha sikkhpadni. Vism.I.22. They occur already together in a group in the Parivra XE "Parivra"  as constituting in their violation j+vavipatti XE "j+vavipatti"  or damage to the purity XE "purity"  of livelihood. Of these, five sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  are primary regulations directly traceable to the Ptimokkha. The other is a Thullaccaya XE "Thullaccaya"  offence XE "offence"  derived from the fourth Prjika XE "Prjika" . The Dukkama XE "Dukkama"  offence is in terms of Sekhiyadhamma XE "Sekhiyadhamma"  37. In their gravity, these sikkhpada range from a Prjika to a Dukkama offence. Three minor rules XE "minor rules" , a Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  (Vin.IV.88), Pmidesan+ya XE "Pmidesan+ya"  (Vin.IV.347f.) and a Dukkama (Vin.IV.193) are concerned with irregular appropriation of food XE "food" . Two rules, a Prjika (Vin.III.91) and a Thullaccaya (Vin.III.102 Sec.7) deal with claims to spiritual XE "spiritual"  powers which are made with a view to increase the support from laymen. One rule, a SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  (Vin.III.139) proscribes the transaction of the affairs of laymen with a similar motive of personal gain. It is also interesting to note that Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  bundles up under the one Pmidesan+ya sikkhpada all the eight Pmidesan+ya rules of the Bhikkhunis. He is perhaps here influenced by the single Pcittiya rule (no. 39) of the Bhikkhus which covers the same ground. Thus the j+vaprisuddhi XE "j+vaprisuddhi"  is judged in terms of both s+la XE "s+la"  and the codified XE "codified"  rules of the Vinaya. On the other hand, we notice that in the earlier texts, the concept of j+vaprisuddhi was brought within the scope of s+la itself. Its aim was to make the disciples purge themselves of such mean traits of character (ppadhamm) as fraud and deceit, as well as to make them abstain from blamable forms of livelihood (micchj+va XE "micchj+va" ) which are unworthy of a monk. But Buddhaghosa makes a further distinct group of micchjiva in terms of the transgression of the rules of the Ptimokkha: j+vahetupaattnaC channaC sikkhpadnaC v+tikkamavasena. (Vism.I.30). As far as the disciples of the Buddha were concerned, the items of micchj+va XE "micchj+va"  which are more or less professional practices were firstly considered stupid (tiracchna-vijj), perhaps because they exploited the credulity and the superstitious character of the public on whom they were dependent. Secondly, they were irregular practices for the monk (micchj+va), for they were not conducive to his spiritual XE "spiritual"  progress. It would be a misuse of his life if he engaged himself in such activities. There can be little doubt that kyakamma-vac+kammena samanngato kusalena served as a warning against such irregular ways of members of the monastic community. Thus we notice parisuddhj+vo XE "parisuddhj+vo"  being rightly equated by Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  to kyakamma-vac+kammena samanngato kusalena. It must be observed that the j+vaprisuddhis+la XE "j+vaprisuddhis+la"  as described by Buddhaghosa overlaps to some extent the PtimokkhasaCvaras+la XE "PtimokkhasaCvaras+la"  in that Buddhaghosa while recognising the various irregular ways of a monk enumerated under s+la XE "s+la"  (kuhan lapan etc.) draws also on the contents of the Ptimokkha. The last item in this fourfold classification is the Paccayasannissitas+la XE "Paccayasannissitas+la" . While the j+vaprisuddhis+la XE "j+vaprisuddhis+la"  is concerned with the correctness of the method whereby the monk obtains his requisites, the Paccayasannissitas+la determines the correct attitude of mind in the use of these. The Sabbsava XE "Sabbsava"  Sutta deals comprehensively with this consideration in relation to the use of the four paccaya. Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  quotes freely from this Sutta in his description of the Paccayasannissitas+la. Bhojane mattaut which was discussed earlier, tended to single out food XE "food"  from among these four requisites and lays special emphasis on moderation in eating as a monastic virtue XE "virtue" . The Paccayasannissitas+la seems to reintroduce to monastic life the above considerations of the Sabbsava Sutta in their widest application. Canonical XE "Canonical"  Pali literature does not make any reference to this fourfold classification of Catuprisuddhis+la XE "Catuprisuddhis+la" . The Pamisambhidmagga knows the term Prisuddhis+la but it is used in the very general sense of a 'code XE "code"  of good living leading to purity XE "purity" '. It is presented there in five categories which are graded according to the degree of perfection of each. Speaking of a fivefold classification of s+la XE "s+la"  in the Visuddhimagga, Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  reproduces this division of Prisuddhis+la of the Pamisambhidmaga. The classification is as follows: 1.Pariyantaprisuddhis+la- anupasampannnaC pariyantasikkhnaC2.Apariyantaprisuddhis+la- upasampannnaC apariyantasikkhnaC3.ParipuGGaprisuddhis+la- puthujjanakalyGaknaC kusaladhamme yuttnam sekhapariyante paripkrakrinam kye ca jivite ca anapekkhnam pariccattaj+vitnaC4.Aparmammhaprisuddhis+la- sattanGaC sekhnaC5.Pamippassaddhiprisuddhis+la- tathgatasvaknaC kh+GsavnaC paccekabuddhnaC tathgatnaC arahantnaC sammsambuddhanaC These refer to the various stages in the development of s+la XE "s+la"  or moral XE "moral"  virtue XE "virtue"  in Buddhism, from the uninitiated disciple to the Tathgatas. It is difficult to determine with any certainty whether the concept of prisuddhis+la XE "prisuddhis+la"  as the 'code XE "code"  of good living leading to purity XE "purity" ' heralded the later classification of the Catuprisuddhis+la XE "Catuprisuddhis+la" . However, it has already been pointed out that the aspects of monastic discipline contained under the Catuprisuddhis+la are of Canonical XE "Canonical"  origin. Like s+la, they were considered among the necessary accomplishments of monastic life, and as such some of them stood beside s+la under their own name. Thus they were never reckoned as divisions of s+la. Nevertheless, with the lapse of time, we witness the expansion of the scope and function of s+la as it brings within its fold the entire range of monastic development which culminates in the attainment of Arahantship XE "Arahantship" . Thus s+la, from its position of being the first and basic stage in the threefold training of a disciple (tisso sikkh XE "tisso sikkh" ) came, more or less, to be identified with the complete concept of s+kkh itself. The first clear indication of an adequate elaboration of s+la capable of accomodating the new element is seen in the Milindapaha where the venerable Ngasena XE "Ngasena"  tells King Milinda XE "Milinda"  that the s+laratana XE "s+laratana"  of the Buddha consists of PtimokkhasaCvara, IndriyasaCvara j+vaprisuddhi and Paccayasannissita s+las as well as of the Cklla, Majjhima, Mah and Magga and Phala s+las (KatamaC mahrja bhagavato s+laratanaC. PtimokkhasaCvara-s+lam indriyasaCvaras+lam j+vaprisuddhis+lam paccayasannissitas+lam cullas+lam majjhimas+lam mahs+lam maggas+lam phalas+lam - Miln.336). It also occurs in a statement by King Milinda where he refers to the development of a disciple in terms of the four categories of s+la: catusu s+lakkhandhesu samm paripkrakri. Miln.243. Although the term Catuprisuddhis+la is not used here, there is no doubt that the fourfold classification had already gained considerable recognition, for the threefold division of Ckla, Majjhima and Mah s+las which is the Canonical classification is accorded here the second place after the enumeration of the four items of s+la which constitute the Catuprisuddhis+la. This fourfold classification of s+la XE "s+la"  which evidently is one of post-canonical origin seems to have been a subject of great controversy in later monastic history. Even during the time of Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  the Catuprisuddhis+la XE "Catuprisuddhis+la"  does not seem to have enjoyed an unchallenged position. Buddhaghosa who describes it in great detail in the Visuddhimagga also records elsewhere the disputes which seem to have arisen on this subject. According to him, a learned Buddhist monk of Sri Lanka by the name of Culbhaya Thera who was a Master of the Tipimaka [Tipimka Culbhaya Thera] refused to accept, in the absence of Canonical XE "Canonical"  authority, the importance attached to IndriyasaCvara, j+vaprisuddhi and Paccayasannissita as separate items of s+la. He challenged the view of his teacher XE "teacher" , Sumana XE "Sumana"  Thera of D+pavihra XE "D+pavihra" , who held that the term s+la was used in the Canonical texts to mean implicitly the wider concept covered under the fourfold classification. To Sumana Thera s+la meant something more than the discipline brought about by the Ptimokkha, although he was quick and ready to recognise the very significant part it played in the life of a monk. Commenting on the term sampannas+la XE "sampannas+la"  in the kankheyya Sutta, Buddhaghosa brings to light these differences of opinion (Tattha sampannas+l'ti ettvat kira bhagav catuprisuddhi-s+laC uddisitv ptimokkhasaCvarasampann'ti imin tattha jemmhakas+laC vitthretv dasses+'ti d+pavihravs+ sumanatthero ha. Antevsiko pana 'ssa tipimakacklbhayatthero ha. Ubhayatth'pi ptimokkhasaCvaro bhagavat vutto. PtimokkhasaCvaro y 'eva hi s+laC. Itarni pana t+ni s+lan'ti vuttammhnaC nma atth+'ti ananujnanto vatv ha. MA.I.155) Even if we would agree with the learned Cklbhaya XE "Cklbhaya"  Thera and argue that the recognition of such items as Paccayasannissita and jivaprisudhi as separate items of s+la XE "s+la"  is a matter of post-Canonical XE "Canonical"  origin, Cklbhaya Thera is himself liable to be accused of viewing s+la too narrowly by identifying it totally with the Ptimokkha. S+la would thereby be robbed of its spirit to some extent and be made effective only by the mechanism of the Ptimokkha. However, the Ptimokkha was only an aid to the perfection of s+la and therefore the old stereotyped description of a s+lasampanno invariably mentions s+la first and then follows it with PtimokkhasaCvara etc. (Katha ca mahnma ariyasvako s+lasampanno hoti. Idha mahnma ariyasvako s+lav XE "s+lav"  hoti ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto XE "ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto"  viharati... M.I.355). But with the increasing importance which the text and the ritual XE "ritual"  of the Ptimokkha gradually assumed in the early days of Buddhist monasticism we are not surprised to find in the Canonical XE "Canonical"  texts themselves a virtual identification of the very comprehensive concept of s+la XE "s+la"  with the Ptimokkha. In doing so, at least theoretically, the scope of the Ptimokkha was considerably widened. A passage in the AEguttara Nikya refers to the complete grounding in s+la simply as ptimokkhasaCvara (Etha tumhe vuso s+lav XE "s+lav"  hotha ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvut viharatha cragocarasampann anumattesu vajjesu bhayadassvino samdaya sikkhatha sikkhpadesk'ti. Iti ptimokkhasaCvare samdapetabb nivesetabb patimmhpetabb. A.III.138). On the other hand, we find in the SaCyutta Nikya XE "SaCyutta Nikya"  a passage which describes the discipline of a monk with the rest of the above phraseology, leaving out the reference to s+la. However, the discipline so described is recognised in the end as the grounding in s+la (Yato kho tvam bhikkhu ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto XE "ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto"  viharissasi cragocarasampanno anumattesu vajjesu bhayadassv+ samdya sikkhasi sikkhpadesu tato tvam bhikkhu s+laC nissya s+le patimmhya cattro satipammhne bhveyysi - S.V.187) Thus there seems to be a mutual identification of s+la and the Ptimokkha. Evidently, Cklbhaya XE "Cklbhaya"  Thera found here a point in his favour and Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  himself remarks that this establishes the superiority of the PtimokkhasaCvaras+la XE "PtimokkhasaCvaras+la"  over the other s+las in the fourfold classification. Cklbhaya Thera argues that the other three items of this classification are never referred to as s+la and dismisses them as elementary considerations relating to the control of sense faculties and to the acceptance and use of a disciple's food XE "food"  and raiment. Nevertheless, Buddhaghosa is anxious to maintain that the Ptimokkha by itself does not complete the discipline of a monk. The Ptimokkha being essentially an organ of Buddhist Vinaya aimed at the correction only of word and deed. This is clearly stated to be the avowed purpose of the Vinaya Pimaka as is borne out by the definitions of Vinaya given by Buddhaghosa. But the complete development of a Buddhist disciple included the discipline of his mind as well. As the Catuprisuddhi-s+la was meant to be the complete and comprehensive code XE "code"  of Buddhist monastic discipline, it was argued that the development of the mind of the disciple which the Ptimokkha did not take within its fold was brought about by the rest of these divisions of s+la. Thus Buddhaghosa would speak of the good disciples as being established in this fourfold s+la for the perfection of their religious life. This deficiency of the Ptimokkha, and therefore also of the earlier s+lakkhandha XE "s+lakkhandha"  referred to in the Suttas, which is pointed out here had been remedied to some extent by the discipline of indriyasaCvara XE "indriyasaCvara"  which was closely coupled with s+la XE "s+la"  from the earliest times. Hence we would readily concede the elaboration of the indriyasaCvara into a separate item of s+la which contributes to the mental XE "mental"  discipline of a monk. But the formulation of j+vaprisuddhi and Paccayasannissita in their present form in the Catuprisuddhis+la XE "Catuprisuddhis+la"  seems more to hint at the concern over the behaviour of the growing monastic community. It is of interest to note that while Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  records the divergent evaluations of the Catuprisuddhis+la XE "Catuprisuddhis+la" . he also makes a genuine attempt to place before us this fourfold classification with a definite note of recommendation. In the Visuddhimagga he shows us how these four items of s+la XE "s+la"  bring into play essential monastic virtues like saddh XE "saddh" , sati XE "sati" , viriya XE "viriya"  and pa XE "pa" . It is also shown that they contribute towards a fourfold purification in the life of the monk: catubbidh hi suddhi XE "suddhi" . In terms of the s+la which bring about these aspects of purification they are: Desansuddhi : PtimokkhasaCvaras+la XE "PtimokkhasaCvaras+la" . SaCvarasuddhi : IndriyasaCvaras+la XE "IndriyasaCvaras+la" . Pariyemmhisuddhi : j+vaprisuddhis+la XE "j+vaprisuddhis+la" . PaccavekkhaGasuddhi : Paccayasannissitas+la XE "Paccayasannissitas+la"  There is a passage in the Dhammapadammhakath which in its comment on a verse in the Bhikkhuvagga, attempts to equate the Catuprisuddhis+la XE "Catuprisuddhis+la"  to the three items of ptimokkhasaCvara, indriyagutti XE "indriyagutti"  and santummhi of Canonical XE "Canonical"  antiquity. In doing so it is constrained to accommodate both j+vaprisuddhi and Paccayasannissita s+las under santummhi which is explained as contentment with regard to the four requisites. The Vimuttimagga XE "Vimuttimagga"  seems to go a step further in that it tries to establish with finality the significance of the Catuprisuddhis+la in Buddhist monasticism by equating the four items of s+la XE "s+la"  to the three sikkh XE "sikkh"  of s+la, samdhi XE "samdhi"  and pa XE "pa" . In the light of all these observations it becomes clear that the Catuprisuddhis+la has acquired in Buddhist monasticism a validity and significance which cannot easily be underrated. CHAPTER VII The Discipline and Development of the Mind In spite of the diversity of opinion regarding the importance of the Catuprisuddhis+la XE "Catuprisuddhis+la"  one would readily admit that Buddhism attaches great importance to the inner development of the disciple as a part of his religious life. In its basic form this development would amount to the elimination of manoduccarita XE "manoduccarita"  or evil traits of the mind and the cultivation of manosucarita XE "manosucarita"  as its opposite. This obviously lay outside the pale of s+la XE "s+la" , for greed, hatred and wrong views (abhijjh XE "abhijjh"  vypda XE "vypda"  micchdimmhi XE "micchdimmhi" ), the three items of dasakammapatha  which belong to the mind-group (manokamma XE "manokamma" ) are not reckoned with under the s+la. The Suttas, on the other hand, repeatedly bring before us hosts of such vices or diseased states of the mind against which the disciples are constantly cautioned (Evam eva kho bhikhave citte saCkilimmhe duggati XE "duggati"  pmikaEkh. M.I.36). The Vatthkpama XE "Vatthkpama"  Sutta gives a list of sixteen such evil traits of the mind which are referred to as cittassa upakkiles. None of these have been brought up for correction under the category of s+la. Commenting on these, Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  hastens to add that these sixteen are not the only defiling traits of the mind (kilesa, upakkilesa XE "upakkilesa" ) and suggests that in this manner all kilesa are taken into consideration. (Na ca ete so7as'eva cittassa upakkiles. Etena pana nayena sabbe'pi kiles gahit y'eva hont+'ti veditabb - MA.I.170). The monks are advised to purge their minds of these as a step forward in their spiritual XE "spiritual"  progress. (Yath'odhi kho pana'ssa cattaC hoti vantaC muttaC pah+naC paminissammhaC so buddhe aveccappasdena samanngato'mh+'ti labhati atthavedaC labhati dhammavedaC labhati dhammkpasaChitaC pmujjaC. Pamuditassa p+ti jyati p+timanassa kyo passambhati passaddhakyo sukhaC vedeti sukhino cittaC samdhiyati. M.I.37) The Sallekha XE "Sallekha"  Sutta which is addressed to the monks as a plea for self-correction introduces us to a much larger list of forty-four evil ways or akusala dhamma. The Buddha reminds his disciples that every attempt to eradicate these by a sincere desire to cultivate their opposites is a commendable virtue XE "virtue"  (Cittuppdam'pi kho ahaC cunda kusalesu dhammesu bahukraC vadmi. Ko pana vdo kyena vcya anuvidh+yansu. Tasmt'iha cunda pare vihiCsak bhavissanti mayam'ettha avihiCsak bhavissam'ti cittaC uppdetabbaC. M.I.43). He calls this the way to peace and progress: uparibhvapariyya XE "uparibhvapariyya"  and nibbnapariyya XE "nibbnapariyya" . (Seyyath'pi cunda ye keci akusal dhamm sabbe te adhobhvaEgaman+y ye keci kusal dhamm sabbe te uparibhvaEgaman+y. Evam eva kho cunda vihiCsakassa purisapuggalassa avihiCs hoti uparibhvya...... EvaC eva kho cunda vihiCsakassa purisapuggalassa avihiCs hoti parinibbnya. M.I.44). The mental XE "mental"  purge referred to above was always considered an essential feature in the religious life of a Buddhist disciple. The Suttas which deal with s+la XE "s+la"  as the basis of the spiritual XE "spiritual"  development of a disciple refer to this as the subsequent cleansing of the mind of the n+varaGa XE "n+varaGa" . N+varaGa defile and disease the mind and thereby weaken the functioning of the intellect. (So ime paca n+varaGe pahya cetaso upakkilese paya dubbal+karaGe... M.I.412.). Thus the proper culture of the mind is a stage which must necessarily precede the perfection of wisdom or adhipa sikkh XE "adhipa sikkh" . Without it, the mind can never be chanelled for the attainment of Arahantship XE "Arahantship"  (EvaC eva kho bhikkhave pac'ime cittassa upakkiles yehi upakkilesehi upakkilimmhaC cittaC na c'eva mudu hoti no ca kammaniyaC na ca pabhassaraC pabhaEgu ca na ca samm samdhiyati savnaC khayya. Katame paca. Kmacchando bhikkhave.... khayya-S.V.92). Every good disciple, therefore, was expected to strive for the elimination of these defilements. Tatr'bhiratiC iccheyya hitv kme akicano pariyodapeyya attnaC cittaklesehi paG ito. S.V.24. The KhaggavisGa XE "KhaggavisGa"  Sutta specifies the defiling mental XE "mental"  traits as cetaso varaGa XE "cetaso varaGa" , upakkilesa XE "upakkilesa"  and sinehadosa XE "sinehadosa" : Pahya pacvaraGni cetaso upakkilese vyapanujja sabbe anissito chetv sinehadosaC eko care khaggavisGakappo. Sn.v.66 On a careful analysis of these defilements which are referred to as n+varaGa XE "n+varaGa" , cetaso varaGa XE "cetaso varaGa" ,. cittaklesa XE "cittaklesa" , upakkilesa XE "upakkilesa"  or saCyojana XE "saCyojana" , we discover that there are two constant and recurring items, viz. abhijjh XE "abhijjh"  and vypda XE "vypda" . As a n+varaGa, abhijjh is also referred to as kmacchanda XE "kmacchanda" . As a saCyojana, it goes under both names of kmacchanda and kmarga XE "kmarga" . Thus it appears that in the mind-culture which is recommended to the Buddhist disciple, these two, out of the numerous evil states to which the mind was liable to descend, became the central target of attack. But we have already noted above that these two, together with micchdimmhi XE "micchdimmhi" , form the triad of manokamma XE "manokamma"  in the list of dasa akusala kamma XE "akusala kamma" . Hence we may ask ourselves why then do abhijjh and vypda come to be specially stressed, almost to the exclusion XE "exclusion"  of micchdimmhi. But it should also be noted here that micchdimmhi is not listed under the paca n+varaGa which are the primary defiling traits of the mind. Nor does the Vatthkpama XE "Vatthkpama"  Sutta mention it among the upakkilesa of the mind. This special mention of abhijjh XE "abhijjh"  and vypda XE "vypda"  has also a parallel when we consider lobha XE "lobha"  (rga XE "rga" ) and dosa XE "dosa"  which are referred to at times without any mention of moha XE "moha"  which is the third item of the group. The SaCyutta speaks of a disciple's conquest of these two evils: EvaC mano chassu yad subhvito phummhassa cittaC na vikampate kvaci te rgadose abhibhuyya bhikkhavo bhavattha jtimaraGassa prag'ti. S.IV.71. The Majjhima Nikya mentions lobha XE "lobha"  and dosa XE "dosa"  as the two evils which are to be transcended by pursuing the Middle Path XE "Middle Path"  (Tatr'vuso lobho ca ppako doso ca ppako. Lobhassa ca pahnya dosassa ca pahnya atthi majjhim pamipad cakkhukaraG+ GakaraG+ upasamya abhiya sambodhya nibbnya saCvattati. M.I.15). However, it must be clearly borne in mind that in the final attainment of Arahantship XE "Arahantship"  there is no room for any trace of moha XE "moha"  or of rga XE "rga"  and dosa. For nibbna XE "nibbna"  is the elimination of all the three evils of rga, dosa and moha (Yo kho vuso rgakkhayo dosakkhayo mohakkhayo idaC vuccati nibbnan'ti. S.IV.251). It is important to note that in this line of spiritual XE "spiritual"  development sakkyadimmhi XE "sakkyadimmhi"  is regarded as one of the earlier mental XE "mental"  failings which need to be remedied. For already at the early stage of Sotpatti XE "Sotpatti"  the first three saCyojana XE "saCyojana"  (sakkyadimhi together with vicikicch and s+labbataparmsa) are completely eradicated (TinnaC saCyojannaC parikkhay sotpanno aviniptadhammo niyato sambodhiparyano'ti. M.I.141). This achievement is further described as follows: Sah'vassadassanasampadya taya'ssu dhamm jahit bhavanti sakkyadimmhi XE "sakkyadimmhi"  vicikicchita ca s+labbataC v'pi yad'atthi kici. Sn.v.231. Beyond this, the further achievements of a Sakadgmin XE "Sakadgmin"  are only a reduction in rga XE "rga" , dosa XE "dosa"  and moha XE "moha"  (yesaC bhikkhknaC t+ni saCyojanni pah+nn+ rgadosamoh tanubhkt sabbe te sakadgmino sakid'eva imaC lokaC gantv dukkhass'antaC karissanti - M.I.141). This makes it clear that inspite of the complete elimination of sakkyadimmhi XE "sakkyadimmhi"  at the stage of Sotpatti XE "Sotpatti" , moha seems to survive beyond this. Even at the stage of Sakadgmin rga, dosa and moha are only reduced in magnitude. An Angmin XE "Angmin"  is said to get rid of two more saCyojana XE "saCyojana" , viz. kmacchanda XE "kmacchanda"  and vypda XE "vypda" , for he is described as having purged himself by then of the five orambhgiya saCyojana XE "orambhgiya saCyojana" . If we regard the two saCyojana, kmacchanda and vypda as approximating to rga and dosa, then we discern this reduced element of moha as surviving even after the stage of Angmin. The final extinction of moha (mohakkhaya XE "mohakkhaya" ) perhaps takes place in Arahantship XE "Arahantship" , after the elimination of the five uddhambhgiya saCyojana XE "uddhambhgiya saCyojana" . We find avijj persisting as the last item of this group, and whatever meaning we may give to the term avijj, it must undobtedly remain a form of moha. Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa" 's definition of moha that it is the root of all evil (Moho... sabb'kusalnaC mklan'ti dammhabbo. Vism.468) perhaps emphasises this most enduring character of moha. This failing, which seems to find expression severally as micchdimmhi XE "micchdimmhi" , sakkyadimmhi, moha and avijj, implies error of judgement and deficiency of knowledge, presumably of varying degree, which can be rectified completely only on the attainment of perfect wisdom in Arahantship. The other defiling traits of the mind which the Suttas enumerate are mainly related to fraud, pride, jealousy and anger, which may exist in varying degrees of severity. Besides their moral XE "moral"  and ethical XE "ethical"  significance for the religious life referred to in the Vatthkpama XE "Vatthkpama"  and Sallekha XE "Sallekha"  Suttas, they also have an essentially social character in that these failings cause friction and disharmony in the communal life of the monastic society XE "society" . The Anumna XE "Anumna"  Sutta calls them the dovacassa-karaGa-dhamma, or evil ways of monks which make them resent and reject good counsel from fellow members. The SaEgha would no longer trust such monks and would deem it unwise to advise or admonish them (So ca hoti dubbaco dovacassa-karaGehi dhammehi samanngato akkhamo appadakkhiGaggh+ anussaniC. Atha kho naC sabrahmacr+ na c'eva vattabbaC maanti na ca anussitabbaC maanti na ca tasmiC puggale visssaC pajjitabbaC maanti. M.I.95). Therefore the monks are called upon to view from all angles the dangers resulting from these to the religious life as well as to the life in the community, and make therefore every effort for their elimination. (i. Sa kho so bhikkhave bhikkhu abhijjhvisamalobho cittassa upakkileso'ti iti viditv abhijjhvisamalobhaC cittassa upakkilesaC pajahati. ii. Pare abhijjhlk bhavissanti mayam ettha anabhijjhlk bhavissm'ti sallekho karaG+yo. iii. Tatrvuso bhikkhun attan'va attnaC evam anuminitabbaC yo khv'yaC puggalo ppiccho ppiknaC icchnaC vasaCgato ayam me puggalo appiyo amanpo. Aha c'eva kho pan'assaC ppiccho ppiknaC icchnaC vasaCgato aham'p'assam paresaC appiyo amanpo'ti. EvaC jnantena vuso bhikkhun na ppiccho bhavissmi na ppiknaC icchnaC vasaCgato'ti cittaC uppdetabbaC. M.I.37) It appears to be fairly clear from the statements in the Suttas that for the cultivation of the perfect character it was not only a life of renunciation XE "renunciation"  that was desirable. The pabbajita XE "pabbajita" , as a disciple who had given up all household ties, was further advised that solitary XE "solitary"  retreats would be conducive to a life of contemplation and spiritual XE "spiritual"  perfection. We discover in the Suttas that it was nothing unusual for the early Buddhist disciple to resort to a sylvan retreat in order to develop his inner character (So imin ca ariyena s+lakkhandhena samanngato...santummhiy samanngato vivittaC sensanaC bhajati araaC rukkhamklaC pabbataC kandaraC giriguhaC susnaC vanapatthaC abbhoksaC pallapujaC. So pacchbhattam piG aptapamikkanto nis+dati pallaEkam bhujitv ujuC kyam panidhya parimukhaC satim upammhapetv. D.I.71). The Buddha, in fact, recognises the existence among his disciples of monks who lead such lives (Santi kho pana me udyi svak raak pantasensan araavanapatthni pantni sensanni ajjhogahetv viharanti. M. II. 8). This mode of life of some of the early Buddhist monks seems also to have been well recognised as a regular institution XE "institution"  as is evident from words ascribed to VessavaGa XE "VessavaGa"  in the mnmiya XE "mnmiya"  Sutta (Santi hi bhante bhagavato svak arae vanapatthni pantni sensanni pamisevanti appasaddni appanigghosni vijanavtni manussarhaseyyakni pamsallnasruppni. D.III.195). In the SaCyutta Nikya XE "SaCyutta Nikya"  we hear of the venerable Udyi XE "Udyi"  who reports back to the Buddha the progress he made under such conditions (So khv'ham bhante sugragato imesam pacupdnakkhandhnaC ukkujjvakujjaC samparivattento idaC dukkhan'ti yathbhktam abbhasim, S.V.89). At times the Budha is seen making direct reference to this in his admonitions to his disiples. 'Resort to the solitary retreats and be engaged in contemplative thought,' he tells Cunda XE "Cunda" , and adds further, 'Be quick and zealous, lest you repent afterwards.' (YaC kho cunda satthr karaG+yaC svaknaC hitesin anukampakena anukampaC updya kataC vo tam may. Etni cunda rukkhamklni etni sugrni. Jhyatha cunda m pamd'attha m pacch vippamisrino ahuvattha. AyaC vo amhkaC anussan+'ti. M.I.46). He is seen advising nanda XE "nanda"  with these same words. The Buddha is even more direct in his admonitions to Nanda XE "Nanda"  who evinced a love of luxury and pleasure (EvaC kho te nanda patirkpaC kulaputtassa saddh XE "saddh"  agrasm anagriyam pabbajitassa yaC tvaC raako assasi piGdaptiko ca paCsukkliko ca. Kmesu ca anapekkho vihareyys+'ti. S.II.281). Here the relevance of his remarks appears in clearer relief, for the very things that he seems to recommend to Nanda are some of those of which he refused Devadatta XE "Devadatta"  to make a general rule incumbent on all. It is evident that this mode of living, which is called a life of physical detachment or kyavkpakammha XE "kyavkpakammha" , soon came to be recognised in Buddhist monastic circles as a much praised virtue XE "virtue"  (Etha tumhe raak hotha araavanapatthni pantni sensanni pamisevath'ti. Iti kyavkpakammhe samdapetabb nivesetabb patimmhpetabb. A.III.138). The Pali texts make repeated attempts to show that both the Buddha and the venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  practised this way of solitary XE "solitary"  living. They are said to have done so for their own comfort and peace of mind as well as for the purpose of setting a good example for the future generations. King Pasenadi Kosala XE "Pasenadi Kosala"  praises the Buddha for this special virtue (Yam pi bhante bhagav d+gharattaC raako araavanapatthni pantni sensanni pamisevati imaC pi kho ahaC bhante atthavasaC sampassamno bhagavati evarkpaC paramanipacckraC karomi mittkpahraC upadaCsemi. A.V.66f.). SaCyutta Nikya XE "SaCyutta Nikya"  informs us of Kassapa XE "Kassapa" 's preference for this mode of life (Kim pana tvaC kassapa atthavasaC sampassamno d+gharattaC raako c'eva araakattassa vaGGavd+. S.II.203f.). This is in fact made out to be the general pattern of conduct XE "conduct"  of the Buddha and his disciples. (Ye kira te ahesuC buddhnubuddhasvak te d+gharattaC raak c'eva ahesuC araGGakattassa ca vaGGavdino. Ibid.). Udumbarikas+handa XE "Udumbarikas+handa"  Sutta goes so far as to make it an ancient and eternal order which governs the life of the Buddhas XE "Buddhas"  of the past, present and the future (Ye te ahesuC at+taC addhnaC arahanto sammsambuddh.... evaC su te bhagavanto arae vanapatthni pantni sensanni pamisevanti appasaddni appanigghosni vijanavtni manussarhaseyyakni pamisallnasruppni seyyath'pi bhagav etarah+'ti. D.III.54). The AEguttara Nikya which gives five different reasons for the adoption of this way of forest-living says that one would take to it being impressed by the fact that it had been extolled by the Buddha and his disciples (vaGGitaC buddhehi buddhasvakeh+'ti raako hoti. A.III.219). But the real reason, it goes on to add, should be that it provides an ideal setting to the man who has renounced the cares of the world and seeks to perfect his inner being (AppicchataC y'eva nissya santummhiC y'eva nissya sallekhataC y'eva nissya pavivekaC y'eva nissya idaC atthitaC y'eva nissya raako hoti. Ibid.). It appears from the above consideration that every attempt had been made to popularise this mode of life as the one that contributes most to the spiritual XE "spiritual"  well-being of the disciple. It was deemed useful for the progress of both samatha XE "samatha"  and vipassan XE "vipassan" . It is this idea of solitary XE "solitary"  and secluded life that is implied in the phrase brkhet sugrnaC which the Buddha addresses as an admonition to his disciples. The Papacaskdan+ brings both samatha and vipassan within the aspirations of this solitary life in its comment on brkhet sugrnaC (Ettha ca samathavipassanvasena kammammhnaC gahetv rattindivaC sugraC pavisitv nis+damno bhikkhk brkhet sugrnan'ti veditabbo. MA.I.157). This love of the life of solitude XE "solitude"  in the forest is one of the seven conditions wich would arrest the decay of the monk (satta aparihniy dhamm). It would, on the other hand, be a stimulus to his spiritual progress (Yvak+va ca bhikkhave bhikkhk raakesu sensanesu spekkh bhavissanti vuddhi y'eva bhikkhave bhikkhknaC pmikaEkh no parihni. D.II.77) It is also given as one of ten items which a disciple should constantly ponder over with a view to developing a love for it (Kacci no ahaC skgre abhiramm+'ti pabbajitena abhiGhaC paccavekkhitabbaC.... me kho bhikkhave dasa dhamm pabbajitena abhiGhaC paccavekkhitabb. A.V.88). However, it was recognised at the same time that mere residence XE "residence"  in forest retreats or sdopting frugal and abstemious ways of life was not a virtue XE "virtue"  in itself, unless accompanied by a corresponding perfection of character. The Budha tells the venerable Sandha XE "Sandha"  that unless the defiling traits of the mind are first eliminated they would overpower him even as he dwells in his forest residence and lead him astray in his musings (Evam eva kho sandha idh'ekacco purisakhaluEko araagato'pi rukkhamklagato'pi sugragato'pi kmargapariyummhitena cetas viharati kmargaparetena. Uppannassa ca kmargassa nissaraGaC yathbhktaC nappajnti. So kmargaC ... vicikicchaC y'eva antaraC karitv jhyati pajjhyati nijjhyati avajjhyati. A.V.323). On the other hand, it has been very realistically pointed out that unless a disciple makes progress towards the attainment of the tranquility of mind which he is seeking, it would be difficult for him to relish forest-residence XE "residence"  and delight in its solitude XE "solitude" . The wilderness would whirl away his mind. In the Bhayabherava XE "Bhayabherava"  Sutta, the Brahmin XE "Brahmin"  Jnussoni XE "Jnussoni"  expresses this view and the Buddha is found to be in perfect agreement with him (Durabhisambhavni hi bho gotama arae vanapatthni pantni sensanni. DukkaraC pavivekaC durabhiramaC ekatte. Haranti mae mano vanni samdhiC alabhamnassa. M.I.16). In the early history of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  it was evidently this dread of forest-residence which prevented it from being widely accepted. The story of the VerajbhGavra seems to indicate that the reliance on this mode of life alone, without an alternative, was regarded as one of the causes that led to the alleged breakdown of the monastic institutions of some of the Buddhas XE "Buddhas"  of the past. Thus it is not difficult to see that while zealous monks like Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  and Upasena VaEgantaputta XE "Upasena VaEgantaputta"  were regular forest-dwellers and always spoke in favour of it, there were, even in the earliest days of the Ssana, others who probed into the spiritual XE "spiritual"  qualifications of those who resorted to such a way of life and pointed out that it could be as much a source of danger to a monk as a life of pleasure. Continuing to lead such a life without attaining the desired result of tranquility of the mind, it is pointed out, would lead a disciple to disastrous consequences (Yo kho upli evaC vadeyya ahaC samdhiC alabhamno arae vanapatthni pantni sensanni pamisevissm+'ti tass'etaC pmikankhaC saCs+dissati v uppilavissati v. A.V.202). The commentary explains that in such a state of contradiction the mind of the disciple would be torn by thoughts of lust or hatred (SaCs+dissat+'ti kmavitakkehi saCs+dissati uppilavissat+'ti vypdavihiCsvitakkehi uddhaC pilavissati - AA.V.67). But those who took to this way of life supported it wholeheartedly. Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  led the way in this direction, both by example and precept (Dve kho ahaC bhante atthavasaC sampassamno d+gharattaC raako c'eva araakattassa ca vaGGavd+.... Attano ca dimmhadhammasukhavihraC sampassamno pacchima ca janataC anukampamno app'eva nma pacchim janat dimmhnugatiC pajjeyyuC. S.II.202). Upasena VaEgantaputta XE "Upasena VaEgantaputta"  was such an ardent supporter of it that he would take none as his pupil XE "pupil"  unless he was willing to be a regular forest-dweller (Yo maC bhante upasampadaC ycati t'haC evaC vadmi ahaC kho vuso raako piG aptiko paCsukkliko. Sace tvaC'pi ranako bhavissasi piG aptiko paCsukkliko ev'haC taC upasampdessm+'ti. Vin.III.230). However, even during the life-time of the Buddha we note that the araakatta XE "araakatta"  as a regular mode of monastic life was recommended with certain reservations. According to a statement in the Anguttara Nikya, the venerable Upli XE "Upli"  informs the Buddha of his desire to live the forest-life (EkamantaC nisinno kho yasm upli bhagavantaC etad avoca icchm'ahaC bhante arae vanapatthni pantni sensanni pamisevitun'ti. A.V.202). But he was immediately dissuaded by the Buddha who, in those same words of Jnussoni XE "Jnussoni"  quoted earlier, told him of the hopelessness of forest-life for one who fails to gain tranquility of the mind. It is somewhat difficult to understand here why Upli XE "Upli" , who later became such a distinguished disciple, was warned by the Buddha in this manner. We are thus inclined to ask whether these remarks implied any inherent weakness of Upli against which the Buddha was anxious to safeguard him. The next remark which the Buddha makes, dismissing almost with ridicule the idea that one could still continue to lead the forest-life without gaining any tranquility of mind, seems to be very emphatic about Upli's inaptitude for such a life. The words with which the Buddha concludes his advice to Upli crown the whole argument. `Stay back, Upli, in the midst of the SaEgha and it will contribute to your own welfare.' (IEgha tvaC upli saEghe viharhi saEghe te viharato phsu bhavissati. A.V.209). The Commentary very readily solves this problem by pointing out that if Upli was allowed to choose the way of forest-life, he would have only developed the holy life and missed the chance of learning the texts of the Vinaya. He would also thereby have lost the honour of being the chief exponent of the Vinaya. The Commentary says that it was in anticipation of the situation that the Buddha advised him against retiring to the forest. However, it is clear that what the text tries to stress is something different. We do not propose to probe further into this matter here. But the Bhayabherava XE "Bhayabherava"  Sutta and the story of Upli XE "Upli"  in the AEguttara Nikya yield us two interesting observations. In the Bhayabherava Sutta, the Buddha who was told by Jnusssoni of the difficulties of forest-life explains that the disciple who on retiring to the forest assails the evil and corrupt ways of his life, gains with each victory greater and greater confidence for the pursuit of it. It is in terms of his own life as the Bodhisatta XE "Bodhisatta"  that the Buddha makes these observations in the Bhayabherava Sutta (EtaC ahaC brhmaGa XE "brhmaGa"  parisuddha-kammantataC attani sampassamno bhiyyo pallomaC pdiC arae vihrya. M.I.17). On the other hand, it is pointed out that to retire to the forest one did not need to wait for the perfection of his spiritual XE "spiritual"  life. In fact, it was to achieve this end that one took to the forest life. But the forest-dweller had to be contilually inspired by his religious aspirations, i.e. the higher and higher states of spiritual development he could attain in succession (ImaC'pi kho upli mama svak attan dhammaC samanupassamn arae vanapatthni pantni sensanni pamisevanti no ca kho tva anuppattasadatth viharanti. A.V.207). Once this spiritual XE "spiritual"  earnestness was secured the results of forest-residence XE "residence"  always proved to be heartening and the hardships of such a life recede to the background. Thus the thera Vakkali XE "Vakkali"  who was living in the forest, even though he suffered from cramps (vtarogbhin+to), made his mind triumph over the body and thereby propelled himself to further and further spiritual attainments, ignoring the hardships of forest life. P+tisukhena vipulena pharamno samussayaC lkkham'pi abhisambhonto viharissmi knane. Bhvento satipammhne indriyni balni ca bojjhaEgni ca bhvento viharissmi knane. Thag.vv.351-2 With bliss and rapture's flooding wave This mortal frame will I suffuse. Though hard and rough what I endure Yet will I in the jungle dwell. Herein myself I 'll exercise: The Starting-points of Mindfulness, The Powers five, the Forces too, The Factors of Enlightenment -- So will I in the jungle dwell. Psalms of the Brethren,vv.351-2 A similar story is told of the thera Nhtakamuni XE "Nhtakamuni" . The thera Ekavihriya XE "Ekavihriya"  seems to look upon the wilderness as the one place of delight to the ardent disciple, the yog+. Purato pacchato v'pi aparo ce na vijjati at+va phsu bhavati ekassa vasato vane. Handa eko gamissmi araaC buddhavaGGitaC phsuC ekavihrissa pahitattassa bhikkhuno. Yogap+tikaraC rammaC mattakujarasevitaC eko atthavas+ khippaC pavisissmi knanaC. Thag.vv.537-9 If there be none in front, nor none behind Be found, is one alone and in the woods Exceeding pleasant doth his life become. Come then! alone I 'll get me hence and go To lead the forest-life the Buddha praised, And taste the welfare which the brother knows, Who dwells alone with concentrated mind. Yea, swiftly and alone, bound to my quest, I 'll to the jungle that I love, the haunt Of wanton elephants, the source and means Of thrilling zest to each ascetic XE "ascetic"  soul. Psalms of the Brethren,vv.537-9 Therein he looks forward to the consummation of his religiouslife. Ekkiyo adutiyo raman+ye mahvane kad'haC viharissmi katakicco ansavo. Thag.v.541 Lone and unmated in the lovely woods, When shall I come to rest, work wrought, heart cleansed? Psalms of the Brethren,v.541 Armed for that purpose, he plunges into the forest, never to return until he has attained his heart's desire, the highest goal of Arahantship XE "Arahantship" . Esa bandhmi sannhaC pavisissmi knaC na tato nikkhamissmi appatto savakkhayaC. Thag.v.543 I 'll bind my spirit's armour on, and so The jungle will I enter, that from thence I'll not come forth until Nibbna's won. Psalms of the Brethren,v.543 Perhaps the most glorious example of a thera who seems to have enjoyed every moment of his life in the forest, using these sylvan charms as a spring-board to higher spiritual XE "spiritual"  attainments is the thera Tlapuma XE "Tlapuma" . To him, they have been a constant source of inspiration as he pursued this spiritual quest. Kad nu maC pvusaklamegho navena toyena sac+varaC vane isippaytamhi vane vajantaC ovassate taC nu kad bhavissati. Kad maykrassa sikhaG ino vane dijassa sutv girigabbhare rutaC paccummhahitv amatassa pattiy samcintaye taC nu kad bhavissati. Thag.vv.1102-3 O when will (break above my head) The purple storm- cloud of the rains, And with fresh torrents drench my raiment in the woods, Wherein I wend my way. Along the Path the Seers have trod before - Yea, when shall this thing come to be? O when shall I, hearing the call adown the woods Of crested, twice- born peacock (as I lie At rest) within the bosom of the hill, Arise and summon thought and will To win th' Ambrosial - Yes, when shall this come to be? Psalms of the Brethren,vv.1102-3 Similar ecstasies of the thera Tlapuma XE "Tlapuma"  are also evident in the following verses ascribed to him: VarhaeGeyyavig7hasevite pabbhrakkme pakame'va sundare navambun pvusasittaknane tahiC guhgehagato ramissasi. Sun+lag+v susikh supekhuG sucittapattacchadan vihaCgam sumajughosatthanitbhigajjino te taC ramissanti vanamhi jhyinaC. Vummhamhi deve caturaEgule tiGe sampupphite meghanibhamhi knane nagantare vimapisamo sayissaC taC me mudu hohiti tklasannibhaC. Thag.vv.1135-7 O (thou wilt love the life), be't on the crest Of caverned cliffs, where herd boar and gazelle, Or in fair open glade, or in the depths Of forest freshened by new rain - 'tis there Lies joy for thee to cavern-cottage gone. Fair-plumed, fair-crested passengers of air With deep blue throats and many-hued of wing, Give greeting to the muttering thundercloud With cries melodius, manifold; 'tis they Will give thee joy whiles thou art musing there. And when the god rains on the four-inch grass, And on the cloud-like crests of budding woods, Within the mountain's heart I 'll seated be Immobile as a lopped-off bough, and soft As cotton down my rocky couch shall seem. Psalms of the Brethren,vv.1135-7 There seems to be very little reason to doubt that in the early days of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  when the majority of the Buddha's disciples chose the monastic life out of a deep-rooted conviction, realising its significance and its implications, the practice of frugality and contentment, and to some extent even austerity, was a reality in Buddhist monasticism. Following the anagriya XE "anagriya"  doctrine of the Buddha, the disciples could not have conducted themselves in any other way if they were to be true to their convictions. It was not a mere non-existent ideal of the past, as is assumed by some, that was used as the criterion in commenting on the increasing laxity XE "laxity"  in monastic discipline. There was undoubtedly an established and recognised pattern of conduct XE "conduct"  which was jointly determined by both the Dhamma and the Vinaya in terms of which monastic conduct was judged and criticised. It is clear from a passage in the AEguttara that it included perfection of personal character as well as observance of monastic propriety XE "propriety" . Discussing the dangers that would befall the Ssana XE "Ssana"  in the future (angatabhayni XE "angatabhayni" ), it is said that monks of uncultivated character would confer higher monastic status on others whom they would not be able to instruct and discipline towards perfection of character on account of their own imperfections. But these new members, inspite of their imperfect character, would in turn aspire to be leaders and teachers and thus subscribe to the continuous degeneration and corruption of monastic life (Bhavissanti bhikkhave bhikkhk angatamaddhnaC abhvitaky abhvitas+l abhvitacitt abhvitapa te abhvitaky samn abhvitas+l abhvitacitt abhvitapa ae upasampdessanti. Te'pi na sakkhissanti vinetuC adhis+le adhicitte adhipaya. Te'pi bhavissanti abhvitaky...... abhvitapa. Iti kho bhikkhave dhammasandos vinayasandoso vinayasandos dhammasandoso. A.III.106). We have already noticed in our study of s+la XE "s+la"  that with the increase of offences and offenders in the monastic community rules and regulations for the guidance XE "guidance"  of its members became more rigorous and more comprehensive, and in the light of contemporary events, were made foolproof. This battle against falling standards and increasing laxity XE "laxity"  in monastic discipline led to a number of interesting devolopments. The simple and basic monastic virtues of contentment with regard to food XE "food" , clothing and residence XE "residence" , and the love of solitude XE "solitude" , which were more or less assumed to be basic virtues in the early days of the Ssana XE "Ssana" , begin to acquire more and more importance. It becomes a compulsory monastic procedure XE "procedure"  that every monk, soon after the conferment of Upasampad XE "Upasampad" , be told of the four Nissayas or the minimum of his requirements with which he is expected to be satisfied all his life. They are: i.begged-food for a meal (piG iylopabhojana XE "piG iylopabhojana" ), ii. a robe made of bits of cloth collected from here and there for a garment (paCsukklac+vara XE "paCsukklac+vara" ), iii. residence at the foot of a tree (rukkhamklasensana XE "rukkhamklasensana" ), and iv. putrid urine as medicament (pktimuttabhesajja XE "pktimuttabhesajja" ). However, it was not binding on him to be confined within these narrow limits. If extra gifts were offered to him he was given the option to receive them. This principle of the Nissayas was laid down by the Buddha only as a safeguard against any possible complaints from monks regarding the scanty provision of food, clothing etc. by the laymen. It is a forewarning against disappointment and disillusionment concerning the comforts of monastic life. However, it was the Buddha himself who refused the request alleged to heve been made by Devadatta XE "Devadatta"  to make these virtues of simplicity compulsory for the monks. But the public at large, who inherited the ascetic XE "ascetic"  traditions of India, show a partiality for austerity and asceticism XE "asceticism"  in religious life. Even during the life time of the Buddha there seem to have been some who thought the monks who were austere and ascetic in their ways were, on that account, more worthy of honour and nearer to perfection. A householder of Ndika once told the Buddha that whenever he made offerings of food XE "food"  he always selected monks who were abstemious and austere in their ways (D+yati me bhante kule dnaC ta ca kho ye te bhikkhk raak piG aptik paCsukklik arahanto v arahattamaggaC v sampann tathrkpesu bhante dnaC d+yyati. A.III.391). Here, the Buddha hastens to correct the fallacy and states that susterity, without the perfection of character, would not be a virtue XE "virtue"  in itself. On the other hand, a monk who is less austere could be more worthy of honour on account of his perfect character (Araako ce'pi gahapati bhikkhu hoti uddhato unnalo capalo mukharo vikiGGavco mummhassati asampajno asamhito vibbhantacitto pkatindriyo evaC so tena y'eva grayho... Gahapatic+varadharo ce'pi gahapati bhikkhu hoti anuddhato anunnalo acapalo amukharo avikiGGavco upammhitasati sampajno samhito ekaggacitto saCvutindriyo evaC so tena y'eva psaCso. Ibid.). The existence among the popular values of the day of a preference for ascetic and austere living as a monastic virtue is indicated in a statement in the AnaEgana XE "AnaEgana"  Sutta. It is stated that the monk who lives in urban associations appears to suffer by contrast when placed against his forest-dwelling brethren. The Sutta, however, makes it clear that according to true Buddhist values what mattered more in the perfection of monastic life was the elimination of defiling traits of the mind (ppak akusal icchvacar). We notice, at any rate, that along with the choice of this solitary XE "solitary"  way of life in the forest there seems to have gone hand in hand a number of other practices which reveal frugality, abstemiousness and contentment. The AnaEgana XE "AnaEgana"  Sutta mentions three such practices, viz. i. forest residence XE "residence"  (raaka XE "raaka" ), ii. subsistence on begged food XE "food"  (piG a-ptika) and iii. use of patch-work robe (paCsukklika XE "paCsukklika" ). These seem to cover a disciple's residence, food and clothing. In the form they are presented here they constitute special ways of monastic life which are optional. They do not bear any longer the general and simple character of the Nissayas. As monastic observances they seem to have brought greater honour and respect to those who practised them, presumably on account of the austerity and sacrifice they implied. It becomes more evident when we compare the opposites of these ways which seem to indicate, as it were, an easier way of life: gmantavihra XE "gmantavihra"  or residence in the proximity of a village, nemantanika XE "nemantanika"  or acceptance of invitations to meals and gahapati-c+varadhara or use of garments offered by laymen. To these monastic practices which were becoming increasingly popular, tec+varikatta XE "tec+varikatta"  or reliance on a single set of three robes was sometimes added as a fourth. The Buddha recognises, however, that there can be a nominal practice of these austere ways without any corresponding spiritual XE "spiritual"  progress. He brings to our notice the thirty Pveyyaka XE "Pveyyaka"  monks. who inspite of the complete adoption of these austere ways, were full of defiling traits of character (Atha kho bhagavato etadahosi. Ime kho tiCsamatt pveyyak bhikkhk sabbe raak sabbe piG aptik sabbe paCsukklik sabbe tec+varik sabbe sasaCyojan. Yannkn'haC imesaC tath dhammaC deseyyaC yath nesaC imasmiC y'eva sane anupdya savehi cittni vimucceyyun'ti. S.II.187). We also detect an attempt to idealise these practices and make them a part of the general pattern of Buddhist monastic life. This seems to herald the ascendency of asceticism XE "asceticism"  as the hallmark of monastic virtue XE "virtue" . The Yodhjivavagga of the AEguttara Nikya which gives warning of a number of calamities that would befall the Ssana XE "Ssana"  with the lapse of time (angatabhayni XE "angatabhayni" ), refers to the practice of these ways of monastic living as though it was the order of the day. Here we see clearly an attempt to fix and establish the changing pattern of monastic living in a form acceptable to contemporary values. We would not imagine that there was unanimity of opinion with regard to these values. However, it is certain that they were acceptable to a fair section of the community who were powerful enough to publicise and popularise their views among others. There will come a time, says the text, when monks evincing a love of luxury with regard to food XE "food" , clothing and residence XE "residence"  would neglect the present austere practices of being piG aptika XE "piG aptika" , paCsukklika XE "paCsukklika"  and raaka XE "raaka"  respectively. They would give up the life of retirement in the forest and `invading the urban districts' indulge in all manner of unworthy pursuits for the sake of their requisites (Bhavissanti bhikkhave bhikkhk angatamaddhnaC c+vare kalynakm te c+vare kalynakm samn ricissanti paCsukklikattaC ricissanti araavanapatthni pantni sensanni gmanigama-rjadhniC osaritv vsaC kappessanti c+varahetu ca anekavihitaC anesanaC appamirkpaC pajjissanti. IdaC bhikkhave pamhamaC angatabhayaC etarahi asamuppannaC yatiC samuppajjissati. TaC vo pamibujjhitabbaC pamibujjhitv ca tassa pahnya vyamitabbaC. A.III.108f.). In a similar passage in the SaCyutta, the Buddha, in a conversation with the venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa" , is made to lament over this alleged decline in Buddhist monastic values and the effect it would have on the younger generation of disciples. Nevertheless, this tendency appears to have continued unabated. Those who fought for laxity XE "laxity"  in discipline were equally vivacious and vociferous and are seen thrusting themselves against the orthodoxy with unyielding persistence. CHAPTER VIII The Codified Law of the SaEgha The first indications of the evolution of a system of codified XE "codified"  law XE "law"  for the SaEgha come to us with the promulgation of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  which was provoked by laxities in discipline in the monastic community which contravened the spirit of s+la XE "s+la" . The sikkhpada thus laid down from time to time soon grew to be a comprehensive code XE "code"  of discipline for the monks and was put into effective functioning through the fortnightly recital XE "recital"  which was called the Uddesa XE "Uddesa"  or Ptimokkhuddesa XE "Ptimokkhuddesa" . The AEguttara Nikya specifies the total number of sikkhpada which were thus regularly recited to be over a hundred and fifty (Sdhikam idam bhante diya  ha-sikkhpada-satam anvaddhamsam uddesam gacchati. A.I.230). This is evidently an early reckoning, for the extant code of the Ptimokkha (for the Bhikkhus) has a total of 220 sikkhpada. Seven different groups of sikkhpada contribute to this total of 220. The distribution of the sikkhpada is as follows: Prjika XE "Prjika"  4, SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  13, Aniyata XE "Aniyata"  2, Nissaggiya XE "Nissaggiya"  30, Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  92, Ptidesaniya 4, Sekhiya XE "Sekhiya"  75. The Adhikaranasamathas which are seven in number, being differentled dhamm for obvious reasons, cannot be grouped together along with these sikkhpada. It is clear from the evidence of both the Sutta and the Vinaya Pimakas that the promulgation of the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  preceded the institution XE "institution"  of the fortnightly recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha for the monks. This does not, however, preclude the possibility that additions were made to the corpus of sikkhpada even after the institution of the Ptimokkha recital. But we discover Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg"  has expressed a surprisingly different view. He says: "The origin of the earliest rules or laws laid down by the Buddhist community for the guidance XE "guidance"  of its members appears to have been connected with those assemblies of Bhikkhus which met at full and new moon." We fail to see why Olenberg adopted this sequence in relating the sikkhpada to the Ptimokkha recital. According to what we have been able to gather from the evidence of the Suttas and the Vinaya this appears to be a reversal of the order. We ourselves observe that some of the rules of the Ptimokkha have had their origin after the recital of the Ptimokkha had acquired definite form and recognition. At the same time it appears to be resonable to assume that a large number of rules would have had their origin independent of the idea of a recital. The promulgation of rules in the form of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  was necessitated by the growing inadequacy of the moral XE "moral"  injunctions of s+la XE "s+la"  to curb miscreants. Perhaps the form in which the rules of the Ptimokkha are introduced in the SuttavibaEga led Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg"  to his conclusion. The SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  introduces every rule saying 'This rule shall be recited in this manner': Eva ca pana bhikkhave imam sikkhpadam uddiseyytha. The editors of the SuttavibhaEga, we may venture to guess, could not have thought of the sikkhpada divorced from the Uddesa XE "Uddesa"  or the recital XE "recital"  at the Uposatha XE "Uposatha" . Thus it is said of all the sikkhpada, from the first to the last, that they should be recited in this form. But we cannot infer from this that the entire code XE "code"  of the Ptimokkha was drawn up, like a constitution, prompted solely by the needs of the recital. We believe Oldenberg is much nearer the truth when he says the following: "A list of those offences which deserved punishment XE "punishment"  or some kind of expiation was, at a very early period, drawn up for the use of these confessional meeting XE "confessional meeting" s." Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  and Oldenberg jointly express the same idea elesewhere: "A list was drawn up which of course it would be necessary from time to time to complete and rectify -- of those offences which ought to be confessed and atoned for....." This certainly was, in the first instance, a systematic grouping together of material which was already in existence. In the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  of the Vinaya Pimaka, which gives the most comprehensive account of the origin and development of the ritual XE "ritual"  of the Ptimokkha, the Buddha says that he would sanction for recital XE "recital"  at the ritual of the Ptimokkha the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  which he has already laid down for the monks (Yannknham yni may bhikkhknam paattni sikkhpadni tni nesam ptimokkhuddesam anujneyyam. So nesam bhavissati uposathakamman'ti. Vin.I.102). The Vimativinodan+ (l+k, a Sub-Commentry on the Samantapsdik, which explains further the evolution of the Ptimokkha code XE "code"  adds that the Buddha himself gave to the sikkhpada which he had laid down a formal character by codifying them and prefacing them with an introduction for the purpose of recital at the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  meeting (Pubbe avijjamnam papes+'ti na kevala ca etam. Pubbe paattam'pi pana prjikdi sikkhpadam sabbam bhagav tatr'ime cattro prjik dhamm uddesam gacchant+'ti din prjikuddesdivasena vinayamtikam katv nidn'uddesena saha sayam eva sangahetv ptimokkhan'ti papes+'ti dammhabbam. Vimt.396). We should draw attention here to the fact that Sukumar Dutt refers to the above account of the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  as `the legend, incredible for obvious reasons...' As far as we can see the incredibility of the legend is not so obvious. But it is abundantly clear that this account, together with other allied evidence, contradicts his thesis regarding the Ptimokkha. Fact or fiction he may call this, it will be seen that there is adequate evidence both in the Suttas and in the Vinaya which support this tradition that the promulgation of the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada" , not necessarily all, started with the Buddha. (See M.I.444f; A.I.230f.). the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha was instituted during the life time of the Buddha and under his personal direction. (See M.II.8, III.10; A.I.230). the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  which had been promulgated earlier formed the text of the Uddesa XE "Uddesa"  or the recital XE "recital" . (See Vin.I.102; A.I.230). We notice that a comprehensive code XE "code"  of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  was in existence in the monastic circles at an early date and that it was regularly recited before the SaEgha once a fortnight, with a view to reminding and acquainting the disciples with the regulations in terms of which they were expected to discipline themselves. The Mah+[saka Vinaya XE "Mah+[saka Vinaya"  in the Chinese XE "Chinese"  version asserts negatively this function of the recital XE "recital"  when it says that owing to the repeated recitals of abridged texts of the Ptimokkha the young monks failed to acquaint themselves with its contents. Each one of these sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  or rules which constitute the text of the Ptimokkha, according to the text of the Vinaya Pimaka, was laid down on the commission of some offence XE "offence"  which thereafter on the authority of the rules thus laid down, was declared illegal. These rules, as instruments of prosecution XE "prosecution"  and punishment XE "punishment" , therefore carried with them a host of carefully worded clauses which determine the gravity of the offence and the consequent changes in the nature of the punishment according to the circumstances of each case. Thus in the early days of the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  with which we associate the very dynamic function of `dealing with offenders' (tam mayam yathdhammam yathsattham krema. M.III.10), the details connected with each rule were as vital as the rule itself. Every competent monk had to be a master of the text of what was to be recited at the Uddesa XE "Uddesa"  (i.e. sutta XE "sutta" ) together with those details (sutta-vibhaEga). They were undoubtely parts of one single text and one cannot always speak of the details as being of later origin. Some of the historical prefaces and the amendments to the rules are evidently contemporary accounts and would have been essential in the application of the Ptimokkha as a legal XE "legal"  system. Thus the reference to the Ptimokkha in terms of suttato and anuvyajanaso undoubtedly covers the contents of the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  which embodies the Ptimokkha together with the details connected with it. These details were vitally needed in the days when the Uddesa was no mere recital of the list of rules but a trial at which the offenders thus discovered were to be judged and dealt with according to the law XE "law" . Further proof of this literary position of the Ptimokkha is seen in the solitary XE "solitary"  Canonical XE "Canonical"  account of the First Buddhist Council, the SaEg+ti XE "SaEg+ti"  which was held soon after the demise of the Buddha. In the record of the literary activity of this SaEg+ti it is said that the venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  questioned the venerable Upli XE "Upli"  on the contents of the Ubhato Vinaya XE "Ubhato Vinaya" , commencing with the first Prjika XE "Prjika"  with all its details (Atha kho yasm mahkassapo yasmantam uplim pamhamassa prjikassa vatthum'pi pucchi nidnam'pi pucchi puggalam'pi pucchi paattim'pi pucchi anupaattim'pi pucchi pattim'pi pucchi anpattim'pi pucchi... Eten'eva upyena ubhato vinaye pucchi. Vin.II.287). There is little doubt that Ubhato Vinaya refers to the disciplinary code XE "code"  of the Bhikkhus and the Bhikkhunis and we are fairly safe in assuming this to be primarily the two VibhaEgas, [i.e. the codfied rules ot the Ptimokkha together with their legally relevant details of application as was revealed in the above report], though not necessarily in their present form. Thus it becomes clear that the text of the Ptimokkha was something already contained in the VibhaEgas, the MahvibhaEga XE "MahvibhaEga"  and the Bhikkhun+vibhaEga. No special mention of it is made under that name any where in the proceedings of the first Council. We are also compelled to add here that Ubhato Vinaya of the above report should include, under the connotation of that phrase, a reasonable amount of the core contents of the other section of the Vinaya known as the Khandhaka as well. That was vital for the execution of the ecclesiastical acts fo the SaEgha as a corporate body. Sukumar Dutt attempts in the following remarks to offer a different explanation for this omission: "In the reported proceedings, the term, Ptimokkha is nowhere mentioned, but all the heads of misdemeanour on the part of a Bhikkhu are listed except the Sekhiyas and the procedural rules of Adhikaranasamatha. The reason for the studied omission of the word, Ptimokkha, is not far to seek if we assume that at the time when the proceedings were put into the present narrative shape, the Bhikkhus understood by Ptimokkha something quite different from a code XE "code"  of Vinaya rules." Here we are prepared to concede that the `time when the proceedings were put into the present narrative shape' may even be some time after the Second Buddhist Council XE "Second Buddhist Council" . On Dutt's own admission almost all the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  of the extant Ptimokkha code XE "code"  were known by then. For he says: `but all the heads of misdemeanour on the part of a Bhikkhu are listed except the Sekhiyas and the procedural rules of Adhikaranasamatha.' On the other hand, he also says: `at the time....the Bhikkhus understood by Ptimokkha something quite different from a code of Vinaya rules.' What then did this body of sikkhpada mean to them? Was their Ptimokkha still a `communal confession XE "confession"  of Faith in a set from of hymn-singing' ? However, in the succeeding paragraph Dutt says the following: `The code, whatever its original contents, became after the First Council XE "First Council"  the bond of association of the Buddhist Bhikkhus, and was called Ptimokkha (Bond). Thus the old name for a confession of faith XE "faith"  came to be foisted on something new, a code of Prohibitions for a Bhikkhu.' This attempted explnation of the omission of the term Ptimokkha in the proceedings of the First Council is far from being conclusive. It is the VibhaEga and not the Ptimokkha which had the completeness of a code XE "code"  of discipline. That alone was the effective instrument of discipline, though one could have opted to learn only the body of rules in isolation. We find the sutta XE "sutta"  and the suttavibhaEga referred to severally (Tassa n'eva suttam gatam hoti no suttavibhaEgo. Vin.II.96). But out of these two, it is the suttavibhaEga which is looked upon as the Vinaya proper even in the commentarial tradition (No suttavibhaEgo ti vinayo na paguGo. VinA.VI.1197). The sutta has only the value of an extract, an abridged version or mtik XE "mtik" . In course of time, the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha lost its legal XE "legal"  validity and function, as would be shown in the following chapter. The details regarding the application of rules would have then proved themselves to be irksome to those whose only interest in the Ptimokkha was for the sake of its fortnightly recital, mainly as an instrument of monastic get-together and consolidation. The Vinayavinicchaya perhaps attempts to establish this attitude to the Ptimokkha in the following statement, which contrasts the PavraG XE "PavraG"  with the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  and asserts that the latter is for the purpose of stability and consolidation of the monastic community: Uposatho samaggattho visuddhatth pavraG. Vinvi.p.190. v.2599. There seems to be very little doubt that the term uposatha here stands for the fortnightly meeting at which the recital of the Ptimokkha is the main concern. At such a stage one would readily concede the extraction of the text of the rules, and the rules alone, from the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  to form an independent unit. Thus we would regard the emergence of an independent text by the name of Ptimokkha, which contained only the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  and the instructions regarding their recital, to be historically later than the very substantial text of the SuttavibhaEga. Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg" , however, is very definite about the theory that the list called the Ptimokkha `is the earliest specimen of Buddhist Vinaya literature that we possess'. In support of this he says that if we read the ordinances of the Ptimokkha, without the commentary of the VibhaEga, we find that they constitute one uninterrupted whole. It is our opinion that this alleged continuity is more imaginary than real. If we begin with the four Prjika XE "Prjika"  rules of the Ptimokkha, even a cursory glance at them would show that there is no more continuity among them than their being grouped together under a single category. The position is identically the same with regard to their continuity even if we examine them in the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga" , not better nor worse. On the other hand, in the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  version the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  come to possess more meaning and significance with regard to their disciplinary role. The generalised rule which occurs in isolation in the Ptimokkha looks revitalised when viewed in the specific setting of its origin. Nor does the fact that three or four rules in succession deal with different aspects of the same subject support Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg" 's theory of continuity. For thereafter, there occurs irreconcilable deviation into a completely new theme. (Compare the SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  6 and 7 in relation to the first five rules of the same group). Further he says: `and, moreover, it frequently happens that a rule refers to the one immediately preceding it, in a manner that would be altogether unintelligible if the two had been originally separated by the intervening explanations of the VibhaEga.' Here too, we find it difficult to subscribe to this view. He cites two examples in support of his statement. He points out the phrase tassa bhikkhuno which occurs in Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  49 as an indication of its link with the preceding rule. We would readily concede this, but we are unable to accept the position that the `intervening explanation of the Vibhanga' would make it `altogether unintelligible '. On the other hand, we would like to point out that the phrase aatra tathrkpaccay of Pcittiya 48 would be completely unintelligible without the explanations of the VibhaEga. We would make the same comments regarding the phrase tathvdin bhikkhun of Pcittiya 69, which Oldenberg gives as the second example. The introductory story of this Pcittiya rule clearly specifies this tathvdin bhikkhun as being Arimmha XE "Arimmha" , who was a well known character both in the Suttas and in the Vinaya. Regarding this intelligibility of the rules without their explanations which Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg"  assumes, we would commend the scrutiny of a few rules from the Ptimokkha which, on account of their very elliptical nature, would make very little sense in the enforcement of discipline without an acquaintance with their background. The following deserve special mention: Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya" : 12 Aavdake pcittiyaC 52 AEgulipatodake pcittiyaC 53 Udake hsadhamme pcittiyaC 54 Andariye pcittiyaC  As for the details regarding the rules which occur in the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga" , it need hardly be said that the explanations of the contents of the rules and the provision of modifications to the rules could not have preceded the rules themselves. But this does not necessarily separate them from the rules by a very wide margin of time and once they came into being this element would not have been divorced from the rest of the legal XE "legal"  system as these details were necessary for its proper enforcement. When we examine the stories which are given in the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  as leading to the promulgation of the rules we feel that the majority of these can be regarded as historical and that they serve a useful purpose in the proper understanding of the law XE "law" . However, we are prepared to accept the position that some of the stories are possibly the contribution of the editors who felt that every rule, however simple or spontaneously laid down, should have a preceding incident leading up to it. This provision of a `historical basis' (nidna) could have happened both in the case of rules which were not necessarily provoked by a specific incident and those whose stories of origin were replaced in course of time with more attractive versions. Here are a few such cases which we think lie open to this criticism: The ruleIt's meaningThe incident leading to itPc.11Bhktagma ptavya-tya pcittiyaCDestruction of plant life brings about a Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  offence. XE "offence" In the act of cutting a tree a Bhikkhu enraged a deity who was resident in it and escaped death at his hands by the skin of his teeth. Note: But the spirit in which the rule had been laid down accords more with the popular belief that trees possess life (jj+vasaino hi moghapuris manuss rukkhasmiC.1 See also Vin.I.189.). People did protest against the destruction of plant life by the Buddhist monks (EkindriyaC samaG sakya- puttiy j+vaC vihemhent+ ti.1 See also Vin.I.189).Pc.57Yo pana bhikkhu orenaddhamsaC nahyeyya aatra samay pcittiyaC Bathing more often than once a fortnight, except during specified seasons, leads to a Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  offence XE "offence" Monks who were given to frequent bathing monopolised the baths where the king himself was used to go. The king was inconvenienced and the Buddha is said to have rebuked the monks for not realising the limits of their bathing even after they had seen the king. Hence this legislation XE "legislation" .1 Note: It is more likely that in a setting where austerity was the hallmark of virtue XE "virtue"  frequent bathing would have been looked upon as a proneness to luxury. Pcittiyas 56 and 61 have a similar appearance. Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg"  also raises the question of a contradiction in the relationship of the traditions of the Ptimokkha to those of the VibhaEga. Here too, we are compelled to say that this contradiction vanishes when we view the problem from a different angle. Oldenberg has already taken up the position that the Ptimokkha and the VibhaEga are from the very beginning two distinct units which stand apart. We have shown why we refuse to accept this position. The contents of what is spoken of here as the Ptimokkha are the rules governing the conduct XE "conduct"  of the members of the monastic community which had acquired, very early, an unalterably fixed character. Flexibility in the application of this legal XE "legal"  system was the theme of the living tradition which grew on and around it and was considered so essential from the earliest times (Ubhayni kho pana'ssa ptimokkhni vitthrena svgatni honti suvibhattni suppavatt+ni suvinicchitni suttato anuvyajanaso. Vin.I.65). The changing pattern of monastic organization would have necessitated a corresponding change in the monastic administration XE "administration" . There is clear evidence of such changes, particularly in the acts of Pabbajj XE "Pabbajj"  and Upasampad XE "Upasampad" . The responsibility that was once the right of individual Bhikkhus had to be latterly vested in the collective organization of the SaEgha. With every such change it was not possible to alter the structure of the rules of the Ptimokkha. On the other hand, the living traditions which accompanied it closely from the very beginning and constituted the contents of the VibhaEgas stood up to serve as a complement to the Ptimokkha. These are the changes which the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  shows in relation to the Ptimokkha and we have no doubt that they would have been smoothly effected through a sensible acceptance of the traditions of the SuttavibhaEga. The sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  which constitute the Ptimokkha have a new emphasis and are very different in character from advice and counsel given in the Dhamma under the category of s+la XE "s+la" . They are at times restatements of items of s+la, increasing in number and diversity according to the needs of the monastic organization of the SaEgha. Besides these, a number of regulations governing residence XE "residence" , food XE "food"  and clothing of the members of the SaEgha as well as series of rules covering monastic propriety XE "propriety"  and procedure XE "procedure" , and communal harmony of the society XE "society"  of the SaEgha are also found in the Ptimokkha. However, as a code XE "code"  for the guidance XE "guidance"  of monks in their pursuit of religious development, these sikkhpada are far more exacting and obligatory than the s+la. The s+la XE "s+la"  concept, for example, of abstaining from destruction of life includes within it non-injury and the love and protection of life of every sort, both human and animal (PGtiptaC pahya pGtipt pamivirato hoti nihitadaG o nihitasattho lajj+ daypanno sabbapGabhktahitnukamp+ viharati. D.I.63). But in the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  of the Ptimokkha where both prosecution XE "prosecution"  and punishment XE "punishment"  are contemplated, the gravity of the offence XE "offence"  of killing is fixed at different levels, drawing a distinction between human and animal life. The destruction of human life is classed among the Prjika XE "Prjika"  offences, the four greatest crimes under the monastic discipline which involve expulsion and complete loss of monastic status. Prjika No.3, which covers this subject of homicide, also regards other conditions such as aiding and abetting which would contribute to the commission of the crime of suicide XE "suicide" , as being equally reprehensible. There is a further rule pertaining to destruction of life, other than human, included under the lesser offence XE "offence"  of Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya" . (Pc.61: Yo pana bhikkhu sacicca pGaC j+vit voropeyya pcittiyaC - Vin.IV.124.) Both the Old Commentary in the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  which defines pGa in this context as tiracchnagatapGa and the history of the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  narrated there just before the text of the rule establish the fact that this rule concerns itself with the destruction only of animal life. Thus we notice that considerations which under the category of s+la XE "s+la"  had moral XE "moral"  values are now, as sikkhpada, forced into a legal XE "legal"  frame-work, involving at times a sacrifice of the spirit in which they were originally introduced. Another clear instance of this is Prjika XE "Prjika"  No.2 which deals with stealing. Under the category of s+la theft XE "theft"  meant the appropriation of whatever was not given and the scheming to obtaining the same (AdinndnaC pahya adinndn pamivirato hoti dinndy+ dinnapmikaEkh+ athenena sucibhktena attan viharati. D.I.63). But as a Prjika rule, the regulation XE "regulation"  against stealing seeks further, backing from the law XE "law"  of the land, coupling together as it were both moral and legal considerations. The Buddha is in fact seen consulting a former Minister of Justice, who was now ordained as a monk, on this matter (Yo pana bhikkhu gm v ara v adinnaC theyyasaEkhtaC diyeyya yathrkpe adinndne rjno coram gahetv haneyyuC v bandheyyuC v pabbjeyyuC v coro'si blo'si mk7ho'si theno's+'ti tathrkpaC bhikkhu adinnaC diyamno ayam'pi prjiko hoti asaCvso. Vin.III.45). There is no doubt that it was soon felt that the four items of discipline brought under the category of Prjik and stated in legal XE "legal"  phraseology were necessarily circumscribed in relation to the moral XE "moral"  well being of the true pabbajita XE "pabbajita" . Thus while the greatest respect was shown to the codified XE "codified"  monastic law XE "law"  an attempt was made to infuse into these four major items of discipline the spirit of s+la XE "s+la"  which comes in the earlier Sutta tradition. We find expression given to this in the declaration of Cattri AkaraGiyni which are mentioned in the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga" . These are given there as four major items of discipline which no monk who has gained higher ordination shall transgress. He shall guard himself in terms of these all his life. Thus it is required by law that these should be made known to a Bhikkhu soon after the conferment of upasampad or higher ordination on him. The wider field of control of the AkaraG+yni in marked contrast to the Prjikas is particularly evident in the items 2 and 3 which deal with theft XE "theft"  and destruction of life respectively. It is these two, as we have shown above, which underwent serious contraction in the process of legalization. Under the category of AkaraG+yni the spirit which they lost appears to be restored. Note the wider applicability of the AkaraG+yni 2 and 3 which are given below. AkaraG+ya XE "AkaraG+ya"  Upasampannena bhikkhun adinnaC theyyasankhtaC na dtabbaC antamaso tiGasalkaC updya. i.e. No Bhikkhu who is an upasampanna XE "upasampanna"  shall take in theft XE "theft"  what is not given to him, even as much as a blade of grass. Upasampannena bhikkhun sacicca pGo j+vit na voropetabbo antamaso kunthakipillikaC updya. i.e. No Bhikkhu who is an upasampanna XE "upasampanna"  shall destroy the life even of an ant. Sukumar Dutt makes a suggestion which gives the impression that the Cattri AkaraG+yni were the precursors of the four Prjikas. But a closer examination of the Vinaya texts would reval the fact that this assumption lacks historical support. In the text of the AkaraG+yni we find the precisely worded clauses of the Prjikas embedded almost in their entirety. They also show an awareness of the incidents which are related in the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  connected with the promulgation of the rules. AkaraG+yni are obviously the result of a fusion of the legal XE "legal"  statements pertaining to the Prjikas from the SuttavibhaEga with the general spirit of the s+la XE "s+la"  from the Sutta Pimaka XE "Sutta Pimaka" . This establishes beyond doudt the vital position which the items of discipline included under the four Prjika XE "Prjika"  came to occupy in Buddhist monasticism. Let us examine further the relationship of the Prjika XE "Prjika"  rules to the lists of s+las. The first thing that strikes us is the difference in the order of these items in the two groups, i.e. s+las and the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  of the Ptimokkha. The s+las commence with abstinence from destruction of life. Considerations regarding theft XE "theft"  come second and the vow of celibacy XE "celibacy"  is listed as the third item. Under the Prjikas, on the other hand, celibacy takes the first place. Destruction of life, which is now restricted to destruction of human life alone, stands as the third item. These two items have thus changed places in the two groups. Regarding these discrepancies we would make the following observations: S+la, at least in part, remain the common property XE "property"  of both monks and laymen. The laymen are capable of keeping some of them. With the addition of abstinence from intoxicants XE "intoxicants"  a list of five items of s+la XE "s+la"  is constituted for the guidance XE "guidance"  of the daily life of lay persons. On special occasions, they observe three additional s+las, thus making a total of eight. It is on those occasions alone that the laity XE "laity"  take the vow of celibacy XE "celibacy"  temporarily [ for a specific duration of twenty-four hours ]: abrahmacariy veramaG+ XE "abrahmacariy veramaG+" . At all other times the s+la of the laity specifies this as the vow of chastity XE "chastity" , i.e. restraint XE "restraint"  in the enjoyment of sex XE "sex"  pleasures: kmesu micchcr veramaG+. Commentaries XE "Commentaries"  repeatedly explain kmesu here as methuna XE "methuna" -samcre. Monks alone take the vow of complete celibacy to be observed all their life. Hence we would regard this virtue XE "virtue"  of celibacy as one of the primary distinguishing features which marks out the monk from the layman XE "layman" . It is also clear from the history of the Prjikas that nothing else seems to have run so contrary to the spirit of pabbajj XE "pabbajj"  as the violation of this virtue of celibacy. For Sudinna XE "Sudinna" , who is presented as the first miscreant who violated this virtue, is accused of having directly contradicted the fundamental teachings of the Buddha. (Tattha nma tvam vuso bhagavat virgya dhamme desite sargya cetessasi visaCyogya dhamme desite saCyogya cetessasi anupdnya dhamme desite saupdnya cetessasi.... Nanu vuso bhagavat anekapariyyena kmnam pahnaC akkhtaC kmasanaC pari akkht kmapipsnaC pamivinayo akkhto kCavitakknaC samugghto akkhto kmapari7hnaC vkpasamo akkhto. Vin.III.19f.). Hence we would regard the prominence given to this rule pertaining to the virtue of celibacy in the codified XE "codified"  law XE "law"  of the SaEgha as being quite legitimate. It savours of the very essence of nekkhamma or renunciation XE "renunciation"  which is the basis of pabbajj. But we are aware of the fact that the Prjikas have been assessed differently by some scholars. This is what Dr. Nagai XE "Nagai"  has to say regarding the first Prjika XE "Prjika" : `With regard to the problem of inhibitions for priests, one that will remain perplexing for a long time to come is the inhibition concerning sexual relations. To me it appears that the problem of inhibitions for the Buddhist priests of the present day (except those belonging to the Shinshk XE "Shinshk"  Sect) depends upon the manner of interpretation of this particular inhibition. If it is interpreted as one requiring all Buddhist priests to observe celibacy XE "celibacy" , I fear that very few priests will be found living in Japan XE "Japan"  who are really worthy of the name bhikkhu.' There is no doubt that it is the bold venture of Shinran XE "Shinran"  in the 13th century which led to this state of affairs in Japan. It is not possible to undertake a full analysis of this in the present study. However, unless it is admitted that the concepts of bhikkhu and priest in this context are incomparably different, one from the other, we are not in a position to concede this magnanimity in the interpretation of the first Prjika rule. The early history of the religion and the nature of its fundamental teachings do not seem to allow it. We should here refer the reader to the observations of Miss Horner on the regulations governing the lives of the Buddhist disciples. `If monks behaved in a way that was censurable in monks, this does not necessarily mean that their conduct XE "conduct"  was wrong in itself. Various activities were not only permissible for lay-people, but were fully accepted to be such as could be unquestionably pursued by them. Marriage, negotiating for parties to a marriage, trading, the owning of possessions, are cases in point.... I think it very likely that some of the courses of training for monks that are included in this volume were formulated as a result of this bringing over of lay-life into the religious life; for a difference between the two had to be made, and then maintained.' We feel that these remarks are obviously the result of a thorough understanding of original authoritative texts which deal with Buddhist monasticism. In the evaluation of the Prjikas, however, the fourth Prjika XE "Prjika"  seems to have confronted Miss Horner with some serious difficulty. For she says: "The curious fourth Prjika, concerned with the offence XE "offence"  of `claiming a state of quality of further-men' (uttarimanussadhamma XE "uttarimanussadhamma" ), seems to have been fashioned in some different mould, and to belong to some contrasting realm of values." This attitude towards the fourth Prjika has made her evaluate the four Prjikas from a new angle. She remarks: `For I think it possible that the Prjikas are arranged in an ascending scale of gravity, in which the offence held to be the worst morally, though not legally, is placed last.' We find it difficult to agree with this. In an attempt to regard the fourth Prjika as supremely important it is hardly possible to consider the first Prjika as being the least offensive morally. We would regard it to be undoubtedly the worst, for it runs contrary to the basic teachings of Buddhism, whose main theme is virga XE "virga" , visaCyoga XE "visaCyoga"  etc. We have already shown above what we consider to be the significance of this sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  which gives it the pride of place among the Prjikas. Let us now examine the fourth Prjika XE "Prjika" , which is said [by Miss. Hornert] to rival the first in moral XE "moral"  value. The text of the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  is as follows: "Whatever monk should boast, with reference to himself of a state of further-men, sufficient ariyan knowledge and insight, though not knowing it fully, and saying: This I know, this I see, then if later on, he, being pressed or not being pressed, fallen, should desire to be purified, and should say: `Your reverence, I said that I know what I do not know, see what I do not see, I spoke idly, falsely, vainly,' apart from the undue estimate of himself, he also is one who is defeated, he is not in communion." This sikkhpada provides that no monk shall make false claims (anabhijnan'ti asantaC abhktaC asaCvijjamnaC ajnanto apassanto attani kusalaC dhammaC atthi me kusalo dhammo'ti. Vin.III.91) to spiritual XE "spiritual"  attainments except under the pain of being expelled from the Order. The sikkhpada refers to such attainments under the terms iti jnmi iti passmi. It is clear that the state or quality of further-men (uttarimanussa-dhamma) referred to here pertains to the realm of emancipation and hence reckons exclusively with knowledge and insight. Uttarimanussadhamma also marks different stages in the process of spiritual XE "spiritual"  development like the eight jhnas and the state of Savedayitanirodha. The SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  appears to take note of both these in its comment on uttarimanussadhamma XE "uttarimanussadhamma" . (Note: Uttarimanussadhammo nma jhnaC vimokkhaC samdhi XE "samdhi"  sampatti GadassanaC maggabhvan phalasacchikiriy kilesapahnaC vin+varaGat cittassa sugre abhirati - Vin.III.91). At the same time there is also reference to uttarimanussadhamma in association with less transcendental achievements like the ability to exercise miraculous XE "miraculous"  powers. This is referred to as uttarimanussadhammaC iddhi-pmhriyaC (Note: na bhikkhave gih+naC uttarimanussadhammaC iddhipmihriyaC dassetabbaC. Vin.II.112). The spirit of this sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  seems to be made further clear in the Buddha's reference to the five great thieves who are identified with different types of monks which occurs in the introduction to the sikkhpada. The fifth thief who is referred to here as the greatest of all is described in terms which coincide, more or less, with the text of the sikkhpada. (Note: AyaC aggo mahcoro yo asantaC abhktaC uttarimanussadhammaC ullapati. Vin. III. 9). Thereafter, the Buddha proceeds to give a reason for the stigmatisation of such attempts. The reason is that the monks who do so subsist on what is collected by theft XE "theft"  (TaC kissa hetu. Theyyya vo bhikkhave rammhapiG o bhutto'ti. Vin.III.90). This emphasis on the correctness of j+va or the mode of earning a living is seen to be specifically so in the incident which led to the promulgation of the fourth Prjika XE "Prjika"  (VaraC tumhehi moghapuris tiGhena govikattanena kucchi parikanto natv 'eva udarassa kraG gih+nam aamaassa uttarimanussadhammassa vaGGo bhsito. Vin.III.89). Further, the text assures us that it was a false claim which they made before the laymen (Kacci pana vo bhikkhave bhktan'ti. AbhktaC bhagav'ti. Vin.III.89). At rhe same time we should also take note of the fact that Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  8 too, records the incidents of the fourth Prjika XE "Prjika"  almost in identical terms. The one point of difference, and that is vital here, is that the spiritual XE "spiritual"  attainments of the Bhikkhus of which they give publicity to lay people are states to which they had genuinely attained. Hence there does not arise a question of dishonesty here and the offence XE "offence"  is only the lesser one of Pcittiya. Apart from considerations of honesty and truthfulness of a monk in the mode of obtaining his requisites from the laymen there seems to be yet another associated idea in this sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada" . To our mind it is the unscrupulous exploitation of the regard and the respect which the lay people of the time had for `these 'super-human achievements' which were generally associated with those who had renounced the household life. The Semmhi of Rjagaha XE "Rjagaha"  sums up this position beautifully when he says yo samaGo v brhmaGo v arah c'eva iddhim ca, i.e. any monk or brahmin who is both an Arahant XE "Arahant"  and one who is possessed of miraculous XE "miraculous"  powers. People viewed such superhuman achievements with awe and credulity, with little scrutiny as to whether those claims were genuine or false. Hence a false claim would be deemed an act of meanness which is unworthy of a Buddhist disciple. On the other hand, it is said that even where claims to such superhuman powers were real a true Buddhist disciple would not display them in public for the sake of worldly and personal benefits. The Vinaya Pimaka tells us of the elder PiG olabhradvja who was sternly rebuked by the Buddha for displaying his superhuman powers by performing miraculous XE "miraculous"  feats in public for the sake of winning a sandal-wood bowl. Thereafter, the Buddha forbade such acts and decreed that one who did so was guilty XE "guilty"  of a Dukkama XE "Dukkama"  offence XE "offence"  (Na bhikkhave gih+naC uttarimanussadhammaC iddhipmihriyaC dassetabbaC Yo dasseyya patti dukkamassa. Vin.II.112). In the SaCyutta Nikya XE "SaCyutta Nikya"  it is said that the venerable Mahaka XE "Mahaka"  once performed a similar miracle (uttarimanussadhammaC iddhipmihriyaC) before Citta XE "Citta" , the house-holder, but with no desire for personal gain. However, as a result of it when Citta invited him to stay in MacchiksaG a XE "MacchiksaG a" , promising to provide him with his requisites, he left the place never to return again. Perhaps he did so out of his conviction that if he remained to enjoy the hospitality which was offered he would be guilty of having `earned it' in the wrong way. We would now sum up our observations on the fourth Prjika XE "Prjika"  as follows: Claims to superhuman powers and attainments and to the title Arahant XE "Arahant"  appear to have been part of the aspirations of most groups of religious men of India who had left the household life. Judging by the great esteem in which such powers were held by the public there is no doubt that any such claim would have been received with great acclamation. Thus, for the petty purpose of ensuring for oneself a `comfortable living' any false claim to superhuman powers and attainments would amount to a despicable form of lying. Hence the inclusion of the offence XE "offence" , like that of theft XE "theft" , in the category of Prjika XE "Prjika" . Where such powers and attainments were genuinely achieved, any public declaration, other than in the presence of monks and nuns, would amount to a vulgar display and is ranked in the Vinaya as an offence XE "offence"  which is lesser in gravity than the former. It is a Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  offence. As such, we are unable to see how the fourth Prjika XE "Prjika"  could be morally more significant than the first. It has also been generally assumed that the fourth Prjika XE "Prjika"  finds no parallel among the s+las. But after the analysis we have made above of this Prjika it becomes clear that the injunction against false claims to superhuman attainments is laid down because such claims are made with a view to gaining an easy livelihood in a manner which is unworthy of a monk. It is evidently for this same reason that Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  introduces this Prjika rule as one laid down for the guidance XE "guidance"  of j+vaprisuddhi XE "j+vaprisuddhi"  or purity XE "purity"  of livelihood in his definition of j+vaprisuddhis+la XE "j+vaprisuddhis+la"  (... j+vaprisuddhis+le j+vahetu paattnaC channaC sikkhpadnan'ti yni tni j+vahetu j+vakraG ppiccho icchpakato asantam abhktam uttarimanussadhammaC ullapati patti prjikassa. Vism.I.22). It is also of interest to note that Buddhaghosa couples the six sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  which he introduces under j+vaprisuddhis+la with similar considerations on j+vaprisuddhi which he derives from the category of s+la XE "s+la"  (...kuhan lapan nemittakat nippesikat lbhena lbhaC nijigiCsanat'ti evaC d+na ca ppadhammnaC vasena pavatt micchj+v virati. Vism.I.16) These hint at both fraud and artful conversation as means of gaining an easy livelihood in an unworthy manner. These considerations are traceable to item 36 in the list of s+la (Yath v pan'eke bhonto samaGabrhmaG saddhdeyyni bhojanni bhujitv te kuhak ca honti lapak ca nemittik ca nippesik ca lbhena ca lbhaC nijigiCsitro. Iti evarkp kuhan lapan pamivirato hoti. Idam pi'ssa hoti s+lasmiC. D.I.67. Sec.55) The scope of both Prjika 4 and Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  8 seems to be within the range of this item of s+la. Thus we feel inclined to assume that the fourth Prjika too, as much as the other three, is traceable to the broader basis of s+la which in the early history of Buddhist monasticism was the primary guide in the life of the pabbajita XE "pabbajita" . Further modifications which s+la XE "s+la"  underwent while they were expressed in the form of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  are witnessed in Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  1 and 3 which deal with lying (musvda) and tale-bearing (pisuGvca) respectively. Here, the original concepts which occur under s+la are narrowed down and are made more specific. S+laSikkhpada MusvdaC pahya musvd pamivirato hoti saccavd+ saccasandho theto paccayiko avisaCvdako lokassa.Sampajnamusvde pcittiyaCPisuGvcam pahya pisuGya vcya pamivirato hoti ito sutv na amutra akkht imesaC bhedya amutra v sutv na imesaC akkht amksaC bhedya. Iti bhinnnaC sandht sahitnaC v anuppadt samaggrmo samaggarato samagganand+ samaggakaraGiC vcaC bhsit.Bhikkhupesue pcittiyaC.Besides these sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  which are closely related to s+la XE "s+la"  or the personal moral XE "moral"  well-being of the disciple, there are also a host of others in the Ptimokkha which attempt to maintain the concord and communal harmony of the Buddhist SaEgha. A number of sikkhpada of the SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  group aim at achieving this end. These may be broadly classified as calculated to suppress: Attempts to despise and discredit fellow members of the Order by making false and unfounded accusations of a definitely serious nature against them with a view to damaging their spiritual XE "spiritual"  life. SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  8 and 9 appear to safeguard against such situations. "Whatever monk, malignant, malicious and ill-tempered should defame a monk with an unfounded charge involving defeat, thinking: `Thus perhaps may I drive him away from this Brahma XE "Brahma" -life,' then, if afterwards he, being pressed or not being pressed, the legal XE "legal"  question turning out to be unfounded, if the monk confesses his malice, it is an offence XE "offence"  entailing a formal meeting of the Order." Attempts to disrupt the united organization of the SaEgha by canvassing public opinion against the SaEgha and by instituting disciplinary action manoeuvered to cause disunity. "Whatever monk should go forward with a schism of the Order which is harmonious, or should persist in taking up some legal XE "legal"  question leading to a dissension:.... there is an offence XE "offence"  entailing a formal meeting of the Order." Such tendencies were clearly manifest in the activities of Devadatta XE "Devadatta" . The following remarks of Devadatta betray him completely: "It is possible, your reverence, with these five items, to make a schism in the Order of the recluse Gotama XE "Gotama" , a breaking of the concord. For, your reverence, people esteem austerity." Attempts to resist, under various pretexts, correction of bad and unworthy behaviour which is justly undertaken by fellow members. " If a monk is one who is difficult to speak to, and if himself being spoken to by the monks according to dhamma concerning the courses of training included in the exposition, he reckons himself as one not to be spoken to, saying: `Do not say anything to me, venerable ones, either good or bad, and I will not say anything to the venerable ones, either good or bad; refrain venerable ones, from speaking to me'... there an offence XE "offence"  entailing a formal meeting of the Order." There is yet another collection of 16 sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  (including rules from the Nissaggiya XE "Nissaggiya" , Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  and Pmidesan+ya XE "Pmidesan+ya"  groups) whose purpose is to safeguard the mutual relations of the Bhikkhus and the Bhikkhunis. These must admittedly bear the stamp of relative lateness in that they pertain to Bhikkhunis, the members of the latterly established Order of nuns. Irregular performance of monastic duties and excesses in personal relationships which are detrimental to the progress of the religious life and also would provoke public censure come within the purview of these regulations. Their distribution is as follows: Nissaggiya XE "Nissaggiya"  4 and 17: Monks engaging the services of the nunsPcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  26: Monks rendering services to the nunsNis. 5 and Pc. 59: Monks accepting and using robes belonging to the nuns.Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  25: Monks giving robes to the nunsPcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  29: Nuns expressing their personal attachment to the monks.Pmidesan+ya XE "Pmidesan+ya"  1 and 2 Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  21 - 24: Irregular performance of monastic duties by monks towards the nuns.Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  27, 28, 30: Irregular social relationships of monks towards the nuns.In the group of Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  are found a number of rules which deal with matters of procedure XE "procedure"  and propriety XE "propriety"  to be observed within the monastic organization so that its collective honour and authority may in no way be undermined. A monk shall not maliciously challenge the validity of an expiatory act which has been properly carried out by members of the SaEgha and urge for its performance again. (Yo pana bhikkhu jnaC yathdhammaC nihatdhikaraGaC punakammya ukkomeyya pcittiyaC - Vin.IV.126: Pc.63). He should also not conduct XE "conduct"  himself in such a way as to reduce or nullify the effect of an act of punishment XE "punishment"  inflicted on an offender XE "offender" . Nor should he repudiate the authority or doubt the competence of his fellow members when they advise him on matters of discipline. (Yo pana bhikkhu bhikkhkhi sahadhammikaC vuccamno evaC vadeyya na tv'haC vuso etasmiC sikkhpade sikkhissmi yva na aaC bhikkhuC vyattaC vinayadharaC paripucchm+'ti pcittiyaC. Vin.IV.141: Pc.71). He is also not to underrate the value of the disciplinary measures agreed upon by the SaEgha as being effective and essential for the well-being of the community. (Yo pana bhikkhu ptimokkhe uddissamne evaC vadeyya kiC pan'imehi khuddnukhuddakehi sikkhpadehi uddimmhehi yvadeva kukkuccya vihesya vilekhya saCvattant+'ti sikkhpadavivaGGake pcittiyaC. Vin.IV.143: Pc.72). These sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  show that the purpose of the Ptimokkha was not only to safeguard the outward conduct and the moral XE "moral"  life of the disciple but also to protect the machinery which was set up to achieve this end. In the code XE "code"  of the Ptimokkha even the day to day life of the Buddhist monk is circumscribed within certain considerations relating to the articles of daily use such as his bowl and the robe, beds, seats, rugs etc. We notice that on account of certain abuses by monks they were forbidden the use of needle-cases made of bone, ivory and horn. In the evolution of monastic discipline such restrictions become general rules and through the code of the Ptimokkha govern the life of all members of the community. Likewise, the monks are forbidden the use of couches and chairs which are bolstered with cotton on account of the protests that they are like the luxuries enjoyed by laymen. The use and distribution of what belongs to the SaEgha also needed to be done with sufficient caution. Neglect and damage of monastic property XE "property"  and misappropriation of what belongs to the collective organization of the SaEgha for private ends are safeguarded against. A monk who places for his own use a couch or a chair or a mattress or a stool belonging to the Order in the open air, should either remove it or have it removed on departing, or should inform those concerned of his departure. If he does not do so, there is an offence XE "offence"  of expiation - Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya" . It is also stated that a monk who knowingly appropriates for himself or fransfers to another individual a benefit which accrues to the SaEgha is guilty XE "guilty"  of a breach of discipline. In the former case he is gulity of the more serious offence of Nissaggiya XE "Nissaggiya"  Pcittiya and in the latter of a Pcittiya. It is clear from these injunctions that the Ptimokkha also takes cognizance of a considerably settled monastic life. Of the diverse monastic rituals witnessed in the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  the Ptimokkha has a few references to the kamhina ubbhra XE "kamhina ubbhra" , which is closely associated with the ceremony of the vassvsa or rains-retreat, and these too, are mainly in terms of the acceptance and use of robes. The sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  deal no more with it. On the other hand, Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  72 and 73 directly refer to the ritual XE "ritual"  of the Ptimokkha with a view to eliminate any irregularities and abuses which may occur in connection with the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha. SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  12 presupposes the existence of the Ptimokkha under the term uddesa. These rules which are contained in the text of the Ptimokkha clearly reveal the scope and function of the Ptimokkha and its recital as an instrument for detecting miscreants in the monastic circles and assisting them in their correction. Therefore we are compelled to observe that these sikkhpada were latterly added to the collection of the Ptimokkha while the recital as a regular observance was acquiring a definite character. Modelling the life of a monk in terms of the rules of the Ptimokkha marks the shift of accent from s+la XE "s+la"  to sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  as well as the change of responsibility for the maintenance of monastic discipline from the individual monk to the collective organization of the SaEgha. Even the venerable Upasena VaEgantaputta XE "Upasena VaEgantaputta"  who is distinguished as a forest-dwelling monk devoted to austere ways of living (raako piG aptiko paCsukkliko) seems to accept, as a member of the general corpus of the SaEgha, the code XE "code"  of rules laid down by the Buddha, in its entirety, as the guiding factor in monastic discipline. (Na mayaC apaattaC papessma paattaC v na samucchindissma yathpaattesu sikkhpadesu samdya vattissm'ti. Vin.III.231). The Buddha heartily endorses this view. Sdhu sdhu upasena, says the Buddha in recognition of this attitude. We seem to hear the echo of this in the remarks of the venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  at the First Council XE "First Council"  where arose the dispute XE "dispute"  about the abrogation XE "abrogation"  of the minor rules XE "minor rules" . Thus it is clear that the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  and the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha are closely connected not only in their literary content but also in their aims and aspirations. Besides, in all the standard definitions of the virtuous monk, the virtue XE "virtue"  of his s+la XE "s+la"  is always coupled with the restraint XE "restraint"  he acquires through the discipline of the Ptimokkha and the sikkhpada. This shows us that from early times in the history of Buddhism all possible criteria have been used for the maintenance of good discipline. In the kaEkheyya XE "kaEkheyya"  Sutta the Buddha requests his disciples to go through this complete course of training which couples together s+la and the Ptimokkha. (Sampannas+l bhikkhave viharatha saCpanna-ptimokkh ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvut viharatha cragocarasaCpann anumattesu vajjesu bhayadassv+ samdya sikkhatha sikkhpadesu. M.I.33). True to this tradition, the venerable nanda XE "nanda" , in his admonitions to the Sakyan Mahnma XE "Mahnma" , describes in identical terms a worthy disciple who is a s+lasampanna XE "s+lasampanna" . (Idha mahnma ariyasvako s+lav XE "s+lav"  hoti ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto XE "ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto"  viharati cragocarasaCpanno anumattesu vajjesu bhayadassv+ samdya sikkhati sikkhpadesu. EvaC kho mahnma ariyasvako s+lasampanno hoti. M.I.355) CHAPTER IX The Ritual of the Ptimokkha An examination of the Pali texts reveals the fact that we are not without Canonical XE "Canonical"  Sutta references which speak of the existence of the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  even during the lifetime of the Buddha. In the Mahsakuludy+ XE "Mahsakuludy+"  Sutta of the Majjhima Nikya, the Buddha himself tells Sakuludy+ XE "Sakuludy+"  Paribbjaka XE "Paribbjaka"  how the solitude XE "solitude"  of his forest-dwelling monks is regularly interrupted by their attendance at the fortnightly recital of the Ptimokkha in the assembly of the SaEgha. (Santi kho pana me udyi svak raak pantasensan araavanapatthni pantni sensanni ajjhogahetv viharanti. Te anvaddhamsaC saEghamajjhe osaranti ptimokkhuddesya. M. II. 8). This is quite an incidental reference and no more is said in the Sutta thereafter about the Ptimokkha ritual XE "ritual" . The AEguttara Nikya records the words of the Vajjiputtaka XE "Vajjiputtaka"  monk who comes before the Buddha and confesses his inability to discipline himself in terms of the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  which are being regularly recited in the assembly of the SaEgha every fortnight (Atha kho aataro vajjiputtako bhikkhu yena bhagav tenupasaEkami.... EkamantaC nisinno kho so vajjiputtako bhikkhu bhagavantaC etad 'avoca. SdhikaC idaC bhante diya  hasikkhpadasatam anvaddhamsaC uddesaC gacchati. N'haC bhante ettha sakkomi sikkhitun'ti. A.I.230). But the word Ptimokkha is not used in this context. However, there is no doubt that the uddesa here referred to as a fortnightly event is nothing other than what is spoken of elsewhere as the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha (Ptimokkhuddesa XE "Ptimokkhuddesa"  and suttuddesa). The Vinaya too, uses the term uddesa in the sense of the Ptimokkha and its recital. (Uddesapariypannesu sikkhpadesk'ti ptimokkhapariypannesu sikkhpadesu. Vin.III.178). On the other hand, the Gopakamoggallna XE "Gopakamoggallna"  Sutta which comes down to us as a post-parinibbna XE "parinibbna"  composition of fair antiquity, gives us more details regarding the ritual XE "ritual"  of the Ptimokkha. According to the Suttta, this ritual seems to have been vital to the early Buddhist monastic community to maintain and establish its purity XE "purity"  and exercise control over its miscreants. (Atthi kho brhmaGa XE "brhmaGa"  tena bhagavat jnat arahat passat sammsambuddhena bhikkhknaC sikkhpadaC paattaC ptimokkhaC uddimmhaC. Te mayaC tad'ah'uposathe yvatik ekaC gmakkhettaC upanissya viharma te sabbe ekajjhaC sannipatma sannipatitv yassa taC vattati taC ajjhesma. Tasmin ce bhaamne hoti bhikkhussa patti hoti v+tikkamo taC mayaC yathdhammaC yathsatthaC krem'ti. Na kira no bhavanto krenti dhammo no kret+'ti. M.III.10). Thus Ptimokkha undoubtedly became the most dynamic institution XE "institution"  in the early history of the Ssana XE "Ssana" . It also soon roused endless opposition from members of the monastic community on account of its uncompromising spirit of correction and reform. On the other hand, the Ptimokkha ritual itself lost its dynamism in course of time and there is evidence to believe that in its struggle for survival it lent itself to considerable modification. It is with regret that we note that the translation of the above passage in the Further Dialogues of the Buddha is extremely misleading. For the benefit of researchers, we reproduce it here in full. "Lord who knew and saw, the Arahat all-enlightened, prescribed a rule of life and laid down canon law XE "law" . Every sabbath all of us who live in the precincts of a village meet as a body and in meeting enquire what each is doing. If, when this is being told us, an offence XE "offence"  or a transgression by an Almsman is disclosed, we make him act according to the Doctrine and according to book. It is not by us, we hold, but by the Doctrine that he is constrained." Further Dialogues II [SBB.VI], p.160. We would translate the passage as follows: "O Brahmin XE "Brahmin" , the Exalted One has laid down sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  and instituted the Ptimokkha for the use of the Bhikkhus. We are the Bhikkhus for whom they were laid down and all of us who live by a single village unit assemble ourselves together on the day of the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  and whosover amongst us knows it, i.e. the Ptimokkha (yassa taC vattati), we request him to recite it (taC ajjhesma). While it is being recited if (it is discovered that) a Bhikkhu has an offence XE "offence"  or a transgression of which he is guilty XE "guilty" , then we deal with him (krema) according to the Dhamma and the injunctions (yathdhammam yathsatthaC). It is not the monks who punish XE "punish"  us but the Dhamma which punishes us" Sukumar Dutt, in his The Buddha And Five After-Centuries, has made use of the translation of this passage in the Further Dialogues of the Buddha which we have refered to above. Dutt has certainly attempted to improve on the choice of words in the translation. He replaces almsman with Bhikkhu, Doctrine with Dhamma and `according to book' with `scriptural ordinances'. But these changes do not add any more sense to the translation. If the statement yassa taC vattati taC ajjhesma of the passage quoted above which we have translated as `whosoever knows it (Ptimokkha), we request him (to recite it)' still baffles the reader we would refer him to Vin.I.116 where it occurs in a clearer context. (Te theraC ajjhesiCsu uddisatu bhante thero ptimokkhan'ti. So evaC ha na me vuso vattat+'ti. Vin.I.116). Placed in such a situation, it is not at all surprising that Dutt came to the following conclusion: "The periodical assembly mentioned by nanda XE "nanda"  seems to have been the primitive bond of the Buddhist sect after the extinction of personal leadership XE "leadership"  on the Lord's decease ... It is not known when exactly a disciplinary code XE "code"  ascribed traditionally to the Lord himself, of which the Ptimokkha was the final development, was first devised in the Buddhist community.' His theories which resulted from this assumption are examined in the relevant places. We are ccompelled to include here [at the stage of this second edition] an equally serious misunderstanding of the Gopakamoggalna Sutta in the hands of renowned scholars which has led to disastrous conclusions Here is Professor Nalinaksa Dutt. "Ananda replied. We are not without a refuge (appamisaraG), dhamma is our refuge. There is a treatise called Ptimokkha which has been formulated by the omniscient Teacher and which all the monks living in the same parish (gmakkhetta XE "gmakkhetta" ) have to recite in a monastery where they assemble on the uposatha days. Should there occur any difference or doubt in the recitation, the bhikkhus present explain them in accordance with the dhamma (hence they have dhamma as their refuge)." [Note: Translation errors are highlighted.]. Majjhima, III. pp. 7ff. N. Dutt, Buddhist Sects in India, 1970, p.43 and p.40 in 1998 edition. We observe further that this is a tragic misunderstanding of the Pali text quoted, specially in the hands of a reputed scholar. The resulting errors of interpretation are extremely misleading. Here are our comments. "All monks living in the same parish and assembled in a monastery do not recite the Ptimokkha on the uposatha day. It is not all monks who recite. It is the Reciter [i.e. Ptimokkhuddesaka XE "Ptimokkhuddesaka"  ] who recites. Others only listen to him attentively and keep track of what is being recited [TaC sdhukaC suGoma manasi karoma.]." There is no reference whatsoever to 'there being any difference or doubt in the recitation'. It is the discovery of any offence XE "offence"  committed by a bhikkhu in terms of the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  recited - tasmi ce bhaamne hoti bhikkhussa patii hoti bhikkhussa v+tikkamo. Deriving from his second wrong assumption above, the writer makes the following most serious error. He says: "... the bhikkhus present explain them in accordance with the dhamma (hence they have dhamma as their refuge)". This error betrays a complete ignorance of what the function of the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  was expected to be. Yathdhamma means according to tradition as already laid down. It is supported by the accompanying phrase yathsatthaC which simply means as instructed. In the Gopakamoggallna XE "Gopakamoggallna"  Sutta, the declaration of the venerable nanda XE "nanda"  to the Brahmin XE "Brahmin"  Vassakra XE "Vassakra"  is in answer to the question whether the monastic community was without guidance XE "guidance"  on the death of the Master who appointed no successor. It is interesting that both in the proper care of the monastic community and the spiritual XE "spiritual"  welfare of its members, it is the Dhamma which embodies the spirit of the Buddha's teaching which nanda claims to be their leader and guide (Na kho mayaC brhmaGa XE "brhmaGa"  appamisaraG sappamisaraG mayaC brhmaGa dhammapamisaraG. M. III. 9). This regard and respect which the disciples still seem to have for the Dhamma even after the demise of the Master is reminiscent of the advice given by the Buddha to his disciples in the Kakackpama XE "Kakackpama"  Sutta. (Tasmt'iha bhikkhave dhammaC y'eva sakkaronto dhammaC garukaronto dhammaC apacyamn suvac bhavissma sovacassataC pajjissm'ti evaC hi vo bhikkhave sikkhitabbaC - M.I.126). It also reminds us of his sdvice to nanda XE "nanda"  in the Mahparinibbna XE "Mahparinibbna"  Sutta (Tasmt'iha nanda attad+p viharatha attasaraG anaasaraG dhammad+p dhammasaraG anaasaraG ...Ye hi ke ci nanda etarahi v mamaC v accayena attad+p viharissanti.....anaasaraG tamatagge me te nanda bhikkhk bhavissanti ye ke ci sikkhkm'ti. D.II.100). In both these cases, which on the authority of internal evidence mark a relatively early and a very late stage in the history of the Ssana XE "Ssana" , the disciples are advised by the Buddha to be guided by the Dhamma and to respect its leadership XE "leadership" . But the increasing need for regulations, with greater concern for the letter of the law XE "law" , is already evident in the Sutta Pimaka XE "Sutta Pimaka" . We have already witnessed in the Bhaddli XE "Bhaddli"  Sutta the introduction of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  into the sphere of Buddhist monastic discipline. In the Gopakamoggallna XE "Gopakamoggallna"  Sutta, nanda makes pointed reference to the existence of the sikkhpada as well as of the ritual XE "ritual"  Ptimokkha. What appears to be the most complete account of the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha occurs in the Uposathakkhandhaka XE "Uposathakkhandhaka"  of the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga" . This account, which is very composite in character, including commentarial notes which are of a relatively later date, attempts to place the inauguration of the ritual XE "ritual"  in a convincing historical situation. It introduces the establishment of the recital of the Ptimokkha through several preliminary stages not all of which seem to be really necessary. This is perhaps the result of the editor of the text following too closely the formulation of sikkhpadas and their modified versions in successive stages in the SuttavibaEga where a historical or imaginary situation is provided for every addition or change. It is said that King Seniya XE "Seniya"  Bimbisra XE "Seniya Bimbisra"  of Magadha XE "Magadha"  brought to the notice of the Buddha the fact that the Paribbjakas met regularly on the 8th, 14th and 15th days of the fortnight and preached their Dhamma (dhammaC bhsanti) as a result of which they gained fame and popularity and grew in strength. So he wished that the disciples of the Buddha, too, did the same. In response to this the Buddha instructed his disciples to meet accordingly, hoping perhaps that they would engage themselves in some religious activity at such assemblies. But we are told that in the absence of specific instructions from the Master they sat in the assembly and remained silent like `dumb creatures.' However, it is stated that the people were wise enough to remind the disciples that it was their duty to preach the Dhamma when they met (Nanu nma sannipatitehi dhammo bhsitabbo'ti. Vin.I.102). Thereupon the Buddha recommended that it should be so (Anujnmi bhikkhave ctuddase pannarase ammhamiy ca pakkhassa sannipatitv dhammaC bhsitun'ti. Ibid.) But it must be mentioned at this stage that the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  does not refer to these assemblies of the Buddhist SaEgha or of the Paribbjakas as Uposatha XE "Uposatha" . They are no more than regular meetings of those who had renounced the household life at which, even the laymen knew, the Dhamma would be preached. The laymen attended those meetings for the purpose of listening to the Dhamma. Nor do we find the term Ptimokkha associated with these meetings. But as a modification to these regular meetings of religious men at which their special doctrines were preached before laymen the Buddha is said to have suggested the idea that his disciples should perform the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  as a religious duty on the day of the Uposatha. He appears to sanction for this purpose the recital of the body of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  which he had already laid down for the guidance XE "guidance"  of his disciples. But the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimmokkha assumes a more positive and definite character where it is presented as closely following the promulgation of the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  in the attempt to arrest the decline in monastic discipline. That this was undoubtedly the primary function of the Ptimokkha is clear from the request of the venerable Sriputta XE "Sriputta"  in the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  pertaining to the institution XE "institution"  of sikkhpada and the recital of the Ptimokkha and from the reply given to him by Buddha. The ritual XE "ritual"  of the Ptimokkha empowers the collective organization of the SaEgha, on the authority of the `dhamma and the instructions' (yathdhammaC yathsatthaC), to sit in judgement over the conduct XE "conduct"  of its members. The sikkhpada of which the text of the Ptimokkha is constituted form the criteria. One should also take note of the procedure XE "procedure"  adopted by the senior monk (thera) who recites the Ptimokkha in the assembly (ptimokkhuddesaka) in questioning the members of the assembly with regard to their purity XE "purity"  in terms of each group of sikkhpada recited by him. In the light of evidence from the Suttas which we have already examined there does not appear to be any justification to regard this aspect of the Ptimokkha recital as being of later origin. But Sukumar Dutt calls this `the present ritual XE "ritual"  form of the Ptimokkha' and says that it `was not its original form - the original was a disciplinary code XE "code" .' Dutt presumes the existence of the `original Ptimokkha' in the bare form of a code. He says that the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  contemplates it as such, and goes on to add the following remarks: `In the SuttavibhaEga there is not the usual word-for-word commentary on the "introductory formular" of the Ptimokkha as we now have it - as text for a ritual.' A few lines below he concludes as follows: `The SuttavibhaEga, in fact, regards the Ptimokkha as a mere code, while the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  regards it as a liturgy.' But how does one arrive at such a conclusion ? When Dutt speaks of the Ptimokkha as a mere code does he mean that it was not used for the purpose of a recital XE "recital" ? Apparently he does so, for the only argument he adduces in support of his thesis is that the SuttavibhaEga does not provide a word-for-word commentary on the "introductory forlmular" of the Ptimokkha which is now used as the introduction to the recital. We should point out here that not only is there no commentary on the "introductory formular" in the SuttavibhaEga, but the "introductory formular" itself is not found in the SuttavibhaEga. But this does not prove that the recital of the Ptimokkha was not known to the SuttavibhaEga. On the other hand, the evidence proves the contrary. At a stage when the true spirit of the Uddesa XE "Uddesa"  or the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha was well known there would hardly have been a need for the incorporation of such a formal introduction in the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga" . Nevertheless, one cannot forget the fact that every sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  in the Suttavibhanga is introduced in a manner as though it were intended to be recited: Eva ca pana bhikkhave imaC sikkhpadaC uddiseyytha. On the other hand, the text of the Ptimokkha, which contains only the sikkhpada without any details about them, and which we believe was extracted from the SuttavibhaEga to serve the needs of the recital, carries this "introductory formular". It is misleading to refer to the Ptimokkha which is known to the SuttavibhaEga as a mere code XE "code" . The SuttavibhaEga knows fully well the functions of the Ptimokkha recital as is evident from Pcittiyas 72 and 73. The Ptimokkha recital which is known to the SuttavibhaEga and to some of the Suttas in the Nikyas is a dynamic function where a close watch is kept over the conduct XE "conduct"  of the members of the SaEgha, the miscreants are detected and are dealt with according to the law XE "law" . If Dutt attaches so much importance to the negative evidence of the absence of the commentary to the "introductory formular" in the SuttavibhaEga, then it seems hardly justifiable to pay no attention to the positive evidence which points to a different conclusion. This being so, where does one find the `original form' of the Ptimokkha as a `bare code XE "code" '? Does one find such a code referred to by the name of Ptimokkha divorced from the confessional meeting XE "confessional meeting"  of the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  ? What did apparently exist prior to the institution XE "institution"  of the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha was the body of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada" . After his remarks on what appears to him to be the form of the Ptimokkha, Dutt proceeds to comment on the Ptimokkha as a monastic function. In his search for the `missing link' Dutt is prepared to see in the story of Buddha Vipassi XE "Vipassi"  in the Mahpadna XE "Mahpadna"  Sutta `an earlier rite'. This he calls `the archaic practice among the Buddhists' and says that the recital of the Ptimokkha replaced it at a comparatively late stage of the growth of the SaEgha. It is also difficult to see how Dutt comes to the conclusion that `the rudimentary idea in the Buddhist Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  service seems to have been a ritualistic XE "ritualistic"  one, - the observance of sacred days'. On the other hand, we have already shown how the Uposatha and the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  of the Buddhist SaEgha are closely identified. Besides, we fail to detect the sacredness associated with these `days' which the Buddhist SaEgha was expected to observe. No matter to whom they were sacred, they were accepted by the Buddhists too, because it was convenient to use for the purpose of religious observances these conventionally recognised days. Further, as is clear from the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga" , additional religious activities on the part of the Buddhist SaEgha on these popularly respected days of the moon would have elevated them in the esteem of the people. Dutt is obviously making a needless search when he attempts to find a reason for the preaching of the Dhamma by religious mendicants XE "mendicants"  when they meet on those specified days. This is what he says: `It is curious to observe the closeness between the Vrata XE "Vrata"  ceremonies of the Vedic XE "Vedic"  sacrificer and the Posadha XE "Posadha"  ceremonies of the Jaina XE "Jaina" , though the reason, as given in the Satapatha-BrhmaGa XE "Satapatha-BrhmaGa" , for such observances has no relevance to Jaina faith XE "faith" . The Jainas retire on these sacred days into their Posadha-sl, as the Vedic sacrificer would go into the Agnygra, and they take upon themselves the vow of the four abstinences (Upavsa), viz. from eating (hra), from luxuries (sar+rasatkra), from sexual intercourse (abrahma), and daily work (vypra). Similar abstinences are prescribed also for Buddhist laymen who celebrate the day of Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  by the observance of the Eight S+las.' `Among religious mendicants XE "mendicants" , however, the custom seems to have been different from that which prevailed among laity XE "laity" . It is another form of sacred day observance that is related of them in Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga" , ii. i. The reason for this different form is not far to seek. The `abstinences' were already implied in the norm of life of the religious mendicant, and some substitute had to be found among them for the Vrata XE "Vrata"  abstinences observed by lay folk. Such substitute was found in religious discourse.' It should be clear to every student XE "student"  of Buddhism that the abstinences referred to by Dutt in relation to the Eight S+la are only a continuation of the spirit of abstinence and renunciation XE "renunciation"  which is characteristic of all s+la XE "s+la"  from the five s+la of the layman XE "layman"  to the major s+la of the pabbajita XE "pabbajita" . The similarity noted here is only a coincidence and shows nothing in common with the Vrata XE "Vrata"  ceremonies of the Vedic XE "Vedic"  ritualist. Hence one cannot find any basis for this forced remark which is made about religious mendicants XE "mendicants"  that 'some substitute had to be found among them for the Vrata abstinences observed by lay folk.' The Gopakamoggallna XE "Gopakamoggallna"  Sutta which makes a brief but comprehensive statement about the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha speaks of the `single village unit' (ekaC gmakkhettaC) as its proper sphere of operation. The gmakkhetta XE "gmakkhetta"  seems to have served as a convenient unit for the collective organization of the disciples for their monastic activities. The rigid divisions and technicalities of S+m which abound in the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  are conspicuous by their absence in the Suttas. Both in the Gopakamoggallna and the Mahsakuludy+ XE "Mahsakuludy+"  Suttas, participation in the ritual XE "ritual"  of the Ptimokkha, referred to there under the name of Uddesa XE "Uddesa" , is looked upon as a regular duty which is voluntarily performed by the members of the monastic community as a collective body. It was looked upon as a ritual which was inseparable from Buddhist monasticism. Participation in it was a legitimate right of the members of the SaEgha which was withdrawn only on the commission of a Prjika XE "Prjika"  offence XE "offence" . The following explanation of the term asaCvso, which refers to the penalty XE "penalty"  incurred by one who is guilty XE "guilty"  of a Prjika offence or for one suspended, makes it abundantly clear: asaCvso'ti saCvso nma ekakammaC ekuddeso samasikkht eso saCvso nma. Vin.III.28. This complete and total participation in the Uddesa (ekuddeso) also implies the solidarity of the monastic group, in addition to ascertaining and safeguarding its purity XE "purity"  (Samaggo hi saEgho sammodamno avivadamno ekuddeso phsu viharati. Vin.III.172). According to a statement in the Mahvagga the performance of the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  implies the unity and solidarity of the body of Bhikkhus who are participating in it. (Anujnmi bhikkhave samaggnam uposathakamman'ti. Vin.I.105). The solidarity which the ritual XE "ritual"  of the Ptimokkha thus gives to the monastic group seems secondary to the other, perhaps earlier, ideal of the purity XE "purity"  of the individual monk and hence of the group as a whole. In the Gopakamoggallna XE "Gopakamoggallna"  Sutta the recital XE "recital"  itself is referred to very briefly in non-technical terms. But it has a very definite standpoint with regard to the miscreants in the monastic circles and their prosecution XE "prosecution"  and punishment XE "punishment" . It is clear from the evidence of the Vinaya too, that the recital of the Ptimokkha had this end in view. During the recital of the Ptimokkha no monk shall, on grounds of ignorance, claim forgiveness for an offence XE "offence"  committed by him, if he had been present at least at two earlier recitals of the Ptimokkha. (... ta ce bhikkhuC ae bhikkhk jneyyuC nisinnapubbaC imin bhikkhun dvikkhattuC ptimokkhe uddissamne ko pana vdo bhiyyo na ca tassa bhikkhuno aGakena mutti atthi ya ca tattha pattiC panno ta ca yathdhammo kretabbo ...Vin.IV.144). He is to be dealt with for the offence according to the law XE "law" . He is also further guilty XE "guilty"  of not being alert and attentive during the recital. (... uttari c'assa moho ropetabbo tassa te vuso albh tassa te dulladdhaC yaC tvaC ptimokkhe uddissamne na sdhukaC ammhikatv manasikaros+'ti. IdaC tasmiC mohanake pcittiyaC. Vin.IV.144). Thus he has failed to comply with the requirements of the ritual which are specifically laid down elsewhere. (PtimokkhaC uddisissmi taC sabbe'va sant sdhukaC suGoma manasikaroma. Vin.I.103). On the other hand, the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  gives us an account of the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  with a far greater concern for details. Procedure assumes here a great deal more of importance. (Eva ca pana bhikkhave uddisitabbaC. Vyattena bhikkuhn pamibalena saEgho petabbo. SuGtu me bhante saEgho. Ajj'uposatho paGGaraso. Yadi saEghassa pattakallaC saEgho uposathaC kareyya ptimokkhaC uddiseyya. KiC saEghassa pubbakiccaC. Prisuddhim yasmanto rocetha. PtimokkhaC uddisissmi. TaC sabbe'va sant sdhukaC suGoma manasikaroma. Yassa siy patti so vikareyya. Asantiy pattiy tuGh+ bhavitabbaC. TuGh+bhvena kho panyasmante parisuddh'ti vedissmi. Vin.I.102). The recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha must first be formally proposed before the assembly of the SaEgha. In the absence of any objections from the members of the congregation the approval of the SaEgha is assumed and the Ptimokkha-reciter XE "Ptimokkha-reciter"  commences the recital. It is on behalf of the SaEgha that he does so and his action is made to be representative of the wish of the SaEgha. The Ptimokkha-reciter announces that he is ready to commence the recital. However, he identifies himself with the whole group in the performance of the ritual XE "ritual" . In the KaEkhvitaran+, Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  attempts to safeguard against a possible misinterpretation of the phrase ptimokkhaC uddisissmi which occurs in the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga" . It could be argued that the Ptimokkha-reciter would be excluded thereby from active participation in the ritual on the grounds that he is conducting the ceremony and is therefore outside it. But as pointed out earlier the recital of the Ptimokkha is a ritual to be undertaken and performed by all members of the SaEgha living within a specified area. Therefore participation in it, either by being personally present or in absentia, was incumbent on every monk (Ettha ca kic'pi ptimokkhaC uddisissm+'ti vuttatt suGotha manasikaroth'ti vattuC yuttaC viya dissati. SaEgho uposathaC kareyy'ti imin pana na sameti. Samaggassa hi saEghassa etaC uposathakaraGaC. Ptimokkuddesako ca saEghapariypanno'va. Iccassa saEghapariypannatt suGoma manasikarom'it vattuC yuttaC. Kkvt.14). The Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  has also a few remarks concerning the preliminaries to be observed by the SaEgha before the Ptimokkha-reciter XE "Ptimokkha-reciter"  commences the recital XE "recital"  (KiC sanghassa pubbakiccaC. PrisuddhiC yasmanto rocetha. PtimokkhaC uddisissmi. Vin.I.102). Strangely enough, the old commentary which is appended to the text has no comment whatsoever on these ideas of preliminary duties which the SaEgha is called upon to perform. The atatement which requires the declaration of purity XE "purity"  - PrisuddhiC yasmanto rocetha - does not get a single word of comment. On the other hand, it picks up such words as yasmanto for comment. The Samantapsdik too, makes no comment at all on any of the details of procedure XE "procedure"  given in the Mahvagga, although it elaborates on a few ideas picked out from the Old Commentary. However, the KaEkhvitaran+ explains kim saEghassa pubbakiccaC as an inquiry made by the Ptimokkha-reciter before commencing the recital as to whether the preliminary duties to be performed by the SaEgha had been done (Kim taC katan'ti pucchati. Kkvt.11). It further explains these duties with the aid of both Canonical XE "Canonical"  texts and commentaries (KiC saEghassa pubbakiccan'ti saEgho uposathaC kareyy'ti evaC uposathakaraGasaCbandhena vuttassa saEghassa uposathe kattabbe yaC taC anujnmi bhikkhave uposathgraC sammajjitun'ti din nayena pliyaC gataC ammhakathsu ca Sammajjan+ pad+po ca udakaC sanena ca uposathassa etni pubbakaraGan'ti vuccati. Chandaprisuddhi utukkhnaC bhikkhugaGan ca ovdo uposathassa etni pubbakiccan'ti vuccati. EvaC dv+hi nmehi navavidhaC pubbakiccaC dassitaC. Kkvt.10f.). We notice here that Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa" , following the earlier commetarial tradition, takes the Canonical XE "Canonical"  statement anujnmi bhikkhave uposathgraC sammajjituC... to mean the preliminary duties incumbent on the SaEgha who are participating in the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha. But as we examine these directions in their context we notice that this preparation of the venue of the recital constitutes the preliminary duties to be undertaken and supervised by the monks who act the host for the occasion. What is given there as most binding is that no junior monk shall, except in case of illness, fail to execute these duties when ordered to do so by a senior monk. The failure to do so results in a Dukkama XE "Dukkama"  offence XE "offence" . It is in the same spirit that these preliminary duties (pubbakaraGni) are recommended to a monk who is the sole occupant of a monastery to prepare for the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  with the hope that other monks will arrive on the scene. It is here, in commenting on this that Buddhaghosa incorporates in the Samanatapsdik the commentarial tradition which he inherits from the Ammhakathcariy XE "Ammhakathcariy"  regarding these preliminaries. Thus one cannot fail to take note of this discrepancy. A later tradition, however, tries to explain how these preliminary duties, though performed by an individual, come to be reckoned as the lot of the SaEgha: NavavidhaC pubbakiccaC therena Gattena katatt saEghena kataC nma hoti. On the other hand, chandaprisuddhi XE "chandaprisuddhi"  which is mentioned in the second list of preliminary duties known as pubbakicca XE "pubbakicca"  occupies a place of real importance in the early history of the ritual XE "ritual" . As the innocence of every member was tested during the recital XE "recital"  in the full assembly of the SaEgha and the miscreants were punished, the presence of every member who belongs to that assembly was absolutely essential. We use the word assembly here to mean the totality of the disciples who live within the formally accepted region of samna s+m or common communal activity. The Suttas depict such a region as a very natural division of residence XE "residence"  like a village (... yvatik ekaC gmakkhettaC upanissya viharma te sabbe ekajjhaC sannipatma... M.III.10). However, with the expansion of community life the use of such natural divisions would have become impracticable. Thus we find in the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  the origin of a formally accepted region of such co-residence or ekvsa XE "ekvsa" . Through a SaEghakamma such a unit of communal activity is demarcated and agreed upon by the SaEgha. Under the injunctions of the Vinaya no monk shall fail to co-operate for the perfect execution of this arrangement except under the pain of a Dukkata (Na tv'eva vaggena saEghena uposatho ktabbo. Yo kareyya patti dukkamassa. Vin.I.108, 120). We notice a very rigid ritualistic XE "ritualistic"  interpretation of this principle at Vin.I.122. There it is deemed possible to give validity to the Uposathakamma XE "Uposathakamma"  by removing the non-participating monk temporarily out of the region of common communal activity which has been designated as the s+m (IEgha tumhe yasmanto imaC bhikkhuC niss+maC netha yva saEgho uposathaC karot+'ti. Vin.I.122). Under normal conditions the ritual XE "ritual"  could not be carried out or would be considered ineffective in the absence of even one member. This, in fact, seems to have been the accepted position in the early days of the Buddhist SaEgha. The Buddha once ordered the monks to assemble so that the SaEgha might collectively perform the Uposatha XE "Uposatha" . Then it was brought to his notice that one monk was absent from the assembly on account of illness. The Buddha decreed on this occasion that any monk who absents himself from the assembly should convey his innocence to the members of that assembly (Anujnmi bhikkhave gilnena bhikkhun prisuddhiC dtuC. Vin.1.120). He further indicated different ways in which it could be done. Here he definitely insisted that any performance of the ritual without the full assembly or without ascertaining the purity XE "purity"  of the absentee members of the SaEgha would not only be invalid but would also be a definite offence XE "offence"  (Na tv 'eva vaggena saEghena uposatho ktabbo. Kareyya ce patti dukkamassa. Vin.I.120). This act of legislation XE "legislation"  is further proof of the fact that ascertaining and establishing the purity of the members of the SaEgha, both present as well as absent, was the major function of the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital" . Once the assembly of the SaEgha has met in full membership for the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha and the preliminary duty of communicating the purity XE "purity"  and the consent of the absentees has been performed, the Ptimokkha-reciter XE "Ptimokkha-reciter"  proceeds thereafter with the recital. According to the statement in the Suttas the miscreants in the monastic circle were discovered and punished during this recital. The text of the Ptimokkha too, reveals the fact that the purity of the monks was tested and established during the recital and that disciplinary action was also taken against the transgressing monks at the same time (Tena kho pana samayena chabbaggiy bhikkhk ancraC caritv aGakena pann'ti jnantk'ti ptimokkhe uddissamne evaC vadenti idn'eva kho mayaC jnma ayam'pi kira dhammo suttgato suttapariypanno anvaddhamsaC uddesaC gacchat+'ti ... na ca tassa bhikkhuno aGakena mutti atthi ya ca tattha pattiC panno ta ca yathdhammo kretabbo ...Vin.IV.144). It is also clear that the testing was done in terms of each group of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  after its recital XE "recital" . The monks are called upon to confess XE "confess"  if they have violated any of the said rules under each group (Uddimmh kho yasmanto cattro prjik dhamm yesaC bhikkhu aataraC v aataraC v pajjitv na labhati bhikkhkhi saddhiC saCvsaC yath pure tath pacch prjiko hoti asaCvso. Tatth'yasmante pucchmi kacci'ttha parisuddh dutiyam ... tatiyaC ... parisuddh. Parisuddh etth'yasmanto. Tasm tuGh+. EvametaC dhraym+'ti. Vin.III.109). All these accounts seem to agree on the point that the confession XE "confession"  of guilt XE "guilt"  and the establishment of the purity XE "purity"  of the members of the congregation as well as the punishment XE "punishment"  of the offenders were carried out at the assembly which met fortnightly for the recital of the Ptimokkha. The Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  account of the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  categorically states that during the recital all members of the congregation should listen attentively to it and ponder over its contents and whosoever discovers himself to be guilty XE "guilty"  of any transgression should confess XE "confess"  the same before the SaEgha. This regular scrutiny would have served to ensure the purity XE "purity"  of individual monks and also would have kept the community of monks as a whole above suspicion, as the innocence of every member in terms of the code XE "code"  of monastic discipline was tested in the assembly and the purity of the Sangha was thus established (Ptimokkham uddisissmi. TaC sabbe'va sant sdhukam suGoma manasikaroma. Yassa siy patti so vikareyya. Asantiy pattiy tuGh+ bhavitabbaC. TuGh+bhvena kho pana yasmante parisuddh'ti vedissmi. Vin.I.103f.). Yet another, and a very distinctly different function of this ritual XE "ritual"  is envisaged in the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga" . It appears that the confession XE "confession"  of guilt XE "guilt" , if any, by the monks during the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha is insisted upon not only because no miscreant should go unpunished for his offence XE "offence"  and thereby help to perpetuate such offences, but also because this confession is said to bring about the disburdening of the offender XE "offender"  of the sense of guilt without which no spiritual XE "spiritual"  progress could be made. The Mahvagga states that this absolution XE "absolution"  through confession is essential as a prelude to all spiritual attainments (Tasm saramnena bhikkhun pannena visuddhpekkhena santi patti viktabb. vikat hi 'ssa phsu hoti. Vin.I.103). In the ritual of the Ptimokkha, it is evidently this role of 'the purge from guilt' (vikat hi'ssa phsu hoti) which earned for itself the title of Ptimokkha, and perhaps through this the text too, which is recited at the ritual of the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  came to be known by the same name. The confession removes the sense of guilt from standing as an impediment on the path to higher spiritual attainment (vikat hi'ssa phsu hot+ 'ti kissa phsu hoti. Pamhamassa jhnassa adhigamya ... kusalnaC dhammnaC adhigamya phsu hot+'ti - Ibid.104). However, the virtue XE "virtue"  of confession XE "confession"  cannot be in the mere act of owning one's guilt XE "guilt" . We should really seek it in the acceptance of penalties and punishments by the offender XE "offender"  and in his determination to abstain from the repetition of such offences in the future (yati saCvarya). It is also declared by the Buddha both in the Suttas and in the Vinaya that the ability to admit and accept one's error and make amends XE "amends"  for it as well as safeguard against its recurrence is the basis of progress (Vuddhi hi es bhikkhave ariyassa vinaye yo accayaC accayato disv yathdhammaC pamikaroti yatiC saCvaraC pajjati. Vin.I.315). That this attitude to crime and its correction was not restricted to monastic discipline alone is clear from the Buddha's advice to king Ajtasatthu XE "Ajtasatthu"  in the Smaaphala Sutta. The Vinaya too, records a similar incident where the Buddha advises the man, who being instigated by Devadatta XE "Devadatta" , lay in ambush to assassinate him. This comprehensive process of confession, however, seems to have undergone considerable change in the history of the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital" . It is interesting to note that we discover, both in the Suttas and in the Vinaya, a tendency on the part of some transgressing monks to suppress and conceal XE "conceal"  any lapses in discipline into which they have slipped ((hnaC kho pan'etaC vuso vijjati yaC idh'ekaccassa bhikkhuno evam icch uppajjeyya patti ca vata panno assaC na ca maC bhikkhk jneyyuC. M.I.27). The fear and dislike of consequent punishment XE "punishment"  and loss of personal reputation may be considered as being responsible for this. There also seem to have been others who, though their guilt XE "guilt"  was known to fellow members and they themselves were willing to admit it, wished that they might not be prosecuted in public (Anuraho maC bhikkhk codeyyuC no saEghamajjhe. Ibid.). The Posadhasthpanavastu XE "Posadhasthpanavastu"  of the Mklasarvstivda XE "Mklasarvstivda"  Vinaya records an incident which reflects this tendency. A monk objects to the declaration of his guilt XE "guilt"  before the whole assembly by the Ptimokkha-reciter XE "Ptimokkha-reciter"  and adds that it would have been best done in private. It is also stated there that the Buddha sanctioned this request. (Sthavira prtimokcasktrodde[amuddi[eti. Sa kathayati. yucmannapari[uddh tvadbhikcuparcat. Sthavira ko' trpari[uddhah. Tvameva tvat. Sthavira kathaC nma tvay saEghamadhye mama [irasi mucmir niptit. Aho vat'ham tvay eknte coditah sym'iti. Sa tucn+mavasthitah. EtatprakaraGaC bhikcavo bhagavata rocayanti. Bhagavnha. Eknte codayitavyo na saEghamadhye. Gilgit MSS.III.3. 107 f.). It is clear from evidence in the Pali Vinaya too, that there was opposition to prosecution XE "prosecution"  and disciplinary action from certain individuals and groups in the monastic community (Sace ime vinaye pakatauno bhavissanti amhe yen'icchakaC yad'icchakaC yvad'icchakaC ka  hissanti parika  hissanti. Handa mayaC vuso vinayaC vivaGGem'ti. Vin.IV.143. Also: Bhikkhu pan'eva dubbacajtiko hoti uddesapariypannesu sikkhpadesu bhikkhkhi sahadhammikaC vuccamno attnaC avacan+yaC karoti m maC ki ci avacuttha kalyGaC v ppakaC v aham'pi yasmante na ki ci vakkhmi kalyGaC v ppakaC v.Viramath 'yasmanto mama vacany'ti. Vin.III.178). Therefore, even where the members of the SaEgha were physically present at the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital" , compelled by the regulations which required them to be present there, yet the miscreants could be non-co-operative in not admitting their transgressions when called upon to do so (Yo pana bhikkhu yvatatiyaC anussviyamne saramno santiC pattiC na vikareyya. Vin.I.103). This would completely nullify the purpose of the recital where the purity XE "purity"  of the SaEgha is assumed by their silence (TuGh+bhvena kho pana yasmante parisuddh'ti vedissmi. Vin.I.103). Consequently the purity of the SaEgha which is thus assumed would be far from being real. In an attempt to steer clear of such a situation special emphasis has been laid on the honesty and integrity of the participants. Wilful suppression of a transgression of which one is guilty XE "guilty"  is deemed a serious offence XE "offence"  hindering one's spiritual XE "spiritual"  progress (Sampajnamusvdo kho panyasmanto anataryiko dhammo vutto bhagavat. Vin.I.103f.). These words of warning seem to have been uttered regularly at the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  as a prelude to the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha. It is also laid down in the laws of the Ptimokkha that it is an offence involving expiation to help a fellow-member to conceal XE "conceal"  from the SaEgha a grave offence, i.e. a Prjika XE "Prjika"  or SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa" , which he has committed (Yo pana bhikkhu bhikkhussa jnaC dummhullaC pattiC pamicchdeyya pcittiyaC. Vin.IV.127). We also notice in the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  what appears to be the development of a new tradition regarding the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha. It is stated in the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  that the Buddha has decreed that no monk who is guilty XE "guilty"  of any transgression should perform the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  (Bhagavat paattaC na spattikena uposatho ktabbo'ti. Vin.I.125). In the Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga"  it is reaffirmed that such a monk should not listen to the recital of the Ptimokkha (Na ca bhikkhave spattikena ptimokkhaC sotabbaC. Vin.II.240). Both these injunctions, in practice, really serve the same purpose as is clear from the following statement which identifies the Uposatha with the recital of the Ptimokkha: Sammatya v bhikkhave bhkmiy nisinn asammatya v yato ptimokkhaC suGti kato' v'assa uposatho. Vin.I.108. Both these statements evidently derive their authority from the story of the Suspension of the Ptimokkha XE "Suspension of the Ptimokkha"  in the Cullavagga. This brings us to a very paradoxical position. The Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  tells us in its details regarding the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  that any monk in the assembly who is guilty XE "guilty"  of an offence XE "offence"  and who remembers it during the recital should make it known. By the failure to do so he shall incur the further guilt XE "guilt"  of deliberate lying (Yo pana bhikkhu yvatatiyaC anussviyamne saramno santiC pattiC n'vikareyya sampajnamusvd'assa hoti. Vin.I.103). However, at Vin.I.126 the Bhikkhu who recollects during the recital of the Ptimokkha an offence which he has committed seems to be at a loss as to what he should do. He seems to be put into a very dilemmatic position by the apparently subsequent legislation XE "legislation"  that no guilty monk should participate in the Ptimokkha recital (Tena kho pana samayena aataro bhikkhu ptimokkhe uddissamne pattiC sarati. Atha kho tassa bhikkhuno etadahosi bhagavat paattaC na spattikena uposatho ktabbo'ti. Aha c'amhi pattiC panno kathan nu kho may pamipajjitabban'ti. Vin.I.126). On the other hand, side by side with this exclusion XE "exclusion"  of a guilty XE "guilty"  monk from the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha it is also insisted on that no monk should let the performance of his Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  lapse (Na tv'eva tappaccay uposathassa antaryo ktabbo. Vin.I.126f.). Even a monk who on account of illness is unable to be physically present at the ritual XE "ritual"  was expected to communicate to the SaEgha his purity XE "purity"  so that it may be declared in the assembly before the recital. For it is the purity of all members concerned which is to be ascertained and established at this fortnightly congregation of the SaEgha. Therefore it could not be properly performed in the absence of even one member of the group if the SaEgha had not been authoritatively informed of his purity prior to the recital. It is even suggested that a sick monk who has been unable to communicate his purity to the SaEgha may be conveyed in a bed or a seat before the assembly for the valid performance of the ritual. If he is too ill to be moved without danger to his life, the SaEgha is then called upon to go to him and perform the Uposatha there lest they be guilty of a ritual of incomplete membership. Thus we see the very dilemmatic position in which a guilty XE "guilty"  monk is placed in the light of the ruling that no guilty monk has the right to listen to the Ptimokkha or perform the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  and the injunction that no monk shall fail to perform the Uposatha. This would first eliminate the possibility of a guilty monk who could suppress his guilt XE "guilt"  and sit silently through the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha. Secondly, such a monk, on that account, could not also keep out of the Uposatha. The only solution that seems to be offered to this compels the monk to confess XE "confess"  his guilt to another beforehand. Prior to his attendance at the ritual XE "ritual"  the guilty monk is expected to go before a fellow member and submit very respectfully that he is guilty of a specific offence XE "offence"  and that he wishes to admit it. On his admission of guilt and his being advised to safeguard against its recurrence the guilty monk gains absolution XE "absolution"  which entitles him to participate in the ritual. Thus we feel that confession XE "confession"  of one's guilt prior to participation in the ritual was necessitated by the exclusion XE "exclusion"  of guilty monks from the ritual of the Ptimokkha. From what we have indicated it should be clear that confession XE "confession"  of the type contemplated here does not absolve an offender XE "offender"  from the guilt XE "guilt"  of a Prjika XE "Prjika"  or SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa" . Nevertheless we are told that this form of confession gives an offender sufficient purity XE "purity"  to enable him to participate in the ritual XE "ritual" . Hence we are compelled to observe that what is conceded here is, more or less, a ritualistic XE "ritualistic"  purge. On the other hand, it seems to offer to the transgressing monks complete shelter from public scrutiny to which they would have ben subjected if they had to confess XE "confess"  their guilt at the time of the recital XE "recital" . For now the confession may be made before a group or even a single individual who may possibly be selected on partisan loyalties. Thus it may be argued that this form of private confession prior to the recital was intended to remove the alleged harshness of the jurisdiction of the Ptimokkha ritual. Certain incidents which are referred to in the Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga" , in the chapter on the Suspension of the Ptimokkha XE "Suspension of the Ptimokkha" , seem to indicate the fact that there were certain members in the monastic community who were so rebellious XE "rebellious"  in character that they did not choose to make use of this concession. That alone would account for the presence of the Chabbaggiy as guilty XE "guilty"  monks (spattika) at the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha. The Suspension of the Ptimokkha would then appear to serve the purpose of dealing effectively with such miscreants who tend to break the law XE "law"  flagrantly at every turn. We discover that through the act of suspending the Ptimokkha the ritual XE "ritual"  of the Ptimokkha comes to acquire a new emphasis. Any member of the Ptimokkha assembly who knows through seeing, hearing or suspicion (dimmhena sutena parisaEkhya) about the commission of an offence XE "offence"  by any participant would, on seeing that individual, declare it in the assembly and call for the suspension of his Ptimokkha, which in effect means that the Ptimokkha shall not be recited in his company. Inspite of all the taboos and restrictions relating to the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha which are indicated in the Vinaya Pimaka, the possibility is here contemplated of the presence of a Prjika XE "Prjika"  offender XE "offender"  in the assembly which meets to recite the Ptimokkha. It is also declared possible that there may be offenders in terms of all the seven groups of patti XE "patti" . Nevertheless, in all these cases, the detection and chastisement of offenders take place. if ever at all, not through voluntary confession XE "confession"  during the recital of the Ptimokkha but through report and other indirect sources of information with which the SaEgha has been acquainted, and that too, prior to the recital with a view to denying them the right of participation in it. However, the ritualistic XE "ritualistic"  purge from guilt XE "guilt" , resulting from confession XE "confession"  at and before the recital XE "recital" , became a reality in the history of Buddhist monasticism. The Vimativinodan+ records the view of some section of the monastic community who actually maintained that even the greater offences were remedied by mere confession. But the author goes on to point out that this view is completely at variance with the text of the Ptimokkha which prescribes penalties for the greater offences (vikat hi'ssa phsu hot+'ti vuttatt garukpatti'pi vikaraGamattena vummht+'ti keci vadanti. TaC tesaC matimattaC parivsdividhnasuttehi virujjhanato. AyaC pan'ettha adhippyo. YathbhktaC hi attnaC vikarontaC pesalaC bhikkhuC akm parivatthabban'ti divacanaC nissya anicchamnaC'pi naC upyena parivsdi dpetv anassaC suddhante patimmhapessanti. Tato tassa avippamisrd+naC vasena phsu hoti. Vimt.396). It is elear, however, that the changing outlook and the concessions made in the sphere of monastic discipline led to this position. We see here an attempt to extract a new concession from the old idea of confession XE "confession"  of guilt XE "guilt"  at the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  which included payment of penalties besides cofession. The reduction of the ritual XE "ritual"  of the Primokkha to a mere confession for the sake of absolution XE "absolution"  was undoubtedly a sectarian move as pointed out in the Vimativinodan+. But we discover that some scholars have mistaken this aspect of confession XE "confession"  to be the original concept in early Buddhist monasticism. There is clear evidence that Sukumar Dutt did not fully appreciate the scope of confession of guilt XE "guilt"  by the Buddhist disciples. This has resulted from the incorrect translations of two Pali passages which he quotes. His first quotation (Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga" ,v.20.5) suffers on two accounts. Firstly, it is mutilated in that a vital portion of the quotation - vuddhi hi es - has been left out. Dutt also seems to lose sight of another important condition governing this confession. It is the reminder to the transgressing monk regarding future restraint XE "restraint"  which is part and parcel of this process of confession and self- correction (yatiC saCvareyysi. Vin.II.102: yatiC saCvaraC pajjati. Ibid.126). Secondly, these omissions made the rest of the quotation meaningless and drove the translator to force a garbled meaning out of it. Hence this translation: 'In these Rules laid down by the Venerable One, he who realises his lapse to be such and remedies it according to law XE "law" , obtains absolution XE "absolution"  at once.' But we regret to say that there is no notion of absolution whatsoever here. How far from the real state of affairs would it be to say `he ... absolution at once.' In the second quotation he gives the translation `Unconfessed offences are cleared up on confession' for the phrase vikat hi'ssa phsu hoti. Here too, we fail to detect any indication of the `clearance of an offence XE "offence" .' Based on this mistaken notion of absolution XE "absolution"  through confession XE "confession" , Dutt assumes that there was in the early days of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  `a mere religious confession which led to absolution from the guilt XE "guilt"  confessed.' This, he would have us believe, was the earlier aspect of the Ptimokkha ritual XE "ritual" . However, he is quick to detect the dynamic function of what he calls the legal XE "legal"  confession. Its importance is equally admitted by him. For he says: `The incorporation of the concept of legal confession with the code XE "code"  was a necessity, as without it most parts of the code would remain inoperative and disciplinary proceedings could not be taken. Hence emphasis is laid on the duty of confession.' It is for these same reasons, as we have already pointed out, that confession and punishment XE "punishment"  became the essential core of the earliest Ptimokkha ritual. The text of the Ptimokkha too, which has a better claim to be more authentic than the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga" , records in Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  73 evidence to the effect that if a monk is discovered during the fortnightly recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha to be guilty XE "guilty"  of a transgression, charges are to be framed and disciplinary action taken against him. At the same time, it is also clear that if a guilty XE "guilty"  monk could not take part in the ritual XE "ritual"  because of his guilt XE "guilt"  and he therefore absolves himself of it through confession XE "confession"  prior to his attendance at the ritual, then no participant would really be guilty of any patti XE "patti"  of which he could confess XE "confess"  during the recital XE "recital" . But the ritual of the Ptimokkha in its early phase countenanced the presence of both innocent and guilty monks (Yassa siy patti so vikareyya asantiy pattiy tuGh+ bhavitabbaC. Vin.I.103. Also: Tasmi ce bhaamne hoti bhikkhussa patti hoti v+tikkamo. M.III.10.). As far as we could infer, the phrase asantiy pattiy which occurs in the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  side by side with yassa siy patti, should really mean complete absence of guilt. But the Mahvagga itself, which appears to have recognised and accepted the new turn of the ritual, explains asant+ patti in keeping with the new tradition of absolution XE "absolution"  through prior confession (asant+ nma patti anajjhpann v pajjitv v vummhit. Vin.I.103). The KaEkhvitaran+ subscribes to the same view and maintains that an patti which has been declared and accepted really amounts to no patti (Asantiy pattiy'ti yassa pana evaC anpann v pattiC pajjitv ca puna vummhit v desit v rocit v patti tassa s patti asant+ nma hoti. Kkvt.15). What purpose does it serve then to say as an introduction to the recital that any one who is guilty of an offence XE "offence"  shall confess it during the recital? For no monk, according to this latter tradition, who is guilty of an patti could be present at the recital. Has not this statement in the Mahvagga, yassa siy patti so vikareyya, already lost its original significance and does it not appear as a mere fossil embedded in the old formula? A similar significant deviation from what we would consider to be the older tradition is noticeable under the pubbakicca XE "pubbakicca"  or preliminary duties which needed to be performed before the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha. The Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  which describes the ritual XE "ritual"  of the Ptimokkha recital introduces what it considers to be the preliminary duty to be performed before the commencement of the recital in the following words: `What is the preliminary duty of the SaEgha? Let the venerable ones inform the purity XE "purity" .' (KiC saEghassa pubbakiccaC. PrisuddhiC yasmanto rocetha. Vin.I.102). 3 Elsewhere in the Mahvagga, the joint communication of chanda (consent) and prisuddhi (purity) of those who are unable to be present at the recital is given as a general condition to be fulfilled before the assembly which meets for the recital of the Ptimokkha. The inclusion of chanda here is said to be done on the assumption that the SaEgha might have besides the recital of the Ptimokkha other monastic duties for the performance of which the unanimous agreement of the SaEgha was needed (Anujnmi bhikkhave tad'ah'uposathe prisuddhiC dentena chandam'pi dtuC santi saEghassa karaG+yan'ti. Vin.I.122). In the context of this passage it is manifestly clear that the prisuddhi which is communicated to the assembly of the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  is that of the absentee monks. Therefore we would have to take the earlier statement prisuddhiC yasmanto rocetha to mean the announcement of the purity XE "purity"  of the absentees, i.e. the members who have assembled for the recital should announce before the SaEgha any information they have regarding the purity of the absentees who are expected to convey it through a competent fellow member (prisuddhi-hraka). For the Ptimokkha recital, this information more than the chanda, is of vital consideration. However, we notice that the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  gives no explanation whatsoever about this phrase prisuddhiC yasmanto rocetha even in the portion of the text which is regarded as the Old Commentary. On the other hand, Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  hastens to explain this with the comment attano parisuddha-bhvaC rocetha. This makes the purity which is announced before the commencement of the recital to be that of the monks present. But what we have shown so far from internal evidence in the Mahvagga points to the contrary. It is difficult to say with any certainty whether during the time of Buddhaghosa the practice of communicating to the Ptimokkha assembly the purity of the absentee monks had gone out of vogue. What is more clearly evident is the fact that the ritualistic XE "ritualistic"  significance of the purity of the participants at the Ptimokkha recital had assumed overwhelming authority. It is in the light of this new change that Buddhaghosa offers the above comment. For he supports it with a statement which he has picked up from the Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga"  which bars a guilty XE "guilty"  monk from participating in the Ptimokkha recital (Na bhikkhave spattikena ptimokkhaC sotabbaC yo suGeyya patti dukkamass'ti vacanato aparisuddhehi ptimokkhaC sotuC na vammati. Tena vuttaC prisuddhiC yasmanto rocetha ptimokkhaC uddisissm+'ti. Kvt.14). But our assumption which is based on co-ordinated evidence from the Vinaya that what should mean here is 'the communication of the purity XE "purity"  of the absentees' appears to be further supported by the Vinaya traditions of other schools besides the Theriya XE "Theriya" . On a careful scrutiny of the Vinaya texts of several other schools which are preserved both in Sanskrit and Chinese XE "Chinese"  we discover that they all seem to agree with us in this interpretation of the declaration of purity at the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital" . They specifically state that it is the purity of the absentees which is declared, as a preliminary duty, for the information of the members of the assembly. The Pocadhavastu of the Mklasarvstivda XE "Mklasarvstivda"  Vinaya, which agrees for the most part with the Uposathakkhandhaka XE "Uposathakkhandhaka"  of the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga" , contains a very clear and definite statement on this point (Yad saEghasthavirah kathayati angamanya yucmantas chandaC ca pri[uddhiC ca rocayata rocitaC ca pravedayate'ti. Tena antarikasya bhikcoh puratah sthitv vaktavyaC. Samanvhara yucman amusmin 'n 'vse bhikcur bdhiko duhkhito v haglnah. Adya saEghasya pocadhapaCcada[ik tasy'pi bhikcoh pocadhapaCcada[ik. So'yam evaCnm bhikcuh pari[uddham ntaryikaih dharmair'tmnaC vedayati pocadhe'sya pri[uddhim rocaymi rocitC ca pravedaymi. Gilgit MSS. III.4.p.100). According to the above statement the Ptimokkha-reciter XE "Ptimokkha-reciter"  addresses the members of the assembly and makes a clear request to announce before the SaEgha the purity XE "purity"  and the consent of the absentees. Whosoever in the assembly has chosen to play the role of messenger to carry to the SaEgha the prisuddhi on behalf of an absentee, he shall make it known to the SaEgha that the absentee has intimated that he is pure and is not guilty XE "guilty"  of any transgressions which are detrimental to his religious life: pari[uddhaC antaryikaih dharmairtmnaC vedayati. In the above passage angamanya stands for `the absence from the assembly of possible participants '. That it is so is further supported by the statement in the Prtimokcasktra XE "Prtimokcasktra"  of the same school which in its comments on the preliminary duties uses the very specific term angatnC which means `of those who are not present.' (KiC bhagavatah [rvakasaEghasya pkrvakla-karaG+yaC alpo 'rtho 'lpak[tyaC. Angatnm yucmanta[ chandapri[uddhiC c' rocayata rocitaC ca pravedayata. IHQ.vol.XXIX.2.167). The Prtimokcasktra of the MahsaEghikas too, states the same under its instructions for the Prtimokca recital XE "recital"  (Angatnm yucmanto bhikcuncchanda-pri[uddhimrocetha. rocita ca prativedetha - Journal of the Ganganath Jha Research Institute, vol.X. Appendix, p. 3). The Mah+[saka Vinaya XE "Mah+[saka Vinaya"  which is preserved to us in Chinese XE "Chinese"  expresses the same idea of communicating to the assembly of the SaEgha the purity and the consent of the absentees before the commencement of the Ptimokkha recital. In the light of all this evidence we feel inclined to infer that this is the true spirit and the older sense in which the statement prisuddhiC yasmanto rocetha of the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  is to be taken. Nevertheless, we believe that here too, the Theriya XE "Theriya"  tradition has conceded certain changes in the process of evolution. The accomodation of such changes perhaps became more possible with the Theriya group whose Vinaya traditions did not get petrified through disuse but continued to be live and dynamic. Yet one cannot fail to observe that these changes robbed the Ptimokkha ritual XE "ritual"  of its vigour and vitality. For there seems to be no more need for confession XE "confession"  of guilt XE "guilt"  in the assembly of the SaEgha. It is assured that the participants are pure in character. The SaEgha does not collectively engage itself to punish XE "punish"  and deal with offenders, exercising over its membership the authority of the Dhamma. The ritual as described in the Mahvagga does not seem to provide for this. The instructions given in the Ptimokkha with regard to penalties and punishments are left with a merely theoretical value at the recital XE "recital" . The erring individuals do not need any more to face the judiciary at the Ptimokkha recital. For the confession of guilt can now be made before a single individual. Even if one remembers during the recital of the Ptimokkha an offence XE "offence"  he had committed he needs confess XE "confess"  it only to a single Bhikkhu who sits beside him and promise to make amends XE "amends"  for it after the conclusion of the ritual. On the other hand, the ritual is prefaced with a number of formalities by way of preliminary duties, pubbakicca XE "pubbakicca"  and pubbakaraGa XE "pubbakaraGa" , which assume considerable ritualistic XE "ritualistic"  importance. They completely outweigh the recital and the consequent confession which formed the core of the ritual. The Ptimokkha recital thereafter ceases to be a powerful instrument in the proper maintenance of monastic discipline. While we witness here, on the one hand, the break down of the centralised administration XE "administration"  of this monastic institution XE "institution" , the ritual of the Ptimokkha, we discover on the other the emergence of a completely decentralised system of the same. It has been made possible for a minimum of four Bhikkhus, without any reference to the membership of a S+m, to undertake collectively the recital of the Ptimokkha: Anujnmi bhikkhave catunnaC ptimokkhaC uddisitun'ti. Vin.I.124. This gives the Ptimokkha recital a very provincial character and robs it of its stature and dignity. But it would be clear from what has been said so far that the crystallized tradition of the Suttas contemplates a different position. But it also seems to be clear that the tradition of the Suttas regarding the Ptimokkha recital, like many other Sutta traditions pertaining to problems of Vinaya, soon became a thing of the past. It is probably at such a stage in the history of the Ptimokkha ritual XE "ritual"  that it became possible to say that the Ptimokkha or the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  is intended for the purpose of bringing about monastic unity while the purity XE "purity"  of the SaEgha is the burden of the PavraG XE "PavraG"  (Uposatho samaggattho visuddhatth pavraG. Vinvi.p.190.v.2599). Hence we would choose to conclude with a few observations on the PavraG. The PavraG XE "PavraG"  is the ritual XE "ritual"  which comes usually at the end of the third month of the rains-retreat and is a part of the observance of the Vassvsa XE "Vassvsa" . It is used like the ritual of the Ptimokkha as a means of safeguarding monastic discipline. The PavraG, as the name itself suggests, is the request which a Bhikkhu makes to the SaEgha with whom he has spent the rains-retreat to judge his conduct XE "conduct"  and declare according to what the SaEgha has seen, heard or suspected whether he is guilty XE "guilty"  of any transgressions. This request for the public scrutiny of one's conduct is made by every member of the SaEgha, irrespective of seniority, on the definite understanding that whosoever stands accused would make amends XE "amends"  for his errors when he recognises them as such (SanghaC vuso pavremi dimmhena v sutena v parisaEkhya v. Vadantu maC yasmanto anukampaC updya. Passanto pamikarissmi. Vin.I.159). The benefits resulting from this form of self-correction are gives as: being agreeable to and tolerant of one another: aamanulomat making amends XE "amends"  for the wrongs done by safeguarding against their recurrence: pattivummhnat. developing a regard and respect for the rules of discipline: vinayapurekkhrat.  It is evident that the disciplinary function of the PavraG XE "PavraG"  is very similar to that of the Ptimokkha ritual XE "ritual"  and hence the details of procedure XE "procedure"  in both rituals are for the most part identical. A monk who is prevented from patricipating in the PavraG on account of illness is expected, as in the case of the Ptimokkha ritual, to communicate to the SaEgha through another his request for the judgement of his conduct XE "conduct"  (PavraGaC dammi pavraGaC me hara mamatthya pavreh+'ti. Vin.I.161). Although total and complete participation would have been the ideal aimed at in these two rituals, yet under circumstances very similar to those connected with the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha, the quorum for the performance of this ceremony in the assembly of the SaEgha (saEghe pavretuC) is fixed at five. Any number of monks below this and down to two persons are expected to perform this ritual among themselves (aamaaC pavretuC). A solitary XE "solitary"  monk who is left to himself must make a personal resolve (adhimmhna) on this matter, similar to the Adhimmhna XE "Adhimmhna"  Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  of the Ptimokkha ritual. The position of monks who are guilty XE "guilty"  of offences which exclude them from participation in the ritual of the PavraG is identical with similar situations in the ritual of the Ptimokkha. However, a very distinct feature of the ritual XE "ritual"  of the PavraG XE "PavraG"  is its dynamic character, specially in contrast to the Ptimokkha which already in the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  has lost its vitality and appears to have only a ceremonial significance. When, for instance, a monk is charged at the PavraG with a Prjika XE "Prjika"  offence XE "offence" , if he were to admit that he is guilty XE "guilty"  of it, then disciplinary action is promptly taken against him (So ce bhikkhave cudito bhikkhu prjikaC ajjhpanno'ti pamijnti nsetv saEghena pavretabbaC. Vin.I.173), unlike at the ritual of the Ptimokkha where suspension of the Ptimokkha, without any reference to the admission or denial of guilt XE "guilt"  by the accused, is the only course of action recommended. Likewise, in the case of a SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  offence, the charge is laid on the offender XE "offender"  on his admission of guilt. For all other offences too, necessary disciplinary action is taken according to the prescriptions of the law XE "law"  and the SaEgha thereafter proceeds with the ritual of the PavraG: yath-dhammaC krpetv saEghena pavretabbaC. Vin.I.173. There is evidence to show that the ritual is, in fact, temporarily suspended in certain cases until necessary action is taken against the offender and he makes amends XE "amends"  for his mistake (Ye te bhikkhave bhikkhu thullaccayadimmhino tehi so bhikkhave bhikkhu ekamantaC apanetv yathdhammaC krpetv saEghaC upasaEkamitv evaC assa vacan+yo yaC kho so vuso bhikkhu pattiC panno s 'ssa yathdhammaC pamikat. Yadi saEghassa pattakallaC saEgho pavreyy'ti. Vin.I.173). Leaving all details aside, when we compare the two institutions of Ptimokkha and PavraG XE "PavraG" , we note one important distinction. In the early Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  it was the individual Bhikkhu who judged his guilt XE "guilt"  or innocence in terms of the regulations of the Ptimokkha. The assembly of the SaEgha had to rely on the bona fide of the individuals. The accusation, if any at all, was pronounced in consequence of the confession XE "confession"  of the erring member. At the PavraG, the request made individually by the members of the assembly transfers this initiative to the collctive body of the SaEgha. This arrangement to face the scrutiny by the SaEgha which is implied here, although occurring only as an annual event, shows itself as an additional safeguard in the maintenance of good monastic discipline. Nevertheless, the PavraG XE "PavraG"  too, shows signs of acquiring a more and more ritualistic XE "ritualistic"  character. As in the case of the Ptimokkha, an idea seems to be gaining ground that the PavraG is to be performed only by the monks who are pure. The Buddha, it is said, meant it to be so: bhagavat kho vuso visuddhnaC pavraG paatt. Vin.I.174. It is also said that the Buddha legislated for the exclusion XE "exclusion"  of guilty XE "guilty"  monks from the PavraG. This gives the PavraG the appearance of a solemn conclave for it is said that the PavraG is laid down only for the SaEgha who are united: bhagavat kho vuso samaggnaC pavraG paatt. Vin.I.174. The same idea of ritualistic purity XE "purity"  which came to be associated with the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha seems also to be at work in the PavraG. The request made to the SaEgha at the PavraG to sit in judgement over one's conduct XE "conduct"  (saEghaC vuso pavremi ... Vin.I.159) would thus be made a formal and meaningless one. We would refer the reader to Vin.I.175. for various other details concerning the ritual XE "ritual"  of the PavraG. What becomes clear from all these is the fact that both these rituals of Ptimokkha and PavraG XE "PavraG"  had, at the time of their origin, a similarity of purpose. They both strove for the maintenance of good monastic discipline and communal harmony. As such, they counted on the loyal co-operation and the sincerity and the integrity of the members of the SaEgha. Partisan rivalries and petty considerations were not provided for. But the history of these two institutions as recorded in the Vinaya Pimaka shows that, contrary to expectations, these disruptive forces contributed considerably to the modification of the character of these institutions. The Ptimokkha and the PavraG, we are compelled to regard as being extremely simple in their origin and they also appear to have been characteristically direct in operation. We have shown in this essay, as far as possible, how changes set in ere long, prompted by diverse circumstances, and how the Ptimokkha and the PavraG acquired in course of time a very formal and rigidly ritualistic XE "ritualistic"  character so divorced from their original spirit. The fossilised remains of the older versions which are embedded in places in the present form of these rituals reveal, even though unwittingly, these marked divergences. CHAPTER X Penalties and Punishments In Buddhist monasticism disciplinary action against offenders proceeds primarily from the authority of the Ptimokkha which was promulgated to regulate the life of the monk. However, four different types of situations which necessitate disciplinary action or legal XE "legal"  proceedings (referred to as adhikaraGa) are recognised both in the Sutta and Vinaya Pimakas (Cattr'imni nanda adhikaraGni. Katamni cattri. VivddhikaraGaC anuvddhikaraGaC pattdhikaraGaC kiccdhikaraGaC. Imni kho nanda cattri adhikaraGni. M.II.247. Also: AdhikaraGaC nma cattri adhikaraGni vivdhikaraGaC anuvddhikaraGaC pattdhikaraGaC kiccdhikaraGaC. Vin.III.164. See further Vin.II.88; IV.126). They are VivddhikaraGa XE "VivddhikaraGa" , AnuvddhikaraGa XE "AnuvddhikaraGa" , pattdhikaraGa XE "pattdhikaraGa"  and KiccdhikaraGa XE "KiccdhikaraGa" . Of these, the pattdhikaraGa includes offences which come under the transgressions listed in the Ptimokkha. The Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  speak of this as consisting of the fivefold and the sevenfold groups of patti XE "patti"  or offences which are essentially the burden of the Ptimokkha (Tattha katamaC pattdhikaraGaC. Paca'pi pattikkhandh pattdhikaraGaC satta'pi pattikkhandh pattdhikaraGaC. IdaC vuccati pattdhikaraGaC. Vin.II.88). This, more than the others, has relevance to the personal, moral XE "moral"  well-being of the disciple. The rest are VivddhikaraGa or disputes arising within the community pertaining to matters of the Dhamma or the Vinaya, AnuvddhikaraGa or accusation of fellow-members and KiccdhikaraGa or disturbances resulting from the failure to observe proper procedure XE "procedure"  in all monastic acts. These latter three adhikaraGa appear to show greater concern fot the solidarity of the monastic community and the concord among its members. It has already been observed that the Vinaya Pimaka takes cognizance of both these aspects of discipline, of the individual as well as of the group, and provides for the correction of offences and omissions which violate its injunctions. Nevertheless, its claim to discipline the Buddhist disciple is only in terms of word and deed. Thus it emphasises the point that in the achievement of monastic discipline the Vinaya with its additional power of prosecution XE "prosecution"  does not replace the contents of the Dhamma but only helps to augment it. For, it is the Dhamma which takes into its domain the discipline of the mind. Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  records for us a definition of the Vinaya which corroborates this (Kyikavcasika-ajjhcranisedhanato c'esa kyaC vca ca vineti tasm vividhanayatt visesanayatt kyavcna ca vinayanato vinayo'ti akkhto. VinA.I.19). Thus all disciplinary action contemplated in the Vinaya would naturally be expected to proceed against transgressions through word and deed. The only notable exception to this assumption seems to be the Ukkhepaniya-kamma XE "kamma"  or the Act of Suspension, which besides being intended for the offences of not admitting and not atoning for one's transgressions, is also recommended for holding fast to a heresy XE "heresy" .(...ppikya dimmhiy appaminissagge. Vin.II.26). This latter consideration, however, is to be placed under the category of verbal offences, for it comes to be declared an offence XE "offence"  under Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  68 only after the wrong view is stated and affirmed and the offender XE "offender"  refuses to desist from doing so. Even at this stage, when the wrong view is challenged by the rest of the community, if the offender is willing to give it up, he is absolved of the guilt XE "guilt" . It is his unwillingness to give up his view and desist from saying so which brings upon him the specific accusation under Pcittiya 68. Under the imposition of Ukkhepaniya-kamma too, the miscreant is first asked to refrain from giving expression to false views and thereby make groundless charges against the Buddha (M'vuso arimmha evaC avaca m bhagavantaC abbhcikkhi na hi sdhu bhagavato abbhakkhnaC na hi bhagav evaC vadeyya. Vin.II.25. Also Vin.IV.134). If the offender continues to do so inspite of these requests then he is punished with an Ukkhepaniya-kamma. For when members of the monastic community hold fast to such views and give public expression to them it would be damaging to the beliefs of the rest. It would also discredit the community in the eyes of the public. Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  appears to see in this Act of Suspension a relevance to the maintenance of monastic concord. The term dimmhi which occurs in the clause ppikya dimmhiy appaminissagge under the Ukkhepaniya-kamma is defined by Buddhaghosa as views which would lead to factions and disturbances in the SaEgha (BhaG ana-krako'ti disu yaC dimmhiC nissya bhaG and+ni karoti tass appaminissagge y'eva kammaC ktabbaC. VinA.VI.1159). Although this offence XE "offence"  of holding fast to a heresy XE "heresy"  is included in the Ptimokkha under the lighter category of Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  offences, yet it is clear from the evidence of the Ptimokkha itself that it was treated with greater concern than the rest. The Ptimokkha makes no mention of the Ukkhepaniya-kamma XE "kamma"  in this connexion. However, it is clear from Pcittiya 69 which follows the incident of holding fast to a heresy that the offender XE "offender"  is subjected to the Ukkhepaniya-kamma and is punished with a total boycott XE "boycott"  (Yo pana bhikkhu jnaC tathvdin bhikkhun akatnudhammena taC dimmhiC appaminissammhena saddhiC sambhujeyya v saha v seyyaC kappeyya pcittiyaC. Vin.IV.137). In effect, this is what comes out of the Ukkhepaniya-kamma. The Old Commentary in the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga" , on the other hand, uses the word ukkhitto with reference to the offender who has been so punished (Akatnudhammo nma ukkhitto anosrito. Ibid.). This is further corroborated by the Ukkhittnuvattaka Prjika XE "Prjika"  rule of the Bhikkhunis which refers to the offending Bhikkhu who is not to be followed by the Bhikkhunis as ukkhitta XE "ukkhitta"  which means that he has been punished under the Ukkhepaniya-kamma. All these make it quite clear that as a form of punishment XE "punishment"  the Ukkhepaniya seems to have been in vogue fairly early in the history of the Ssana XE "Ssana" . Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  readily indentifies what is alluded to in the Ptimokkha under Pcittiya 69 with the punishment of Ukkhepaniya kamma XE "Ukkhepaniya kamma"  (Akatnudhammen'ti anudhammo'ti vuccati pattiy adassane v appamikamme v ppikya dimmhiy appaminissage v dhammena vinayena ukkhittassa anulomavattaC disv katosaraG so osaraGasaEkhto anudhammo yassa na kato ayaC akatnudhammo nma. Kkvt.127). The code XE "code"  of the Ptimokkha itself, in its details of disciplinary procedure XE "procedure" , recommends certain forms of penalties for the categories of major offences. The Prjika XE "Prjika" , being the gravest of the monastic offences, admits of no remedies or atonements. The penalty XE "penalty"  for Prjika offences being complete ex-communication and loss of monastic status, it is spontaneously brought about by the commission of the crime. Thus, the disciplinary action on the Prjika offences requires no details of procedure. The SaEgha has only to take note of the fact that the offender XE "offender"  is no more one of their fold and that they have no dealings with him: na labhati bhikkhkhi saddhiC saCvsaC yath pure tath pacch prjiko hoti asaCvso - Vin.III.109. The Vinaya appears to refer to this briefly as the process of destruction or extermination (So ce bhikkhave cudito bhikkhu prjikaC ajjhpanno'ti pamijnti nsetv saEghena pavretabbaC. Vin.I.173). All offences other than the Prjika are remediable in that every offender XE "offender" , barring one who is guilty XE "guilty"  of a Prjika XE "Prjika"  offence XE "offence" , who submits himself to the specified penalties and punishments and behaves himself in accordance with the law XE "law"  is considered as being purged of his guilt XE "guilt" . The SaEghdisesas include a host of offences for which specified penalties are to be imposed by the SaEgha, taking into consideration the circumstances attendant on the commission of the crime. The Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga"  draws a definite distinction between SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  offences which are confessed forthwith on the day of commission and those which have been concealed from the SaEgha for any length of time. They are termed apamicchanna XE "apamicchanna"  and pamicchanna XE "pamicchanna"  respectively. 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Kkvt.49). However, the code XE "code"  of the Ptimokkha makes no special mention of the former group of apamicchanna or offences which are confessed soon after commission. The Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga"  which discusses the details of disciplinary procedure XE "procedure"  in relation to SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  offences recommends different disciplinary measures for the two categories mentioned above. The penalty XE "penalty"  that is prescribed for a SaEghdisesa offence XE "offence"  which has not been concealed is a very direct one. The SaEgha is called upon to impose on the offender XE "offender" , at his request, the penalty of Mnatta XE "Mnatta"  for a period of six days (Vyattena bhikkhun pamibalena saEgho petabbo. SuGtu me bhante saEgho. AyaC udyi bhikkhu ekaC pattiC pajji sacetanikaC sukkavissammhiC apamicchannaC. So saEghaC ekiss pattiy sacetanikya sukkavissammhiy apamicchannya chrattaC mnattaC ycati. Yadi saEghassa pattakallaC saEgho udyissa bhikkhuno ekiss pattiy sacetanikya sukkavissammhiy apamicchannya chrattaC mnattaC dadeyya. Es atti. Vin.II.38). Commenting on these injunctions Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  states that irrespective of the considerations of confession XE "confession"  or concealment, the miscreant incurs this penalty of Mnatta by the mere commission of the offence (Tattha apamicchanna XE "apamicchanna" -mnattaC nma yaC apamicchannya pattiy parivsaC adatv kevalaC pattiC pannabhven'eva mnattrahassa mnattaC diyyati. VinA.VI.1171). This penalty of Mnatta is also recommended as the concluding phase of the disciplinary action taken against SaEghdisesa offences which have been concealed and for which the penalty known as Parivsa XE "Parivsa"  is first imposed on the offender (Parivutthaparivsena bhikkhun uttariC chrattaC bhikkhumnattya pamipajjitabbaC. Vin.III.186. Also: So' haC parivutthaparivso saEghaC ekiss pattiy sacetanikya sukkavissammhiy ekhapamicchannya chrattaC mnattaC ycmi Vin.II.41). In the case of a SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  offence XE "offence"  which has been deliberately concealed, disciplinary action commences with the penalty XE "penalty"  of Parivsa XE "Parivsa"  which is imposed for the same number of days up to which the offence had been concealed. The concealment of an offence committed by oneself was a disconcerting breach of monastic decorum and it was seen in the study of the Ptimokkha how every precaution was taken to safeguard against such situations (Saramno santiC pattiC n'vikareyya sampajnamusvd'assa hoti. Vin.I.103). Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  64 declares it an offeence even to aid and abet in such a situation (Yo pana bhikkhu bhikkhussa jnaC dummhullaC pattiC pamicchdeyya pcittiyaC. Vin.IV.127). No monk shall knowingly shield an offender XE "offender"  who is guilty XE "guilty"  of a dummhull patti XE "dummhull patti" , i.e. a Prjika XE "Prjika"  or SaEghdisesa offence. The concern with which attempts to conceal XE "conceal"  such offences are treated is witnessed in this penalty of Parivsa. According to the Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga" , a monk who is guilty of concealing a SaEghdisesa offence which he has committed, must go before the SaEgha and confess XE "confess"  to them his error. He must then request the SaEgha to impose on him first the Parivsa penalty for the number of days the offence had been concealed. It is only after the offender has behaved himself perfectly well under the penalty of Parivsa for concealing his offence, that Mnatta XE "Mnatta" , the penalty for the actual SaEghdisesa offence, would be imposed. The injunctions of the Ptimokkha regarding this penalty XE "penalty"  of Parivsa XE "Parivsa"  make it clear that as a manual of disciplinary procedure XE "procedure"  the Ptimokkha maintained an authoritative enforcement of penalties and punishments, even though on an impersonal note. This is clearly recognised in the Gopakamoggallna XE "Gopakamoggallna"  Sutta where it is stated that punishment XE "punishment"  is meted out not on the authority of persons but solely on the authority of the Dhamma (Tasmi ce bhaamne hoti bhikkhussa patti hoti v+tikkamo taC mayaC yathdhammaC yathsatthaC krem'ti. Na kira no bhavanto krenti dhammo no kret+'ti.. M.III.10). The monk who has concealed the SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  offence XE "offence"  he has committed must, according to the Ptimokkha, submit himself to the penalty of Parivsa. even if it were not to his liking (Uddimmh kho yasmanto terasa saEghdises dhamm nava pamhampattik cattro yvatatiyak yesaC bhikkhu aataraC v aataraC v pajjitv yvatihaC jnaC pamicchdeti tvatihaC tena bhikkhun akm parivatthabbaC. Vin.III.186). The injunctions of the Ptimokkha introduce this penalty with a note of compulsion. This attitude is also held by schools besides the Theriya XE "Theriya" . The Prtimokcasktra XE "Prtimokcasktra"  of the Mklasarvstivdins XE "Mklasarvstivdins"  records the same idea (Uddicm mayyucmantastrayodasa saEghva[ec dharmh... tena akmatah paryucitavyaC - IHQ.vol.29.2.p.174). The Prtimokcasktra of the MahsaEghikas puts it in the following form: ...tena bhikcun akmaparivsaC parivasitavyaC. The Vinaya Pimaka knows of two forms of Parivsa XE "Parivsa" , one as a period of punishment XE "punishment"  and the other as a period of probation XE "probation" . As a form of punishment it pertains, as was shown above, to the members of the Buddhist Order and is recommended as a penalty XE "penalty"  for a Bhikkhu who is guilty XE "guilty"  of a SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  offence XE "offence"  and had knowingly concealed it from the SaEgha. Thus it is known by the name of Pamicchannaparivsa, the term Apamicchannaparivsa consequently being used for the period of probation applicable to members of other heretic XE "heretic"  groups. Hence it is also called Titthiyaparivsa XE "Titthiyaparivsa" . The Pamicchannaparivsa is to be imposed even against the will of the offender XE "offender"  for the number of days the offence had been concealed. This is followed by the further penalty of Mnatta XE "Mnatta"  for six more days. Both these penalties being satisfactorily concluded the monk who has been subjected to them is reinstated by the Act of Abbhna XE "Abbhna"  by the properly constituted body of twenty monks. If the number were to be less even by one, then this reinstatement would be rendered invalid (ciGGamnatto bhikkhu yattha siy v+satigaGo bhikkhusaEgho tattha so bhikkhu abbhetabbo. Ekena' pi ce kGo v+satigaGo bhikkhusaEgho taC bhikkhuC abbheyya so ca bhikkhu anabbhato te ca bhikkhk grayh. Vin.III.186). The Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  make further provision for new situations where a monk may lapse into error again during the period of his sentence. If, at the time of his second offence XE "offence"  which he confesses forthwith, he is still serving his period of Parivsa XE "Parivsa"  for the first offence which he had concealed, or has just finished the period of Parivsa but not started on his Mnatta XE "Mnatta" , then he is called upon to serve his period of Parivsa over again. But if the second ofence is committed during the period of Mnatta or when he is about to be reinstated on the completion of it, then he shall serve only the full period of Mnatta again. If on the other hand, the second offence is concealed for any length of time, irrespective of the time of its commission, whether during the period of Parivsa or Mnatta, the penalty XE "penalty"  of Parivsa is to be gone through over again for which ever is the longer period of concealment. This is called the combined penalty or Samodhnaparivsa XE "Samodhnaparivsa" , as the periods of punishment XE "punishment"  for the different offences are to run concurrently and not successively. This renewal of punishment to serve a sentence again either under Mnatta or under Parivsa is known as Mklya-pamikassana or 'being dragged back to the begnning'. The Khandhakas deal with several such situations of diverse complexity. But it is not within the scope of the present study to go into a detailed analysis of these. Hence the reader is referred to the Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga"  for fuller details. Both these penalties of Parivsa XE "Parivsa"  and Mnatta XE "Mnatta"  are characterised by the humiliation to which they subject the offender XE "offender" . Under the proper behaviour recommended (samm vattan) for those serving a period of Parivsa or Mnatta (parivsika XE "parivsika"  and mnattacrika XE "mnattacrika" ), it is repeatedly mentioned that he who is guilty XE "guilty"  and is placed under a penalty XE "penalty"  should make it known to the rest of the Bhikkhus. The parivsika and the mnattarika should as both guest and host inform the other Bhikkhus of their position (Parivsikena bhikkhun gantukena rocetabbaC gantukassa rocetabbaC. Vin.II.32). They should also announce it at the regular assemblies of Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  and PavraG XE "PavraG" . Even in case of illness when personal attendance may not be possible, they should communicate it through a messenger, who according to the Commentary should be a full-fledged monk and not an anupasampanna. The mnattacrika has the additional burden of announcing the fact of his being under a penalty each day. The Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  also decree against all attempts of a parivsika or mnattacrika to evade informing the fellow members that he is under a penalty. It is said, for instance, that during this period he should not take to the vow of forest-residence XE "residence"  in order to avoid meeting others who come to his residence, or take to the vow of begging for his meals so that he may avoid occupying the last of the seats which he would have to accept in the alms-hall as a part of the penalty. (Na araikaEgaC'ti gatgatnaC rocetuC haryamnena araikadhutaEgaC na samdtabbaC ... tath bhattaggdisu sanapariyante nisajjya haryamnena piG aptikadhutaEgaC'pi na samdtabbaC. VinA.VI.164). In brief, no person who is under these penalties of Parivsa or Mnatta should make a secret of it to felow-members (M maC jniCsk'ti m maC ekabhikkhu pi jntk'ti imin ajjhsayena vihre smaGerehi pacpetv bhujituC'pi na labhati gmaC piG ya pavisitabbaC eva. VinA.VI.1165). All these considerations discussed above are listed under the ninetyfour observances which are laid down as the pattern of conduct XE "conduct"  (catunavuti-parivsikavatta) for the Bhikkhu under the penalty XE "penalty"  of Parivsa XE "Parivsa"  and are more or less identical with those for the mnattacrika XE "mnattacrika" . As in most other forms of disciplinary action in Buddhist monasticism, here too, under these penalties, a number of privileges which a monk is normally entitled to enjoy are withdrawn from him. His authority is reduced and his freedom of action is curtailed. We reproduce below the first 18 items of catunavuti-parivsikavatta which are common to both the penalties of Parivsa and Mnatta XE "Mnatta"  as well as to all acts of punishment XE "punishment"  or daG akamma XE "daG akamma" , viz. Tajjaniya, Nissaya, Pabbjaniya, PamisraGiya and Ukkhepaniya for not giving up a heresy XE "heresy" . The Ukkhepaniya kamma XE "Ukkhepaniya kamma"  for the refusal to recognise one's transgressions, and the failure to make amends XE "amends"  for them has 25 more conditions added to these, thus bringing up the total to 43 (tecattr+savatta XE "tecattr+savatta" : Vin.II.25). Not act as the preceptor XE "preceptor"  of another for the conferment of upasampad: na upasampdetabbaC. Not undertake to offer tutelage XE "tutelage"  to another: na nissayo dtabbo. Not take in a smaGera XE "smaGera"  anew or accept the services of another who has been with him: na smaero upammhpetabbo. Not allow himself to be elected to give counsel to the Bhikkhunis: na bhikkhuniovdasammuti sditabb. Not avail himself of that opportunity even if it has been assigned to him: sammatena'pi bhikkhuniyo na ovaditabb. Not be guilty XE "guilty"  of an offence XE "offence"  of the type for which he has been put under the particular penalty XE "penalty" : yya pattiy saEghena parivso dinno hoti s patti na pajjitabb. Not be guilty XE "guilty"  of another offence XE "offence"  similar to it: a v tdisik. Not be guilty XE "guilty"  of anything worse: tato v ppimmhatar. Not despise or challenge the validity of the disciplinary action taken against him: kammaC na garahitabbaC. Not despise those who did it: kammik na garahitabb. Not suspend the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  of another monk who is better than himself: na pakatattassa bhikkhuno uposatho mhapetabbo. Not suspend the PavraG XE "PavraG"  of such a monk: na pavraG mhapetabb. Not assume authority to issue orders on disciplinary matters to such a monk: na savacan+yaC ktabbaC. This explanation of savacan+yaC ktabbaC is derived from the Commentary (VinA.VI.1163) to which the Sub-commentary adds this further note: evaC attano Gya pavattanakakammaC na ktabban'ti adhippyo. Vimativinodan+t+k.449. Not assume leadership XE "leadership"  at monastic functions: na anuvdo pammhapetabbo. For this explanation too, we lean on the Commentary: na anuvdo'ti vihrajemmhakammhnaC na ktabbaC ptimokkhuddesakena v dhammajjhesakena v na bhavitabbaC. VinA.VI.1163 Not ask another monk who is better than himself for an opportunity to accuse him of an offence XE "offence" : na okso kretabbo. Not aaccuse another monk who is better than himself of an offence XE "offence" : na codetabbo. Not remind anoter monk who is better than himself of his offence XE "offence" : na sretabbo. Not quarrel XE "quarrel"  with members of the community nor incite them against one another: na bhikkhkhi sampayojetabbaC. See Commentary: VinA.VI.1156, 1163 These conditions may broadly be classified as follows: 1-5 involve a considerable reduction in the power and prestige enjoyed by the monks in their normal daily life. A monk must, during the term of the penalty XE "penalty" , renounce his authority over his pupils and decline the services offered to him by them. He is not only deprived of his power and position but according to the Commentary is also made to inform his pupils and the nuns who come to him about the penalty to which he is subjected (UpajjhaC datv gahitasmaGer'pi vattabb ahaC vinayakammaC karomi. MayhaC vattaC m karotha m maC gmappavesanaC pucchath'ti ... gat ca bhikkhuniyo saEghassa santikaC gacchatha saEgho vo ovdadyakaC jnissat+'ti v ahaC vinayakammaC karomi asukabhikkhussa nma santikaC gacchatha so ovdaC dassat+ ti v vattabb. VinA.VI.1162). 6-8 reiterate the old ideal in monastic discipline of yati saCvara or the safeguard against the recurrence of an offence XE "offence"  which has once been committed. 9 and 10 provide that the machinery which regulates the discipline of monastic life would not be thrown out of gear by the miscreants who have been brought under punishment XE "punishment" . The power of prosecution XE "prosecution"  must thus be maintained unimpaired. 11-17 concern themselves with the proper and responsible exercise of disciplinary powers by those whose conduct XE "conduct"  is beyond reproach, so that it may command from those who are subordinated to it the highest respect as being fair and just. Thus a monk who is subjected to a penalty or punishment is barred from exercising such powers. 18 serves as a perfect safeguard against possible onslaughts on the communal harmony of the SaEgha by embittered offenders who are subjected to penalties and punishments. We have shown above that the penalty XE "penalty"  of Pamicchannaparivsa which is imposed on a monk who is guilty XE "guilty"  of concealing a SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  offence XE "offence"  is followed by a further penalty of six days of Mnatta XE "Mnatta"  (Parivutthaparivsena bhikkhun uttariC chrattaC bhikkhumnattya pamipajjitabbaC. Vin.III.186). This, according to the commentarial tradition, is intended for the purpose of reconciliation of the miscreant with the fellow-members (Bhikkhumnatty'ti bhikkhknaC mnanabhvya rdhanatthya iti vuttaC hoti. KaEkhvitaraG+.51). This clearly shows that the offender XE "offender"  loses favour with the members of the community by his violation of monastic regulations. It also shows the degree of collective responsibility for the maintenance of discipline. The community as a whole would be slighted by such a breach of discipline. This point is further emphasised in the text of the Mklasarvstivda XE "Mklasarvstivda"  Prtimokcasktra XE "Prtimokcasktra"  which has saEghamnatva XE "saEghamnatva"  corresponding to bhikkhumnatta XE "bhikkhumnatta"  of the Pali text, thus addressing the amends XE "amends"  and atonements which the miscreant is called upon to make to the collective organisation. The Mklasarvstivda Prtimokcasktra has also these additional words in this context which are not found in the Pali text: K[tnudharmah bhikcusaEghasya rdhitacitto. These seem to be supporting the Pali commentarial explanation of Mnatta as bhikkhknaC mnanabhvya rdhanatthya. The MahsaEghika XE "MahsaEghika"  Prtimokcasktra has only k[tnudharmah and leaves out the words BhikcusaEghasya rdhitacitto of the Mklasarvstivda version. But it speaks of mnatva as bhikcusaEghe mnatvaC caritavyaC. Parivsa XE "Parivsa"  as a period of probation XE "probation"  pertains to persons who, having been previously members of any other heretic XE "heretic"  group, latterly seek admision to the Buddhist order. Every such person is put under probation for a specified period of four months during which he must conduct XE "conduct"  himself honourably to the satisfaction of the Bhikkhus in authority (Yo kho seniya aatitthiyapubbo imasmiC dhammavinaye kaEhkati pabbajjaC kaEkhati upasampadaC so cattro mse parivasati catunnaC msnaC accayena raddhacitt bhikkhk pabbjenti upasampdenti bhikkhubhvya. M.I.391). In the text of the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas" , the Aggika Jamila XE "Aggika Jamila" s or fire-worshipping matted-hair ascetics are exempted from this on consideration of their religious views (Ye te bhikkhave aggik jamilak te gat upasampdetabb na tesaC parivso dtabbo. TaC kissa hetu. Kammavdino ete bhikkhave kiriyavdino. Vin.I.71). It is recorded that the Skiyas also are exempted. The Buddha, according to the Commentary, held the view that the Skiyas, out of respect for the founder as their greatest kinsman, would do nothing to discredit the religion. (Te hi titthyatane pabbajit'pi ssanassa avaGGakm na honti. AChkaC tisemmhassa ssanan'ti vaGGavdino'va honti. Tasm evaC ha. VinA.V.995). The commentary also insists that this Titthiya-parivsa applies only to the naked ascetics (AyaC titthiyaparivso nma apamicchannaparivso'ti'pi vuccati. AyaC pana naggaparibbjakass'eva jivakassa v acelakassa v dtabbo ...Tattha titthiyaparivso nigaGmhajtiknaC y'eva dtabbo na aesaC. Ibid.990f.). According to the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  the newcomer is made to don the yellow robe after his head and beard have been shaven and is admitted to the order as a smaGera XE "smaGera"  by the act of professing faith XE "faith"  thrice in the Buddha, Dhamma and the SaEgha. Showing respect to the accepted monastic tradition, he is made to request the SaEgha to put him under four months probation XE "probation"  so that he may qualify for upasampad or higher monastic status. During this period the noviciate must satisfy the SaEgha (rdhako hoti) by his conduct XE "conduct" , efficiency and loyalties and convince them that he deserves the higher monastic status in the Buddhist SaEgha. For this he should qualify himself in terms of eight considerations which are referred to as ammhavatta. He should acquire habits which are acceptable to the monastic life such as going out to and returning from the village at proper times. As a celibate he should maintain his chastity XE "chastity" . He should adapt himself to perform with interest and efficiency the various monastic duties that devolve on him as a member of the SaEgha. He should not be lacking in interest and enthusiasm for the development of his religious life. The next four out of the eight duties which he is called upon to perform seem to concern themselves with the clash of loyalties between the old and the new faiths. If the new comer still feels angered when his former faith or its propounder is criticised and is happy when the Buddha, the Dhamma and the SaEgha are subjected to ridicule, then he is deemed unworthy of full membership in the Buddhist Order. On the other hand, if he rejoices at the praise of his old faith and frowns at the eulogy of the Buddha, the Dhamma and the SaEgha the same verdict is pronounced on him. When the noviciate has thus satisfied the SaEgha (rdhitacitt'ti ammhavattassa pkraGena tummhacitt. MA.III.106) and qualified himself in terms of these basic requirements for Buddhist monastic life, upasampad is conferred upon him without further delay (EvaC rdhako kho bhikkhave aatitthiyapubbo gato upasampdetabbo. Vin.I.71). The Sutta Pimaka XE "Sutta Pimaka"  refers in more than one place to the prevalence of this practice of imposing Titthiyaparivsa XE "Titthiyaparivsa"  in Buddha's own time. The Kukkuravatika XE "Kukkuravatika"  Sutta records that the Buddha himself informs Seniya XE "Seniya"  who was a naked ascetic XE "ascetic"  practising the `canine way' of the general Buddhist practice of Titthiyaparivsa when he sought admission to the Buddhist monastic life (Yo kho seniya aatitthiyapubbo imasmiC dhammavinaye kaEkhati pabajjaC kaEkhati upasampadaC so cattro mse parivasati. CatunnaC msnaC accayena raddhacitt bhikkhk pabbjenti upasampdenti bhikkhubhvya. Api ca m'ettha puggalavemattat vidit. M.I.391). A similar incident occurs in the Mahvacchagotta XE "Mahvacchagotta"  Sutta with reference to the Paribbjaka XE "Paribbjaka"  Vacchagotta XE "Vacchagotta"  and in the Mgandiya XE "Mgandiya"  Sutta with reference to the Paribbjaka Mgandiya. In the Mahparinibbna XE "Mahparinibbna"  Sutta we come across the story of Subhadda XE "Subhadda" , the last disciple of the Buddha who as an aatitthiyapubba XE "aatitthiyapubba"  was treated similarly by him. The SaCyutta Nikya XE "SaCyutta Nikya"  gives us the story of Acela Kassapa XE "Acela Kassapa"  who receives similar treatment in the hands of the Buddha. However, the Buddha admits in all these cases that the persons concerned are not of the general type contemplated, and that he would hence exempt them from the general requirement. On the other hand, we find Seniya and the rest expressing their willingness to stand the trial and go under probation XE "probation" , not only for four months but even for four years, in order to be admitted to the Buddhist Order. Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa" , who presents them as recognising the purpose of this test, stresses thereby the fact already witnessed in the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  that this was a safeguard against the entry into the Order of men of fickle faith XE "faith"  who change their former beliefs and seek new ones without much conviction (Tato seniyo cintesi aho acchariyaC buddhassanaC yattha evaC ghaCsitv kommetv yuttaC eva gaGhanti ayuttaC cha  ent+'ti. MA.III.106). The Vinaya Pimaka records instances of men who on the slightest provocation revert back to their old order (Tena kho pana samayena yo so aatitthiyapubbo upajjhyena sahadhammikaC vuccamno upajjhyassa vdaC ropetv taC y'eva titthyatanaC saCkami - Vin.I.69). On a careful examination of the above two versions of the Titthiyaparivsa XE "Titthiyaparivsa"  as they appear in the Sutta and Vinaya Pimakas, we notice a considerable difference between them. The statements in the Suttas clearly state that he who seeks admission to the Buddhist Order and higher monastic status therein (pabbajj XE "pabbajj"  and upasampad) must go under probation XE "probation"  for four months, after which the Bhikkhus in authority who are satisfied with his conduct XE "conduct"  admit him into the Order and confer on him the higher monastic status. Thus he is made a Bhikkhu only at the end of this period of probation (CatunnaC msnaC accayena raddhacitt bhikkhk pabbjenti upasampdenti bhikkhubhvya. M.I.391). This statement of the Sutta version is clear enough on the point that both pabbajj and upasampad come after the period of Parivsa XE "Parivsa" . But this passage, which occurs in identical words both in the Majjhima and in the SaCyutta Nikya XE "SaCyutta Nikya" s, seems to cause the commentator no small degree of embarrassment. This is unavoidably so because the tradition preserved in the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  on the imposition of Titthiyaparivsa is at variance with that of the Suttas which is presumably of pre- Khandhaka origin. The details of the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  on this point place the Parivsa XE "Parivsa"  on the newcomer after his admission as a smaGera XE "smaGera" . Here Parivsa is a qualifying test for the conferment of higher monastic status or upasampad and not for admission to recluseship XE "recluseship"  as it is in the Sutta versions (... pabbjenti upasampdenti bhikkhubhvya.). Hence Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa" , commenting on the above statements of the Suttas which place both pabbajj XE "pabbajj"  and upasampad after Parivsa, attempts to dismiss the word pabbajj out of the context as having no meaning of its own (Tattha pabbajjan'ti vacanasilimmhatvasena vuttaC. MA.III.106; SA.II.36f.). At the same time he explains the statements in the Suttas in the light of the Vinaya tradition. In his comments on the Suttas he quotes the version of the Khandhakas (Atha bhagav yo so khandhake titthiyaparivso paatto XE "paatto"  yaC aatitthiyapubbo smaGerabhkmiyaC mhito ... cattro mse parivsaC ycm+'ti din nayena samdiyitv parivasati taC sandhya yo kho seniya aatitthiyapubbo'ti diC ha. Ibid.). He states categorically that the aatitthiyapubba XE "aatitthiyapubba"  receives his ordination without serving the period of probation XE "probation"  under Parivsa. It is only after being ordained as a smaGera that he undertakes to serve the period of Parivsa in order to qualify for the conferment of upasampad (Aparivasitv y'eva hi pabbajjaC labhati. Upasampadatthikena pana na atiklena gmapavesand+ni ammhavattni purentena parivasitabbaC. Ibid.). In this attempt to read into the Suttas an apparently subsequent tradition of the Khandhakas, we see the commentator striving to accord with the tradition of the Vinaya which, in course of time, seems to have overstepped some of the traditions of the Suttas on these monastic matters. However, even in the Khandhakas, all details which pertain to the imposition of Parivsa on an aatitthiyapubba who wishes to join the Buddhist Order seem to follow from a statement which reads more or less the same as in the Suttas. SuttaVinayaYo kho seniya aatitthiyapubbo imasmiC dhammavinaye kaEkhati pabbajjaC kaEkhati upasampadaC so cattro mse parivasati.Yo bhikkhave ao pi aatitthiyapubbo imasmiC dhammavinaye kankhati pabbajjaC kankhati upasampadaC tassa cattro mse parivso dtabbo.Nevertheless, in the matter of details, we see a divergence in these two accounts. SuttaVinayaCatunnaC msnaC accayena raddhacitt bhikkhk pabbjenti upasampdenti bhikkhubhvya.Eva ca pana bhikkhave dtabbo. PamhamaC kesamassuC oharpetv ksyni vatthni acchdpetv ekaCsaC uttarsaEgaC krpetv... AhaC bhante itthannmo aatitthiyapubbo imasmim dhammavinaye kaEkhmi upasampadaC. So'haC bhante saEghaC cattro mse parivsaC ycmi. As against the fossilised traditions of the Suttas which refer to monastic practices, the Vinaya Pimaka, specially the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas" , reveal a more active and living spirit. As such, it provides within its framework for new situations and changing conditions. This tendency becomes abundantly clear when we study in the Khandhakas the history of the acts of pabbajj XE "pabbajj"  and upasampad. In the early history of the Ssana XE "Ssana" , all new converts to the faith XE "faith"  who wished to enter the monastic life were admitted by the Buddha himself at their request. They express their desire in the stereotyped formula which states that they seek pabbajj and upasampad under the Buddha (Labheyy'haC bhante bhagavato santike pabbajjaC labheyyaC upasampadan'ti. Vin.I.12). The Buddha then merely invites them to come and live the monastic life, practising the Dhamma which is open to all, so that they may make a perfect end of all suffering (Ehi bhikkhu cara brahmacariyaC samm dukkhassa antakiriyy'ti. Ibid.). That invitation alone,says the text, constituted the conferment of full monastic status (S'va tassa yasmato upasampad ahosi. Ibid.). But as Buddhism spread over wider territories and the new converts who sought the monastic life increased in numbers, the authority for admission could no longer be centralised in the person of the Buddha. Considering the practical difficulties of time and distance involved, the Buddha deems it fit to transfer this authority to his disciples (Etarahi kho bhikkhk nn dis nn janapad pabbajjpekkhe ca upasampadpekkhe ca nenti bhagav ne pabbjessati upasampdeasat+'ti. Tattha bhikkhk c'eva kilamanti pabbajjpekkh ca upasampadpekkh ca. Yannkn'haC bhikkhknaC anujneyyaC tumh'eva'dni bhikkhave tsu tsu dissu tesu tesu janapadesu pabbjetha upasampdeth'ti. Vin.I.22). Henceforth, by a simple avowal of faith in the Buddha, Dhamma and SaEgha the new converts are to gain both pabbajj and upasampad (Anujnmi bhikkhave imehi t+hi saraGagamanehi pabbajjaC upasampadan'ti. Ibid.). But the power vested in the disciples, as individuals, for the conferment of upasampad in the above manner was soon withdrawn and the collective organization of the SaEgha made the sole authority for that. This change, no doubt, must have come about with the growing importance of upasampad as the hallmark of full membership in the monastic Order and the possible indiscreet conferment of it according to individual whims and fancies. Upasampad XE "Upasampad"  is now to be conferred by a formal resolution before the SaEgha, informing the members of the SaEgha of the identity of the applicant and his preceptor XE "preceptor"  (Y s bhikkhave may t+hi saraGagamanehi upasampad anut t'haC ajjatagge pamikkhipmi. Anujnmi bhikkhave atticatutthena kammena upasampdetuC. Eva ca pana bhikkhave upasampdetabbo. Vyattena bhikkun pamibalena saEgho petabbo suGtu me bhante saEgho ayaC itthannmo itthannmassa yasmato upasampadpekkho. Yadi saEghassa pattakallaC saEgho itthannmaC upasampdeyya itthannmena upajjhyena. Es atti. Vin.1.56). The Samantapsdik, in explaining the circumstances which brought about this change, says that the Buddha wished to attach greater dignity to the conferment of upasampad by bringing it under the authority of the collective organization of the SaEgha (RdhabrhamaGavatthusmiC kinc'pi yasm sriputto bhagavat brGasiyaC t+hi saraGagamanehi anutaC pabbajja c'eva upasampada ca jnti bhagav pana taC lahukaC upasampadaC pamikkhipitv atticatutthakammena garukaC katv upasampadaC anutukmo. Atha'ssa thero ajjhsayaC viditv kath'haC bhante taC brhmaGaC pabbjemi upasampdem+'ti ha. VinA.V.983). On the other hand, we find the earlier act of pabbajj XE "pabbajj"  by the avowal of faith XE "faith"  in the tisaraGa which was coupled with the act of upasampad reaffirmed in isolation under the new name of smaGerapabbajj XE "smaGerapabbajj"  (Anujnmi bhikkhave imehi t+hi saraGagamanehi smaGerapabbajjan'ti. Vin.I.82). This apparently reflects the phase of monasticism in which young converts were being admitted into the Order as noviciates or smaGera XE "smaGera"  with no immediate thoughts of upasampad. Here, the Samantapsdik suggests that this reaffirmation was necessary because of the possible misunderstanding regarding the performance of the act of pabbajj after the act of upasampad was isolated from it. Arguing that in the past pabbajj and upasampad were closely identified, the monks would be in doubt, it is said, whether the pabbajj should now be performed like the upasampad by the method of kammavc or by the threefold avowal of faith in the original manner. The details of procedure XE "procedure"  in the imposition of Titthiyaparivsa XE "Titthiyaparivsa"  as are described in the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  thus seem to follow from this distinction between the smanerapabbajj and upasampad and hence the consequent deflection of the tradition in the Vinaya Pimaka which now stands in marked contrast to the fossilised version of the Sutta Pimaka XE "Sutta Pimaka" . CHAPTER XI Additional Punitive Regulations In the Kammakkhandhaka XE "Kammakkhandhaka"  of the Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga"  we meet with another collection of disciplinary acts which are of a more general character in that, unlike the penalties of Parivsa XE "Parivsa"  and Mnatta XE "Mnatta" , they are not directly derived from the code XE "code"  of the Ptimokkha. The Kammakkhandhaka has five different kammas or acts of punishment XE "punishment"  of varying degrees of severity which are recommended for certain shortcominga and reprehensible features in the behaviour of members of the monastic community. They are: 1. Tajjaniya kamma XE "Tajjaniya kamma"  : Act of Censure 2. Nissaya kamma XE "Nissaya kamma"  : Act of Subordination 3. Pabbjaniya kamma XE "Pabbjaniya kamma"  : Act of Banishment XE "Act of Banishment"  4. PamisraGiya Kamma : Act of Reconciliation 5. Ukkhepaniya Kamma : Act of Suspension The following enumeration of monastic failings is given in the Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga"  as applying to the Tajjaniya, Nissaya, Pabbjaniya and Ukkhepaniya kamma XE "Ukkhepaniya kamma" s. A. 1. When a Bhikkhu is a maker of strife XE "strife" , quarrelsome, a maker of disputes, given to idle talk, and raises legal XE "legal"  questions in the Sagha. 2. When he is ignorant, unaccomplished, full of offences and heedless of injunctions. 3. If he lives in company with householders, in unbecoming association with householders. B. 1. If in regard to moral XE "moral"  habit, he comes to have fallen away from moral habit. 2. If in regard to good habits, he comes to have fallen away from good habits. 3. If in regard to right views, he comes to have fallen away from right views. C. 1. If he speaks dispraise of the Buddha. 2. If he speaks dispraise of the Dhamma. 3. If he speaks dispraise of the Sagha. If a Bhikkhu is marked by the qualities of any one of the above groups, the SEgha may subject him to any one of the five kammas mentioned earlier, barring the PamisraGiya. The Pabbjaniya-kamma XE "kamma"  has besides these a few additions of its own which may be summed up as frivolity and misdemeanour through word and deed. The PamisraGiya-kamma XE "kamma"  or the Act of Reconciliation is in a class by itself, in that it concerns itself solely with the relations of the monk with the laymen so far as he tends to damage the interests of the laymen and abuses the Buddha, Dhamma and the SaEgha in their presence. This punishment XE "punishment"  may be carried out on any monk who is guilty XE "guilty"  of any one of the offences mentioned in the two following groups: D. 1. If he tries for non-receiving of gains by householders. 2. If he tries for non-proflting by householders. 3. If he tries for non-residence XE "residence"  for householders. 4. If he reviles and abuses householders. 5. If he causes householder to break with householder. E. 1. If he speaks dispraise of the Buddha to householders. 2. If he speaks dispraise of the Dhamma to householders. 3. If he speaks dispraise of the Sagha to householders. 4. If he jeers at a householder with a low thing, if he scoffs at him with a low thing. 5. If he does not fulfil a promise made in accordance with the rules to the laymen. Some of these vicious aspects of character for which these punishments are laid down are, however, not unknown to the Ptimokkha where they are recorded with a different emphasis in relation to its own regulations. These, when viewed in their entirety, are weaknesses which would possibly arise among the members of the SaEgha and are harmful to their religious perfection as well as the solidarity and well-being of their communal life against which not only the Vinaya but also some of the Suttas are eloquent. Of these, the first and the most outstanding is the group of faults consisting of making strife XE "strife" , quarrels and disputes, and raising legal XE "legal"  questions in the SaEgha. These are listed among the conditions which justify prosecution XE "prosecution"  under four out of the five kamma XE "kamma" . Monks who are makers of strife seem to have been a positive danger both to the religion and to the monastic organization not only among the Buddhists but in other religious groups as well. It is recorded in the Smagma XE "Smagma"  Sutta that soon after the death of NigaGmhantaputta XE "NigaGmhantaputta" , his disciples were divided and they quarrelled and disputed and reviled each other on what they called differences of opinion with regard to the teachings of their master (Tena kho pana samayena nigaGmho ntaputto pvyaC adhun klakato hoti. Tassa klakiriyya bhinn nigaGmh dvedhikajt bhaG anajt kalahajt vivdpann aamaaC mukhasatt+hi vitudant viharanti na tvaC imaC dhammavinayaC jnsi ahaC dhammavinayaC jnmi......niggah+to'si cara vdappamokkhya nibbemhehi v sace pahos+'ti. M.II.243). Thus they completely lost favour with their lay-followers. (Ye pi nigaGmhassa ntaputtassa svak gih+ odtavasan te'pi nigaGmhesu ntaputtiyesu nibbinnarup virattarkp pamivGarup yath taC durakkhte dhammavinaye... bhinnathkpe appamisaraGe. Ibid.244). The arrogance and intolerance with which the fellow-religionists despised the views of one another seems to have been the cause of most of these contentions. The Bahuvedaniya XE "Bahuvedaniya"  Sutta gives a very realistic analysis of the cause of such disputes. There the Buddha says that as far as his teaching is concerned, one should respect and endorse another's views if they conform to the proper canons. In the absence of such mutual respect and tolerance, the inevitable result would be strife XE "strife"  and disunity, and people would go about attacking one another with pungent words. The Upakkilesa Sutta records one such instance where disturbances took place in alarming proportions during the life-time of the Buddha himself (EkaC samayaC bhagav kosambiyaC viharati ghositrme. Tena kho pana samayena kosambiyaC bhikkhk bhaG anajt kalahajt vivdpann aamaaC mukhasatt+hi vitudant viharanti. M.III.152). The Buddha, being unable to settle the dispute XE "dispute" , leaves Kosambi XE "Kosambi"  in despair and comes to Pc+navaCsadya XE "Pc+navaCsadya"  where the three disciples Anuruddha XE "Anuruddha" , Nandiya XE "Nandiya"  and Kimbila XE "Kimbila"  are living in perfect concord (Taggha mayaC bhante samagg sammodamn avivadamn kh+rodak+bhkt aamaaC piyacakkhkhi sampassant viharm'ti. Ibid.156). They tell the Buddha that the secret of their success is mutual respect and consideration, and their determination to eliminate the spirit of self assertion. `We value the company of our fellow-celibates ', each one of them says, and we bear nothing but love towards them in thought, word and deed at all times. We willingly fall in line with their likes and dislikes, and thus though we are many in body are only one in mind (So kho ahaC bhante sakaC cittaC nikkhipitv imesaC yeva yasmantnaC cittassa vasena vattmi. Nn hi kho no bhante ky eka ca pana mae cittan'ti. Ibid.) We also find this story recorded in the Vinaya Pimaka. Speaking of the danger of disputes among the members of the SaEgha, the Buddha says in the Smagma XE "Smagma"  Sutta that he considers the disputes over disciplinary matters (ajjhj+ve v adhiptimokkhe v) to be trifling when compared with possible disputes about the teaching or the religious life (magge v pamipadya v) which would lead to the detriment and degeneration of great many beings. There is little doubt that the Buddha considered complete discipline in thought, word and deed as essential for all progress. But the above comments clearly show the relatively secondary importance which the Buddha attached to discipline in its mere outward form in contrast to the more fundamental teachings of the doctrine and their practice in the religious life. The Sutta makes a plea, and no legislation XE "legislation" , for the elimination of the causes of these disputes which it analyses as consisting of the following: Anger and ill will: kodhano hoti upanh+ Hypocrisy and malice: makkh+ hoti pals+ Jealousy and envy: issuk+ hoto macchar+ Deceit and fraud: saho hoti myv+ Evil intentions and false beliefs: ppiccho hoti micchdimmh+ Obstinacy and dogmatism: sandimmhaparmas+ hoti dhnagh+ duppaminissagg+ The perpetuation of such vicious traits by those leading the monastic life, it is said, leads to their lack of respect and regard for the Buddha, Dhamma and the SaEgha and also to the neglect of their own religious life. It is in such a state of affairs that disputes and quarrels would arise among the members of the SaEgha (Yo so nanda bhikkhu kodhano hoti upanh+ ... so satthari'pi agravo viharati appatisso dhamme'pi ... saEghe'pi ... sikkhya'pi na paripkrakr+ hoti ... so saEghe vivdaC janeti. M.II.245f.). Thus we see that the Suttas approach the problem from a different angle. Leaving it to the Vinaya to legislate against such indiscipline the Suttas analyse the causes of these and attempt to remedy them by advocating personal inner development. There are some items in the Ptimokkha which seem to be related in some ways to those monastic failings, viz. disputes etc., referred to above. Their inclusion in the Ptimokkha reveals the fact that they were not only prevalent in the early days of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  when the Ptimokkha was being evolved, but that they were also considered serious enough in their day to be legislated against. Thus a number of minor regulations which are calculated to arrest such indiscipline expressing itself in different ways have come to be laid down. Although the violation of most of these regulations entail no serious punishments, they certainly reveal a stricter and sterner attitude to monastic indiscipline than the Suttas, which counted more on appeals and admonitions for ethical XE "ethical"  re-orientation. In addition to these disputes which are referred to both in the Vinaya and in the Suttas as bhaG ana, kalaha, and vivda, we find litigiousness XE "litigiousness"  (saEghe adhikaraGakraka) too, added to this group at times. The need for this addition evidently arose as a safeguard against the abuse of the machinery which is set up for the maintenance of monastic discipline. The history of SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  8 clearly shows how jealous and embittered persons within the monastic community may, in a spirit of revenge, misuse the law XE "law" . A close scrutiny of the details of these kamma XE "kamma"  show that they give to these Acts the widest scope and unrestricted authority for prosecution XE "prosecution"  and punishment XE "punishment"  in the interests of the religion and the monastic organization. Development of character and cultivation of the religious life, fitting into the harmonious life of the community, maintaining proper relations with the laymen, all these come within the jurisdiction of these Kamma. They also watch over the loyalty to the religion and the Order to which the members belong. The PamisraGiyakamma makes special provision to safeguard the interests of the laymen in the hands of the monks. The monks are forbidden to do anything which damages the interests of the laymen or to bring about a cleavage between the religion and its lay patrons. We give below the special situations in which these kamma XE "kamma"  as forms of punishment XE "punishment"  are said to have had their origin. Punishment Offence Persons concernedTajjaniya: Act of CensureBeing quarrelsome and litigantFollowers of PaGduka and Lohitaka who instigate other monks to fight and revolt. Vin. II. 1 f.Nissaya: Act of Subordination which compels the offender XE "offender"  to live under the tutelage XE "tutelage"  of anotherIgnorance and indisciplineVen. Seyyasaka XE "Seyyasaka"  who was stupid and constantly committed offences and did not conduct XE "conduct"  himself properly with the laymen. Ibid. 7 f.Pabbjaniya: Act of Puni- shment which removes the offender XE "offender"  from the area of his residence XE "residence" Bringing the families of the area into disrepute by their own bad behaviourFollowers of Assaji XE "Assaji"  and Punabbasu XE "Assaji and Punabbasu"  who by their licentious behaviour corrupted the lay patrons of K+mgiri. XE "K+mgiri"  Ibid. 9 f.Paisraiya: Act of Reconciliation which requires the offender XE "offender"  to apologise to the aggrived partyStrained relations with the laymenVen. Sudhamma XE "Sudhamma"  who abused the householder Citta XE "Citta"  who was his lay patron. Ibid.15 f.Ukkhepaniya: Act of Suspension whereby the offender XE "offender"  is temporarily barred from the company of monks in accepting or giving food, XE "food"  in religious discussions and in ceremonial acts of the SaEgha. This act is further characterised by the proclamation which is to be issued to all monasteries XE "monasteries"  giving the name of the monk on whom this boycott XE "boycott"  has been imposed.Refusal to admit or atone for one's offences or false views regarding the Dhamma.Ven. Channa XE "Channa"  who refused to admit his offence XE "offence"  and atone for it and Ven. Arimmha XE "Arimmha"  who refused to give up his heresy. XE "heresy"  Ibid.21f, 25f. The most comprehensive chapter in Buddhist monastic legislation XE "legislation"  comes to us in the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  under the section known as the Samathakkhandhaka XE "Samathakkhandhaka" . This deals with seven different ways (satta adhikaraGasamatha) by means of which, it is claimed, that all forms of disciplinary action within the monastic community could be carried out. The seven AdhikaraGasamathas are as follows. 1.Sammukhvinaya XE "Sammukhvinaya"  : `by a verdict in the presence of' Vin.II.73f.2.Sativinaya XE "Sativinaya" : `by a verdict of innocence'Ibid.74-803.Amk7havinaya XE "Amk7havinaya"  : `by a verdict of past insanity'Ibid.80-834.PamitakaraGa: `the carrying out on the acknowledgement'Ibid.83 f.5.Yebhuyyasik XE "Yebhuyyasik" :`by the decision of the majority'Ibid.84f.6.Tassappiyyasik XE "Tassappiyyasik"  : `by an act of condemnation for specific depravity'Ibid.85f.7.TiGavatthraka XE "TiGavatthraka" : `by the covering up with grass'Ibid.86-88 These lay down procedure XE "procedure"  for the correction of monastic indiscipline, for the settlement of disputes and strifes among the members of the SaEgha, and for the valid execution of monastic Acts. There is very little doubt about the recognition and prestige which this section of the law XE "law"  enjoyed from the earliest times. For AdhikaraGas seem to have been a matter of common occurrence even in the early days of the Ssana XE "Ssana" . The word is used in the sense of going into litigation, of charging a fellow-member of the SaEgha with an offence XE "offence" , maliciously or with valid reasons. The text of SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  8 bears testimony to this. (Yo pana bhikkhu bhikkhuC dummho doso appat+to amklakena prjikena dhammena anuddhaCseyya app'eva nma naC imamh brahmacariy cveyyan'ti. Tato aparena samayena samanugghiyamno v asamanugghiyamno v amklak c'eva taC adhikaraGaC hoti bhikkhu ca dosaC patimmhti saEghdiseso. Vin.III.163). In the Kakackpama XE "Kakackpama"  Sutta, the monk Moliyaphagguna XE "Moliyaphagguna"  accuses, in a spirit of retaliation, his fellow brethren who criticise the conduct XE "conduct"  of the nuns with whom he closely associates (Sace ko ci bhikkhu yasmato moliyaphaggunassa sammukh tsaC bhikkhun+naC avaGGaC bhsati ten'yasm moliyaphagguno kupito anattamano adhikaraGaC'pi karoti. M.I.122). It is felt that this litigant character of individual monks is not a healthy sign and much is said in praise of those who refrain from such litigations and advocate the effective termination of such conditions wherever they appear (YaC'pi bhikkhave bhikkhu na adhikaraGiko hoti adhikaraGasamathassa vaGGavd+ ayam'pi dhammo piyattya garuttya bhvanya smaya ek+bhvya samvattati. A.V.167). The skill in arresting the rise of such disputes and disturbances is considered a qualification for election to responsible monastic positions such as membership in a committee of arbitration which is known as Ubbhik XE "Ubbhik"  (Dasah' aEgehi samanngato bhikkhu ubbkhikya sammannitabbo.....adhikaraGasamuppda-vkpasamanakusalo hoti....Vin.II.95; A.V.71). It also leads to the personal well-being of the members of the monastic community (Dasahi bhikkhave dhammehi samanngato thero bhikkhu yassaC yassaC disyaC viharati phsu yeva viharati. Katamehi dasahi... adhikaraGasamuppdavkpasamakusalo hoti. A.V.201). These seven modes of AdhikaraGasamatha XE "AdhikaraGasamatha"  are referred to both in the Suttas and in the Vinaya. (Satta kho pan' ime nanda akhikaraGasamath uppannuppannnaC adhikaraGnaC samathya vkpasamya. Sammukhvinayo dtabbo sativinayo dtabbo amk7havinayo dtabbo pamiya kretabbaC yebhuyyasik tassa ppiyyasik tiGavatthrako. M.II.247. See also D.III.254; A.IV.1.44; Vin.II.73-104; IV.207). We shall first examine them as they are presented to us in the Vinaya Pimaka. The first of these, the Sammukhvinaya XE "Sammukhvinaya" , recognises the principle that no penalties or punishments should be imposed on an offender XE "offender"  in his absence (Na bhikkhave asammukh+bhktnaC bhikkhknaC kammaC ktabbaC tajjaniyaC v nissayaC v pabbjaniyaC v pamisraGiyaC v ukkhepaniyaC v. Yo kareyya patti dukkamassa. Vin.II.73). PamitakaraGa XE "PamitakaraGa"  which appears as the fourth in the Vinaya text provides that such disciplinary action should also be taken with the acknowledgement of the guilty XE "guilty"  monk. (Na bhikkhave apamiya bhikkhknaC kammaC ktabbaC tajjaniyaC v... ukkhepaniyaC v. Yo kareyya patti dukkamassa. Vin.II.83). Both these conditions are regarded as essential to give validity to the daG akamma XE "daG akamma"  or acts of punishment XE "punishment"  which are outside the regulations of the Ptimokkha in their origin and character. Failure to comply with these requirements would render such an act invalid. In the fourfold division of the adhikaraGas, this latter form of samatha XE "samatha" , namely PamitakaraGa seems also to be made use of in the settlement of pattdhikaraGa XE "pattdhikaraGa"  which is almost entirely based on the Ptimokkha. Sammukhvinaya, on the other hand, is a pre-requisite in the settlement of all the four forms of adhikaraGa. Tassappiyyasik XE "Tassappiyyasik"  which is listed as No. 6 under the AdhikaraGasamatha XE "AdhikaraGasamatha"  seems to be very different from the rest in that it has a great deal more in common with the daG akamma XE "daG akamma"  as a means of maintaining order in the community. In fact, both Samanta-psdik and Vimativinodan+ consider this to be on the same footing as the other daG akamma. Speaking of the Tassappiyyasik, the Samantapsdik says that the details concerning this are the same as in the Tajjaniya and other daG akamma (SesaC ettha tajjan+ydisu vuttanayaC eva. VinA.VI.1193). The Vimativinodan+ elaborates further on this comment and says that this is intended to serve as an act of prosecution XE "prosecution"  whereby it would be possible to punish XE "punish"  an offender XE "offender"  who refuses to accept the judgement of the SaEgha. (SesaC ettha tajjan+ydisu vuttanayam ev'ti etena tajjan+ydisattakammni viya idam pi tassappiyyasikkammam asucibhvdidosayuttassa saEghassa ca vinicchaye atimmhamnassa kattabbaC visuC ekaC niggahakamman'ti dasseti. Vmativinodani.452.f.). It is virtually an act of condemnation carried out on a monk for corrupt, shameless and reprehensible behaviour. It is also carried out on one who deliberately lies and attempts to evade a charge laid upon him. The details of the offences for which it is imposed and the proper mode of conducting oneself under this penalty XE "penalty"  are identical, more or less, with those of the other daGdakamma. It lays down no specific punishment XE "punishment"  but it was perhaps used more effectively as a general act of stigmatisation whereby a vociferous offender was prevented from evading prosecution with a garrulous defence. This stigmatisation would forthwith arrest such indiscipline. The Vimativinodan+ confirms this view (EtasmiC hi niggahakamme kate so puggalo ahaC suddho'ti attano suddhiy sdhanatthaC saEghamajjhaC otarituC saEgho c'assa vinicchayaC dtuC na labhati taCkammakaraGamatten'eva ca tam adhikaraGaC vkpasantaC hoti. Vimt.453). Accordig to the KaEkhvitara+ it would result in the complete elimination from the monastic community of a Prjika XE "Prjika"  offender or the possible correction of a lesser offence XE "offence"  committed by one of its members. (Yad pana prjikena v prjiksmantena v codiyamnassa aen'aaC pamicarato pp'ussannatt ppiyassa puggalassa sac'yaC acchinnamklo bhavissati samm vattitv osaraGaC labhissati. Sace chinnamklo ayam 'ev'assa nsan bhavissat+'ti maamno saEgho atticatutthena kammena tassappiyyasikaC kammaC karoti. Kkvt.155) . On the other hand, Sativinaya XE "Sativinaya"  and Amk7havinaya XE "Amk7havinaya"  provide against any possible miscarriage of justice in the monastic administration XE "administration" . The legal XE "legal"  machinery it to be operated with humane considerations and it is not to be abused through malice, jealousy or prejudice. Sativinaya is intended for the exoneration XE "exoneration"  of a guiltless XE "guiltless"  monk who is falsely accused by malicious parties. This absolution XE "absolution"  from guilt XE "guilt"  is to be conferred, relying on the mental XE "mental"  alertness of the person concerned (Sativepullappattassa sativinayaC dadeyya. Vin.II.80). According to the Samantapsdik, this is then applicable only to the Arahants and to none below that level of perfection and reliability (AyaC pana sativinayo kh+Gsavass'eva dtabbo na aassa antamaso angmino'pi. VinA.VI.1192). It is to be carried out by a competent body of monks at the request of the aggrieved person. The Amk7havinaya seeks exemption for offences committed in a state of unsound mind. The Bhikkhu who is guilty XE "guilty"  of such an offence XE "offence" , on regaining his mental equilibrium, confesses to the SaEgha the circumstances under which the offence came to be committed and states that he does not remember it thereafter. Inspite of this consideration, it is added, he may be wrongfully prosecuted for the same. The Amk7havinaya provides the exoneration of such a monk from the guilt of an offence committed in a state of unsound mind. But it is to be applied only in bona fide cases and the Vinaya legislates against offenders taking shelter under this, claiming falsely a lapse of memory or pretending to be of unsound mind. Under such circumstances the exercise of this power is declared to be illegal. The Yebhuyyasik XE "Yebhuyyasik"  and the TiGavatthraka XE "TiGavatthraka"  as disciplinary measures are different from the rest of the AdhikaraGasamathas in that they are not only interested in safeguarding the moral XE "moral"  tone of the character of individuals but also are concerned with settling their disputes and adjudicating over breaches of discipline in such a way that the concord of the monastic community may not be impaired. This is the dominant note of the TiGavatthraka. It does recognise the existence of contending parties in the SaEgha and the possible break up of the monastic unity through their factional differences. Under such circumstances, even in the face of offences committed (bahuC assmaGakaC ajjhciGGaC hoti bhsitaparikantaC. Vin.II.86), the members of one faction shall not proceed to institute disciplinary action against members belonging to the other group for fear of breaking the unity of the SaEgha (Sace mayam imhi patt+hi aamaaC kreyyma siy'pi tam adhikaraGaC kakka7attya vlattya bhedya samvatteyya. Ibid.). But both parties are to meet in the full assembly of the SaEgha, and with the consent of the SaEgha agree to have the offences committed by their members dealt with by means of this collective disciplinary measure known as 'covering up with grass' (Yadi saEghassa pattakallaC saEgho imam adhikaraGaC tiGavatthrakena sameyya mhapetv thklavajjaC mhapetv gihipamisaCyuttan'ti. Ibid.87). The leaders of the two factions would obtain the sanction of their groups to declare before the SaEgha, for this purpose, the offences committed by themselves as well as by the members of their respective groups (Ekato pakkhiknaC bhikkhknaC vyattena bhikhun pamibalena sako pakkho petabbo... yad'yasmantnaC pattakallaC ahaC y c' eva yasmantnaC patti y ca attano patti yasmantna c'eva atthya attano ca atthya sEghamajjhe tiGavatthrakena deseyyaC. Ibid.). The offences which could be treated in this manner were invariably minor in character in that they excluded the major offences (thullavajja XE "thullavajja" ) which the Samantapsdik explains as Prjika XE "Prjika"  and SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa" . It was also necessary that these breaches of discipline did not involve the laymen (gihipamisaCyuttam). It is claimed that by this process of TiGavatthraka all participants are absolved of their guilt XE "guilt"  of any transgression, barring those specified above. Absentees and dissentients do not benefit by this (Eva ca pana bhikkhave te bhikkhk thi patt+hi vummhit honti mhapetv thklavajjaC mhapetv dimmhvikammaC mhapetv ye na tattha hont+'ti. Vin.II.88). The Yebhuyyasik XE "Yebhuyyasik"  as described in the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  is perhaps the most complex of all the AdhikaraGasamathas. It is worked out in a rather protracted manner and is resorted to only after the failure of other methods. When it has been found that it is not possible to settle a monastic dispute XE "dispute"  within the confines of the monastery where it occurred by the method of Sammukhvinaya XE "Sammukhvinaya" , the Khandhakas suggest that those Bhikkhus who are connected with it should take the matter to the members of another monastery who are greater in number, and by mutual agreement the monks who are the hosts would settle the dispute. However, it is added that such a large group might possibly become unweildy and that no useful purpose would be served by deliberations in such an assembly. In such a situation the monks are empowered to refer the matter to a select committee (ubbhik) for a settlement (Sammato saEghena itthannmo ca itthannmo ca bhikkhk ubbhikya imam adhikaraGaC vkpasametuC. Vin.II.96). Ten qualifications are insisted on for consideration for membership in such a committee. These cover not only good and virtuous conduct XE "conduct"  but also a thorough knowledge of the Dhamma and the Vinaya. Every member of such a committee had also to be a good judge and authority on the exercise of disciplinary powers. If it is discovered that the dispute cannot be settled in this manner, it must be referred back to the whole SaEgha for settlement by the decision of the majority (yebhuyyasik). In the description of the AdhikaraGasamatha XE "AdhikaraGasamatha"  in the Khandhakas we fine that the Yebhuyyasik assumes a more restricted connotation in contrast to its description in the Sutta version. It is claimed to be an act whereby the SaEgha assures itself that, at the time of a division, the righteous monks would be in the majority. Thus it is not a decision arrived at by merely taking a vote XE "vote" . The Samantapsdik reiterates the same idea (Yebhuyyasikya vkpasametun'ti ettha yassa kiriyya dhammavdino bahutar es yebhuyyasik nma. VinA.VI.1192). By the method of direct and indirect canvassing the SaEgha must assure itself of a majority for the righteous cause. For this purpose three forms of voting are recommended. They are secret ballot XE "ballot"  (gk7haka XE "gk7haka" ), whispering in the ear (sakaGGajappaka XE "sakaGGajappaka" ) and open ballot (vivamaka). A reliable monk who is not inclined to err on account of his partialities or prejudices (chand dos), confusion or fear (moh bhay) and who is capable of reckoning the votes as they are cast (gahitgahita ca jneyya) is appointed to distribute the ballot-sticks (salkaghpaka XE "salkaghpaka" ). In the case of secret ballot, two distinct groups of ballot-sticks have to be used (salkyo vaGGvaGGyo katv - Vin.II.99). The Commentary on the above statement takes vaGGvaGGyo to mean that the sticks of each group bear a special sign on them and look different (VaGGvaGGyo katv'ti dhammavd+na ca adhammavd+na ca salkyo nimittasaaC ropetv visabhg kretabb - VinA.VI.1198). The Vimativinodan+ adds that these differences may be slight or great (VaGGvaGGyo katv'ti khuddakamahantehi saGehi yuttyo katv ten'ha nimittasaam ropetv'ti. Vimt.456). Going up to each monk in turn, the salkaghpaka, i. e. the one who distributes ballot sticks, should introduce the ballot-sticks and ask him to take the one of his choice. Once the voter has made a decision he is asked not to show his voting stick to any other. At this stage, if the salkaghpaka knows that the unrighteous monks are in the majority, he should then declare the voting null and void on grounds of incorrect procedure XE "procedure"  and set about taking a vote XE "vote"  over again (...duggahito'ti paccukka  hitabbaC. Vin.II.99). But if the righteous monks are in the majority, even by a single vote, then he should announce that the voting has been valid (Ekasmim'pi dhammavdismiC atireke jte suggahit salkyo'ti svetabbaC. VinA.VI.1198). The SakaGGajappakasalkagha or the method of voting by whispering in the ear is different from the former only in so far as the announcement to each monk is made in a whisper and he is asked not to inform the others of his decision (Gahite vattabbo m kassa ci roceh+'ti. Vin.II.99). The Vivamakasalkagha or the method of voting by open ballot is adopted only where a majority of righteous monks is assured. The Samantapsdik seems to know a great deal more about the art of securing a majority for what it calls the just cause. It allows a fresh vote XE "vote"  to be taken up to a third time with the hope of securing a majority, dismissing the former on grounds of incorrect procedure XE "procedure" . But if no majority is secured as desired even at the third voting, the assembly should then adjourn with the idea of meeting again the next day. This would give time and opportunity to the righteous monks to canvass support for their cause before the next vote is taken and be able thereby to shatter the opposition (Atha yvatatiyam'pi adhammavdino bahutar'va honti ajja aklo sve jnissm'ti vummhahitv alajj+naC pakkhaC vibhedatthya dhammavdipakkhaC pariyesitv punadivase salkagho ktabbo. VinA.VI.1198). Under the SakaGGajappaka form of voting too, the Samantapsdik has a very similar comment which reflects the same spirit of defending by all possible means what is chosen to be the righteous position. Gahite vattabbo of the text quoted above which is applicable in general to all monks of the assembly during the SakaGGajappakasalkagha is commented on in the Samantapsdik as referring to a specal situation, viz. the vote of the SaEghatthera or the president of the assembly. It is said that if he chooses to vote on the side of the unrighteous monks, it should be pointed out to him that it is not in keeping with his age or seniority. Thereafter, if he decides to vote with the righteous monks, a voting-stick of the right kind should be provided. If he does not change his mind, on the other hand, he should be asked to keep his decision a secret. The interest in the AdhikaraGasamathas as measures for the settlement of disciplinary matters in the SaEgha is further enhanced when we compare and contrast the details regarding these in the Suttas and in the Vinaya. The lists of AdhikaraGasamathas which are given in Pali literature, both Sutta and Vinaya, are identical in all cases. However, the descriptions of the AdhikaraGasamathas given in the Smagma XE "Smagma"  Sutta seem to be in marked contrast to the account in the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas" . One is immediately impressed by the simplicity of these disciplinary measures as they are described in the Sutta account. The monastic irregularities which come under review and the manner of dealing with them here are far from the complexity which one associates with these in the Khandhakas. Allusions to the imposition of daG akamma XE "daG akamma"  are conspicuous by their absence in the Sutta account. It does not seem to portray such a phase of the SaEgha when the imposition of formal acts of punishment XE "punishment"  on its members had become a regular feature. On the other hand, what appears to us from the Sutta account is the desire of the members to remedy and rectify any errors and irregularities that might appear in the SaEgha and the frankness and willingness with which these are confessed and atoned for in the company of the fellow members. This difference in the enforcement of discipline comes out with marked emphasis on a study of the form of the AdhikaraGasamatha XE "AdhikaraGasamatha"  known as PamitakaraGa XE "PamitakaraGa" . The primary interest of the Khandhakas in this form is for the proper imposition of daG akammas. The Khandhakas insist that under the PamitakaraGa no punishment or penalty XE "penalty"  (i.e. the daG akamma mentioned earlier) is to be imposed without the offender XE "offender"  admitting his fault. It is essentially a matter of procedure XE "procedure"  in monastic disciplinary action. On the other hand, the Sutta account takes it as a way in which the repetition of monastic offences may be averted. It seems to provide adequately against what is described as pattdhikaraGa XE "pattdhikaraGa"  or offences against the injunctions of the Ptimokkha. A monk who has committed such an offence XE "offence" , whether urged by others or not, recognises it and confesses his guilt XE "guilt" . He is then asked to address himself to a senior member of the Order, and owning and admitting his offence, undertake to guard himself in the future. Thus the occurrence and perpetuation of monastic offences would be eliminated. It is also with the same purpose in mind, as in the case of the PamitakaraGa XE "PamitakaraGa" , that the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  take up the Sammukhvinaya XE "Sammukhvinaya" . Here too, it is the proper execution of the daG akamma XE "daG akamma"  that seems to engage the attention of the Khandhakas. But the Sutta account, once again, has no reference whatwoever here to the daG amma. It looks upon the Sammukhvinaya as a disciplinary measure related directly to VivddhikaraGa XE "VivddhikaraGa"  or disturbances in the monastic community arising out of disputes concerning the doctrine or monastic discipline. Under the Sammukhvinaya, the Sutta recommends that in such a situation all monks should meet together and settle such disputes correctly in a way that would accord with the Dhamma, perhaps here in the broader sense which includes the Vinaya as well. The Sutta suggests that monks should, at such a meeting, apply the criteria of the Dhamma (dhammanetti XE "dhammanetti" ) and straighten out the differences in conformity to it (Tehi nanda bhikkhkhi sabbeh'eva samaggehi sannipatitabbaC sannipatitv dhammanetti samanumajjitabb dhammanettiC samanumajjitv yath tattha sameti tath taC adhikaraGaC vkpasametabbaC. EvaC kho nanda sammukhvinayo hoti. M.II.247.). The commentary on the above passage also takes this allusion to mean a careful and sensible scrutiny to the situation with the criteria of the dhamma (Dhammanetti samanumajjitabb'ti dhammarajju anumajjitabb Gena ghaCsitabb upaparikkhitabb.. MA.IV.48). The Suta account recommends that this same method be adopted for the Yebhuyyasik XE "Yebhuyyasik"  too. If the monks in a particular monastic residence XE "residence"  are unable to settle a monastic dispute XE "dispute"  among themselves, then they are asked to seek the assistance of monks in another monastery where they are greater in number. However, the method of deciding such issues by voting as in the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  is not envisaged here. The limitations of such a routine method were perhaps too obvious. It is not the mere mechanism of procedure XE "procedure"  that is vital here. The monastic ideals are to be safeguarded at all costs. Once the method of voting is adopted, and this is the stage the Yebhuyyasik has reached in the Khandhakas, one could not hazard any miscarriage of justice by relying solely on the externals of procedure. This naturally necessitated the practice of canvassing for the righteous cause, for the spirit of democracy in the SaEgha, in ay case, had to be channelled for the achievement of its worthy ideals. In the Sutta account both Amk7havinaya XE "Amk7havinaya"  and Tassappiyyasik XE "Tassappiyyasik"  bring before us miscreants who try to defend themselves by denying the charges brought against them. The Tassappiyyasik in particular is calculated to tighten the ring round such evasive characters (TaC enaC nibbemhentaC ativemheti. M.II.248). Persuation and pressure are continuously applied until the offender XE "offender"  stands condemned on his own admission. Here it gives no indication of a daG akamma XE "daG akamma"  whatsoever. Under the Amk7havinaya a guilty XE "guilty"  monk may, under cross examination, adduce a stage of mental XE "mental"  derangement as a mitigating factor. He may thereby be completely absolved. The TiGavatthraka XE "TiGavatthraka"  and the Sativinaya XE "Sativinaya"  remain more or less the same in both the Sutta and the Vinaya accounts. The AdhikaraGasamathas, as part of the machinery for the maintenance of monastic discipline, concern themselves with all the four forms of adhikaraGa including pattdhikaraGa XE "pattdhikaraGa" . Thus they embrace a wider field of activity than the Ptimokkha. Hence it is little wonder that the Ptimokkha, both as text and as ritual XE "ritual" , appended to itself in course of time the AdhikaraGasamathas, although as we have pointed earlier one cannot reckon these items of AdhikaraGasamathas as sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada" . Explaining the recital XE "recital"  of the AdhikaraGasamathas at the ritual of the Ptimokkha (Ime kho pana yasmanto satta adhikaraGasamathadhamm uddesaC gacchanti. Vin.IV.207), Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  says that they have to be recited in order to ascertain the purity XE "purity"  of the SaEgha both with regard to the transgressions listed under pattdhikaraGa as well as those transgressions which bring about the other three adhikaraGas (UddesaC gacchant+ ti pattdikaraGasaEkhtsu avasesdhikaraGa-ttayapaccaysu ca pattisu parisuddhabhvapucchanatthaC uddisitabbaC gacchanti. Kkvt.153). As a result of this very close associaton of the AdhikaraGasamathas with the ritual of the Ptimokkha they evidently came to be identified, perhaps in some circles, as a part of the text of the Ptimokkha. Buddhaghosa's analysis of the contents of the two VibhaEgas in the Samantapsdik makes no discrimination against them. However, in the Sumangalavilasini Buddhaghosa does not add the seven AdhikaraGasamathas in totalling up the sikkhpada of the VibhaEgas. Whatever might have been the original intention of reading out the list of AdhikaraGasamathas at the Ptimokkha ritual XE "ritual"  the point of interest here is the manner in which this new addition is integrated to form a whole with the body of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  which formed the contents of the early recital XE "recital" . At the ritual of the Ptimokkha, after the recital of the AdhikaraGasamathas too, the question regarding the purity XE "purity"  of the members of the assembly which had been asked with regard to each category of offences in the Ptimokkha is addressed to the SaEgha once again: Uddimmh kho yasmanto satta adhikaraGasamath dhamm. Tattha yasmante pucchmi kacci'ttha parisuddh. Vin.IV.207. These AdhikaraGasamathas are clearly not offences but are only ways by means of which the collective organization of the SaEgha may arrive at a settlement of monastic disputes and disturbances including the commission of offences (pattdhikaraGa). Hence we would normally expect the purpose of the above question to be to ascertain whether there has been any irregularity of procedure XE "procedure"  in the settlement of monastic disputes among the members of the SaEgha. If that were so we would regard this extension of the process of questioning as an attempt to safeguard the machinery set up for the maintenance of monastic discipline. In this case it would be the SaEgha as a whole and not individual monks who would be held responsible. On the other hand, it could also be a mere mechanical extension of the method of questioning which was applied to the earlier groups of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada" . The MahsaEghikas show a further extension of this process of questioning. They go beyond the AdhikaraGasamathas to apply the question of purity XE "purity"  in terms of a new group of their own which they call dharma and anudharma. However, in the absence of any conclusive evidence regarding the inclusion of AdhikaraGasamathas in the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha we have to fall back on the tradition of the commentators who preserve for us at least their view of contemporary trends. Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  attempts to explain this final questioning at the end of the Ptimokkha recital as being calculated to cover all offences coming under the four adhikaraGa (Tatthyasmante pucchmi kacci'ttha parisuddh'ti tesu sattasu adhikaraGasamathesu kacci'ttha parisuddh. Natthi vo kici samathehi vupasametabban'ti pucchmi etena sabbpatt+hi parisuddhabhvo pucchito hoti. Kkvt.155f.). At the end of the process of detailed and specific questioning regarding the pattdhikaraGa XE "pattdhikaraGa"  which takes place through the recital of each category of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  in the Ptimokkha, Buddhaghosa regards this scrutiny under the AdhikaraGasamatha XE "AdhikaraGasamatha"  as being the grand finale of the ritual XE "ritual"  of the Ptimokkha. CHAPTER XII Spiritual Leadership and Life in the Community From the earliest times the Buddha was undoubtedly accepted as the leader of all the disciples who took to the monastic life. The venerable Assaji XE "Assaji" , who was one of the first five disciples of the Buddha, revealed this position to Sriputta XE "Sriputta"  Paribbjaka XE "Paribbjaka"  (Atth'vuso mahsamaGo sakyaputto sakyakul pabbajito taC bhagavantam uddissa pabbajito. So ca me bhagav satth tassa c'haC bhagavato dhammaC rocem+'ti. Vin.II.40). Even after the community of the SanEgha increased in number and spread over wider regions this basic position remained unaltered. In the Bhayabherava XE "Bhayabherava"  Sutta, the Brahmin XE "Brahmin"  JGussoGi expresses the same view regarding the leadership XE "leadership"  of the Buddha and the Buddha himself is seen confirming it (Ye'me bho gotama kulaputt bhavantaC gotamaC uddissa saddh XE "saddh"  agrasm anagriyaC pabbajit bhavaC tesaC gotamo pubbaEgamo bhavaC tesaC gotamo bahukro bhavaC gotamo samdapet bhoto ca pana gotamassa s janat dimmhnugatiC pajjat+'ti. Evam'etaC brhmaGa XE "brhmaGa"  evam'etaC brhmaGa. Ye te brhmaGa..... pajjat+'ti. M.I.16). However, as we have pointed out elsewhere, it was never the Buddha's desire to exercise too much personal control over the SaEgha, either by himself or through his nominees. The Buddha is, in fact, happy that at an early stage in the history of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  he was able to discipline his disciples with the minimum instructions: Na me tesu bhikkhusu anussan+ karaG+y ahosi. M.I.124. On the other hand, it is the wish of the disciples that the Buddha should instruct them:... aad'atthu mamaC yeva svak anussaniC paccsiCsanti. M.II.10. The disciples derived great benefits from the Teacher who placed them on the correct path to spiritual XE "spiritual"  perfection. The disciples in turn emulated their Master and modelled their lives after him. The Gopakamoggallna XE "Gopakamoggallna"  Sutta goes on to say that the disciples, however, never equalled the Master. As the founder of the way, he was supremely above them. They come as followers to pursue the path which was indicated by him. As the leader whose concern was the spiritual XE "spiritual"  well-being of his disciples the Buddha always thought it was his duty to keep them reminded of the Norm and to explain to them the way to the perfection of their religious life. Thus he would explain to them some point of doctrine as the occasion necessitated and conclude his discourse to them by requesting them to apply themselves to the realisation of the goal which is set out in this teaching. At the end of the Dvedhvitakka XE "Dvedhvitakka"  Sutta, the Buddha sums up his position as teacher XE "teacher"  in the following words: 'Whatever, O monks, has to be done by a kind and compassionate teacher for the good of his disciples, that I have done for you. Here, O monks, are the sylvan retreats and solitary XE "solitary"  abodes. Be earnestly engaged in the perfection of your religious life. Brook no delay lest you have cause for lament afterwards. This is my advice to you.' (YaC bhikkhave satthr karaG+yaC svaknaC hitesin anukampaC updya kataC vo taC may. Etni bhikkhave rukkhamklni etni sugrni. Jhyatha bhikkhave m pamda'ttha m pacch vippamisrino ahuvattha. AyaC vo amhkaC anussan+'ti. M.I.118). In the Sallekha XE "Sallekha"  Sutta the Buddha addresses these same words to Cunda XE "Cunda" . In the Indriyabhvan XE "Indriyabhvan"  Sutta he does so after explaining to nanda XE "nanda"  what was regarded in Buddhism as the true cultivation of the senses. Not only did the Buddha give counsel himself but he also expected the lives of his disciples to be regulated through the guidance XE "guidance"  and instruction of other senior members of the Order. The SaCyutta Nikya XE "SaCyutta Nikya"  gives a number of instances where the Buddha requests the venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  to admonish the Bhikkhus as much as he does (Ovada kassapa bhikkhk karohi kassapa bhikkhknaC dhammikathaC. AhaC v kassapa bhikkhk ovadeyyaC tvaC v ahaC v bhikkhknaC dhammikathaC kareyyaC tvaC v'ti. S.II.203, 205, 208). However, it is said that the venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Kassapa"  declined this invitation saying that the Bhikkhus of the day were not amenable to instruction and were resentful of such advice. It is mentioned repeatedly that he stated that the monks of his day were temperamentally unsuited for such correction (Dubbac kho bhante etarahi bhikkhk dovacassakaraGehi dhammehi samanngat akkham appadakkhiGagghino anussaniC. S.II.204, 206, 208). This possible intolerance of advice and correction from fellow members of the community seems to be evident even in the early days of the Ssana XE "Ssana" . The history of the SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  12 shows how the venerable Channa XE "Channa"  resented such advice from fellow monks. From an analysis of this incident and the legislation XE "legislation"  that followed it becomes clear that in the corporate organization of the SaEgha every member was expected to contribute his share towards mutual correction of their religious life. Every member was also expected to allow himself to be corrected by others (M'yasam attnaC avacan+yaC aksi vacan+yaC eva yasm attnaC karotu. yasm'pi bhikkhk vadetu sahadhammena bhikkhk'pi yasmantaC vakkhanti sahadhammena. EvaC saCva  h hi tassa bhagavato paris yad'idaC aamaavacanena aamaavummhpanen'ti. Vin.III.178). The SaEghdisesa rule referred to above makes legal XE "legal"  provision to enforce the acceptance of such correction by fellow monks. For he who resists such advice stubbornly up to a third time would be guilty XE "guilty"  of a SaEghdisesa offence XE "offence"  which, it should be realised, is second only to a Prjika XE "Prjika"  in its gravity. Besides this legalised aspect of the acceptance of instruction from fellow members of the community which we find in the Vinaya Pimaka, we also find in the Sutta Pimaka XE "Sutta Pimaka"  numerous references where the willingness to accept instruction is referred to as a great monastic virtue XE "virtue" . It is spoken of as leading to unity and concord among the members of the SaEgha (Yam'pi bhikkhave bhikkhu suvaco hoti saovacassakaraGehi dhammehi samanngato khamo padakkhiGaggh+ anussanim ayam'pi dhammo srn+yo piyakaraGo garukaraGo saCgahya avivdya smaggiy ek+bhvya saCvattati. A.V.90). It is also said to contribute to the stability and continuity of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  for a long time (Ayam'pi bhikkhave dhammo saddhammassa mhitiy asammosya anantaradhnya saCvattati. A.II.148; III.180; V.338). Thus we see that in the corporate life of the SaEgha the offer and acceptance of such advice for mutual welfare became a reality (...padakkhiGaggh+ anussanin'ti ther'pi naC bhikkhu vattabbam anussitabbaC maanti. A.V.27). This practice, we further discover, had been extended to the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  SaEgha as well and the Buddha himself is seen requesting the venerable Nandaka XE "Nandaka"  to give counsel to the Bhikkhunis. Both the Sutta and the Vinaya Pimakas bear testimony to the fact that it became a regular feature for the Bhikkhuni SaEgha to be advised by competent and qualified members of the Bhikkhu SaEgha XE "Bhikkhu SaEgha" . It is also evident that the Bhikkhunis regularly looked forward to it (EkamantaC mhit kho mahpajpat+ gotam+ bhagavantaC etadavoca ovadatu bhante bhagav bhikkhuniyo anussatu bhante bhagav bhikkhuniyo karotu bhante bhagav bhikkhun+naC dhammikathan'ti. Tena kho pana samayena ther bhikkhu bhikkhuniyo ovadanti pariyyena. M.III.270). In fact. under the third garudhamma XE "garudhamma"  it is incumbent on the Bhikkhunis to go to the Bhikkhu SaEgha regularly for ovda XE "ovda" . Notwithstandig the venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa" 's reticence we find a great claim made for the usefulness of such counsel and correction for those who have chosen to lead a life of religious zest. According to the circumstances such anussan+ or counsel would vary in each context. But it was always calculated to guide and direct the disciple who still has to accomplish his avowed mission (Ye kho te brhmaGa XE "brhmaGa"  bhikkhk sekh appattamnas anuttaraC yogakkhemaC patthayamn viharanti tesu me ayaC evarkp+ anussan+ hoti. M. III. 4). Such was the spiritual XE "spiritual"  leadership XE "leadership"  provided by the Buddha which was respected and recognised quite independent of the subsequent achievements of the disciples. The same Sutta as quoted above makes it clear by saying that even under the guidance XE "guidance"  of the Buddha himself some disciples may fail to attain Nibbna. That is how the Tathgata plays the limited role of a guide (EvaC eva kho brhmaGa timmhat'eva nibbna XE "nibbna" C timmhati nibbnagm+ maggo timmhm'ahaC samdapet. Atha ca pana mama svak may evaC ovadiyamn evaC anussiyamn appekacce accantanimmhaC nibbnaC rdhenti ekacce na rdhenti. Ettha kv'haC brhmaGa karomi maggakkhy+ brhmaGa tathgato'ti. M. III. 6). It is possible to state that there must have been besides the Buddha a number of senior members of the SaEgha who were concerned with the progress of the religious life of their fellow members. The two chief disciples of the Buddha, Sriputta XE "Sriputta"  and Moggallna XE "Moggallna" , no doubt, figure prominent among them. In the AnaEgana XE "AnaEgana"  Sutta the venerable Moggallna himself gives pride of place to the venerable Sriputta. The venerable Sriputta gives here his fellow monks a long discourse on the defiling traits of the mind. At the end of it the venerable Moggallna remarks that Sriputta's clear analysis served to purge the minds of those disciples who were lacking in faith XE "faith"  but had taken to the monastic life to eke out an existence and were corrupt, stupid and undisciplined (TesaC yasm sriputto imin dhammapariyyena haday hadayaC mae aya tacchati. M.I.32). The devoted and faithful disciples, Moggallna further remarks, would relish and rejoice over these words of instruction (Te yasmato sriputtassa imaC dhammapariyyaC sutv pipanti mae vacas c'eva manas ca. M.I.32). The sole purpose of such instruction is conceived to be the guidance XE "guidance"  of fellow monks so as to keep them out of evil and place them on the path of virtue XE "virtue"  (Sdhu vata bho sabrahmacr+ akusal vummhpetv kusale patimmhpeti. Ibid.). However, as pointed out by the venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  it has not always been an easy or pleasant task to criticise and correct the conduct XE "conduct"  of a fellow member, for many miscreants were ill-tempered and resentful of correction. The history of SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  12 lends further support to this view (Bhikkhu pan'eva dubbacajtiko hoti uddesapariypannesu sikkhpadesu bhikkkhi sahadhammikaC vuccamno attnaC avacan+yaC karoti m maC yasmanto kici avacuttha kalyGaC v ppakaC v aham'p'yasmante na kici vakkhmi kalyGaC v ppakaC v. Viramathyasmanto mama vacany'ti. Vin.III.178). The recurrence of such situations seems to have been long recognised as a reality in the Ssana XE "Ssana" . The Anumna XE "Anumna"  Sutta which the venerable Moggallna XE "Moggallna"  addressed to fellow members of the Order is evidently calculated to spotlight such situations and indicate ways and means of remedying them. The Sutta enumerates sixteen evil qualities which make a monk unworthy of advice from fellow members. Those which are referred to as dovacassakaraGadhamm include sinful thoughts, diverse expressions of violent temper, and abuse and counter attack of the critics. Besides these, they also embrace such weaknesses as jealousy, treason, fraud and deceit, and stubbornness in many ways. The presence of such evil traits would make the members of the Order distrust a fellow celibate and consider it indiscreet to offer advice and criticism even at his bidding (Pavreti ce'pi vauso bhikkhu vadantu maC yasmanto vacan+yo' mhi yasmanteh+'ti so ca hoti dubbaco dovacassakaraGehi dhammehi samanngato akkhamo appadakkhiGaggh+ anussaniC. Atha kho naC sabrahmacr+ na c'eva vattabbaC maanti na ca anussitabbaC maanti na ca tasmiC puggale visssaC pajjitabbaC maanti. M.I.95). The venerable Moggallna therefore makes a plea for the correction of these failings (Sace vuso bhikkhu paccavekkhamno sabbe'p'ime ppake akusale dhamme appah+ne attani samanupassati ten'vuso bhikkhun sabbesaC y'eva imesaC ppaknaC akusalnaC dhammnaC pahnya vyamitabbaC. Ibid.). However, inspite of everything, the need for constant guidance XE "guidance"  and correction of the disciples became increasingly imperative. Thus while the Sutta Pimaka XE "Sutta Pimaka"  praised the willingness of monks to accept such conusel from fellow members as a great monastic virtue XE "virtue"  and indicated how the monks should qualify themselves to be worthy of it, the Vinaya on the other hand made it almost incumbent on them to lead their monastic life under such guidance. In the early days of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  when the Buddha had only a limited number of Bhikkhus under his wing, it was found possible to regulate their lives without any enforced injunctions. The messageof the Buddha was more or less personally conveyed to them. The loyalties of the early disciples to the Master were so sincere that a gentle reminder was all that was needed to regulate a disciple's conduct XE "conduct" , for he undoubtedly knew what was expected of him. This is what is implied in the remarks which the Buddha made regarding his disciples in the Kakackpama XE "Kakackpama"  Sutta. The Master once addressed his disciples and said the following: `There was a time when the Bhikkhus pleased me (by their conduct) ... It was not necessary that I should lay down instructions for them. It was only a suggestion that they needed.' But with the spread of Buddhism over wider territories there was a corresponding increase in the number of admissions into the Order. We know from the evidence of the Vinaya Pimaka that latterly the Buddha did not personally preside over such admissions. Further, with these increasing numbers, there entered into the Order men of varying degrees of maturity as well as sincerity. They were not all prompted by a genuine desire to seek spiritual XE "spiritual"  perfection in the monastic life. In the AnaEgana XE "AnaEgana"  Sutta the venerable Mahmoggallna makes a complete survey of such cases. In the interests of the Ssana and the spiritual betterment of the monks themselves, they needed constant exhortation and compulsory training in discipline. The words of the venerable Sriputta XE "Sriputta"  in the above Sutta were praised by the venerable Moggallna XE "Moggallna"  as serving this purpose. Besides such counsel given from time to time, we also notice the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  devoting much time to the regulation XE "regulation"  and correction of the conduct of the members of the Order. As pointed out by the Buddha himself such bad conduct would not only have contradicted the lofty ideals and aspirations of the monastic life but also would have discredited the members of the Order in the eyes of the public on whose good-will they were entirely dependent for their sustenance. The Khandhakas refer to instances where owing to the lack of teachers and regular instruction the members of the monastic community conducted themselves without decorum and propriety XE "propriety"  (Tena kho pana samayena bhikkhk anupajjhyak anovadiyamn ananussiyamn dunnivatth dupprut ankappasampann piG ya caranti. Vin.I.44, 60). The Buddha rules out such bad conduct as being reprehensible. He repeatedly pointed out that such conduct would lead to loss of faour with the public and bar the new movement which was initiated by him from winning fresh converts and stabilising itself among the old (AnanucchaviyaC ananulomikaC appamtirkpaC assmaGakaC akappiyaC akaraG+yaC. N'etaC bhikkhave appasannnaC v pasdya pasannnaC v bhiyyobhvya...... appasannna c'eva appasdya pasannna ca aathatty'ti. Vin.I.45). The system of discipline which is set out in the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  attempts to remedy this situation by the appointment of two categories of teachers called Upajjhya XE "Upajjhya"  and cariya XE "cariya"  who would preside over the conduct XE "conduct"  of the members of the SaEgha. Barring the central authority of the Buddha in his day as the founder of the organization, these two constituted the spiritual XE "spiritual"  leadership XE "leadership"  of the monastic community. Referring to these, the commentarial tradition of the Samantapsdik defines an Upajjhya as a teacher XE "teacher"  who could judge correctly and point out to his pupils what is right and wrong (Anupajjhyak'ti vajjvajjam upanijjhyakena garun virahit - VinA.V.977). A very different role is assigned to the cariya in the same work. He is the teacher from whom the pupils acquire their refinement and culture (Anujnmi bhikkhave cariyan'ti crasamcrasikkhpanakaC cariyaC anujnmi - Ibid.985). As we trace the role of the Upajjhya and the cariya in the Khandhakas we see in places what approximates to a difference in their respective duties. When a pupil XE "pupil"  elects his cariya and invites him to fill that role, the formal invitation in terms of which he has to do it gives us some indication that the cariya appears to be his proximate teacher under whose immediate supervision he takes up residence XE "residence" . For he is made to say: `Be thou my cariya. I shall live under thee.' (cariyo me bhante hohi yasmato nissya vacchmi - Vin.I.60.). But under the election of an Upajjhya we do not discover any such specification of relationship. However, as the pupil reaches maturity in the Order and seniority of status (upasampad) is conferred upon him he comes to owe his allegiance to the Upajjhya. At the earliest stage in the history of the Ssana XE "Ssana" , when the act of upasampad assumed a formal character, it became necessary to announce in the assembly of the SaEgha the name of the Upajjhya under whose responsibility the SaEgha confers seniority of status on the noviciate (SuGtu me bhante saEgho. AyaC itthannmo itthannmassa yasmato upasampadpekkho. Yadi saEghassa pattakallaC saEgho itthannmaC upasampdeyya itthannmena upajjhyena. Es atti. Vin.1.56). However, speaking of the various duties to be performed by those who preside over the discipline of the members of the Order, the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  seem to look upon both Upajjhya XE "Upajjhya"  and cariya XE "cariya"  as playing similar roles in the maintenance of monastic discipline. But there can be little doubt that each one of them carried an emphasis of his own. Both are required to be competent to develop their pupils on the following lines: ...to guide them in the discipline for the acquisition of decorum and propriety XE "propriety" . ...to guide them in the discipline leading to the attainment of the monastic ideal. ...to regulate their life in terms of the Dhamma. ...to regulate their life in terms of the Vinaya. ...to dispel any incorrect views they come to entertain by analysing them in terms of the Dhamma. (Pamibalo hoti antevsiC v saddhivihriC v abhisamcrikya sikkhya sikkhpetuC dibrahmacariyikya sikkhya vinetuC abhidhamme XE "abhidhamme"  vinetuC abhivinaye XE "abhivinaye"  vinetuC uppannaC dimmhigataC dhammato vivecetuC vivecpetuC. Vin.I.64f.). The antevs+ XE "antevs+"  and saddhivihr+ XE "saddhivihr+"  referred to here are the pupils of the cariya XE "cariya"  and the Upajjhya XE "Upajjhya"  respectively, both of whom seem to exercise authority over the development of discipline on similar lines. The significance of abhisamcrik sikkh XE "sikkh"  and dibrahmacariyik sikkh in terms of which the cariya and the Upajjhya have to train their pupils has already been discussed under s+la XE "s+la"  and sikkh. Suffice it here to say that as has been already pointed out these two forms of sikkh are capable of exhausting between them the whole range of monastic discipline. The two terms abhidhamma and abhivinaya which are further referred to and in terms of which the pupils are to be trained by their teachers are equally comprehensive and may well echo an earlier phase of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  when the whole of the Buddha's teaching was reckoned in terms of Dhamma and Vinaya. Thus abhidhamme vineti and abhivinaye vineti would therefore cover the disciple's personal spiritual XE "spiritual"  development as well as his monastic discipline. However, Budddhaghosa is seen narrowing the scope of the term abhidhamma here when he defines it as abhidhamme ti nmarkpaparicchede vinetuC na pamibalo ti attho. This attempt of Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  to define the term abhidhamma here as meaning a special branch of knowledge which is really in the field of the Abhidhamma XE "Abhidhamma"  Pimaka is both unnecessary and unwarranted. This has already been pointed out by Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg"  and Miss Horner. But Buddhaghosa was evidently very strongly influenced by a tradition which attempted at all costs to claim for the Abhidhamma equal antiquity with the Sutta and the Vinaya. Finally, the teacher XE "teacher"  should safeguard his pupil XE "pupil"  against entertaining false views regarding the Dhamma and hasten to correct them whenever their presence is detected. The importance of spiritual XE "spiritual"  leadership XE "leadership"  in the rapidly expanding monastic community is further recognised in the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  as is evident from the discussions on nissaya XE "nissaya" . At one stage the Buddha seems to have thought it fit to lay down that a pupil XE "pupil"  should live ten years under the guidance XE "guidance"  of his teacher XE "teacher" , cariya XE "cariya"  or Upajjhya XE "Upajjhya" . Such a teacher must himself claim ten years standing in the Ssana XE "Ssana"  to be qualified to offer such guidance (Anujnmi bhikkhave dasavassni nssya vatthuC dasavassena nissayaC dtuC. Vin.I.60). Subsequently it is added that the teacher who provides such guidance should not only possess his seniority of ten or more years but also be a competent and able one (Anujnmi bhikkhave vyattena bhikkhun pamibalena dasavassena v atirekadasavassena v nissayaC dtuC. op.cit.62). In course of time, under changing circumstances, it was conceded that an able and efficient pupil need spend only five years under such tutelage XE "tutelage" . However, an incompetent one may be required to spend all his life under such conditions (Anujnmi bhikkhave vyattena bhikkhun pambalena pacavassni nissya vatthuC avyattena yvaj+vaC. op.cit.80). Nissayapamippassaddhi or the withdrawal of the condition of being under the guidance of the teacher is effected only under special circumstances. Five such conditions are mentioned in the Khandhakas in relation to the Upajjjhya. The dependence of a pupil on his Upajjhya may be terminated on the latter's departure, leaving the Order, death or joining another religious group. It may also happen at the express wish of the teacher (Pac'im bhikkhave nissaya-pamippassaddhiyo upajjhyamh. Upajjhyo pakkanto v hoti vibbhamanto v klaCkato v pakkasaCkanto v Gatti yeva pacam+. Vin.I.62). In the case of the cariya these five considerations are repeated and a sixth condition is added, which reads to the effect that whenever the Upajjhya as the higher authority comes to supersede the cariya the pupil's dependence on the cariya is terminated: upajjhyena v samodhnaC gato hoti. Ibid. Here we are inclined to agree with S. Dutt in his interpretation of this point. He reads the above phrase to mean `when the Upajjhya and the cariya are together, nissaya towards the latter ceases.' The Samantapsdik explains it in a manner which makes it appear unnecessarily formal and mechanical. This last consideration apparently takes note of the possible overlapping of the services of the Upajjhya and the cariya in the role of nissayadyaka XE "nissayadyaka" . Certain concessions are also given with regard to life under nissaya to monks who are proceeding on a journey, are incapacitated on account of illness and to those who have chosen residence XE "residence"  in the forest in their own interest. With such a vital role to play in the monastic community the cariya XE "cariya"  and the Upajjhya XE "Upajjhya"  were placed in loco parentis to their pupils by the Buddha. The teacher XE "teacher" , cariya or Upajjhya, should look after his pupil XE "pupil"  with paternal concern (cariyo bhikkhave antevsikamhi puttacittaC upammhapessati. Vin.I.45, 60). Similarly a pupil must look upon his teacher with filial regard (Antevsiko cariyamhi pitucittaC upammhapessati ...EvaC te aamaaC sagrav sappatiss sabhgavuttino viharant imasmiC dhammavinaye vuddhiC virk7hiC vepullaC pajjissanti. Ibid.). The Theragth states that such mutual respect in the monastic community is an essential step in the ladder of spiritual XE "spiritual"  progress (Yassa sabrahmacr+su gravo nkpalabbhati parihyati saddhamm maccho appodake yath. etc. Thag.v.387f.). The teacher, thus placed in this honoured position, is expected to benefit his pupil in diverse ways of which his contribution to the pupil's spiritual progress ranks uppermost. The Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  which define his proper service to the pupil go on to say that he should further the latter's progress by means of uddesa, paripucch XE "paripucch" , ovda XE "ovda"  and anussan+. The Samantapsdik explains uddesa as plivcan and paripucch as pliy atthavaGGan, thus making it clear that it was necessary for the pupil to gain a knowledge of the teachings of the Master together with their explanation under his teacher. It was one of the duties of the teacher to see it perfected. He was also expected to regulate the pupil's day to day life by means of ovda and anussan+. Under ovda, the Samantapsdik indicates that the teacher should forewarn his pupil regarding impropriety of behaviour (Ovdo ti anotiGGe vatthusmiC idaC karohi idaC m karitth'ti vacanaC. VinA.V.982). If the pupil happens to slip into an error the teacher should then give him further advice (Anussan+'ti otiGGe vatthusmiC. Ibid.). The pupil XE "pupil"  who thus develops his religious life under the tutelage XE "tutelage"  of his cariya XE "cariya"  or Uajjhya has also a part to play in safeguarding the spiritual XE "spiritual"  well-being of his teachers. In the closely knitted life of the monastic community every member, both young and old, was expected to contribute his share towards mutual correction of the irreligious life and also to let himself be corrected by others. This was observed earlier under the SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  12 where the following comments are made: 'May you, O sir, admonish the Bhikkhus. The Bhikkhus too, will admonish you. Thus the disciples of the Buddha are nurtured in this manner through mutual advice and correction.' (yasm'pi bhikkhu vadetu sahadhammena. Bhikkhk'pi yasmantaC vakkhanti sahadhammena. Evam-samva  h hi tassa bhagavato paris yadidaC aamaavacanena aamaa-vummhpanen'ti. Vin.III.178). Thus a pupil was expected to help his teacher XE "teacher"  in the perfection of his religious life in the following ways: If the teacher XE "teacher"  shows lack of interest in the perfection of his religious life the pupil XE "pupil"  must make every effort to dispel it. If the teacher XE "teacher"  comes to entertain any doubt or heresy XE "heresy"  the pupil XE "pupil"  must strive to eradicate it by having recourse to religious discussions. The pupil XE "pupil"  is further empowered to urge the SaEgha into action against his teacher XE "teacher"  if the latter is guilty XE "guilty"  of a more serious monastic offence XE "offence"  (garudhamma XE "garudhamma" ). As the imposition of penalties and punishments is vital in the correction of monastic indiscipline the pupil has to see that the SaEgha carries out without fail the necessary disciplinary action on his teacher. Assisting the SaEgha in this manner for the proper enforcement on miscreants of remedial penalties which are part of the code XE "code"  of the Ptimokkha was considered a great serviceby the pupil both to his teacher and to the monastic community. On the otherhand, if the SaEgha wishes to carry out on his teacher XE "teacher"  a daG akamma XE "daG akamma"  or formal act, the pupil XE "pupil"  may then plead with the SaEgha for the mitigation of sentence. He may go so far as to request the SaEgha to waive it completely. However, if the punishment XE "punishment"  is meted out to the teacher XE "teacher"  the pupil XE "pupil"  must request him to conduct XE "conduct"  himself through it in a commendable manner. This reciprocity of relations between the teacher XE "teacher"  and the pupil XE "pupil"  seems to extend to many spheres of monastic life besides the furtherance of spiritual XE "spiritual"  well-being. The Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  describe in great detail the services which a pupil should render to his teacher. In the day to day life of the monastic community a pupil is expected to attend to the physical needs of his teacher. He shall commence his duties at daybreak by providing water and other requisites for the teacher to wash his face. He shall then prepare a seat for him and shall attend on him while he is at his meals. He shall also take good care of the teacher's possessions such as the bowl and the robe. He shall keep the teacher's place of residence XE "residence"  in perfect order, taking good care of its belongings. In cases of illness, he shall attend on him all his life looking forward to his recovery. The teacher, in turn, has many duties which he shall fulfil towards his pupil. He shall see that his pupil comes to possess such necessaries like the bowl and the robe. Further to this, if the pupil happens to be indisposed, there devolves also on the teacher the additional duty of attending to all his physical needs such as were described in relation to the duties of a pupil towards his teacher. The relationship of teacher XE "teacher"  and pupil XE "pupil"  is thus seen to be established on a basis of mutual respect and consideration. From the very inception of monastic community life such safeguards were provided in order that the machinery for its administration XE "administration"  may not get out of control or breakdown under the strain of abuse or corruption. The first signs of the necessity to restrict the number of pupils under a single teacher appears with the incident of the two noviciate pupils of the venerable Upanada who abused each other. In those early days of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  when the monastic community was evolving itself into shape as a respected institution XE "institution"  we are not surprised that the first prompt action taken against the possibility of such an incident was the ban that was imposed that no teacher should keep more than one pupil (Na bhikkhave ekena dve smaGer upammhpetabb. Yo upammhpeyya patti dukkatassa. Vin.I.79). The disciplinary machinery of the Vinaya was used to enforce this condition as is clear from the imposition of a Dukkama XE "Dukkama"  offence XE "offence"  on one who fails to respect it. However, the spirit underlying this was the consideration that a teacher should have proper control over his pupils and should be able to direct their lives so as not to allow them to drift away from the path of the holy life. Consequently we find the first restriction modified soon afterwards and a teacher is allowed to have as many pupils as he could guide and instruct (... yvatake v pana ussahati ovadituC anussituC tvatake upammhpetuC. Vin.I.83). In executing the proper responsibility towards the pupils a teacher XE "teacher"  is empowered to make use of certain disciplinary measures whenever the need arises. Having specified as to what should be the proper mode of conduct XE "conduct"  of a pupil XE "pupil"  towards his teacher, the Vinaya proceeds to ensure that this order is not violated except under the pain of punishment XE "punishment" . A teacher is given the right to turn away a pupil who does not conform to this pattern of conduct. But it is also left possible for the pupil to tender an apology to his teacher and be pardoned by him for any of his transgressions. Likewise young noviciate monks who show no respect or courtesy to the senior members of the community are also liable to be subject to punishment. The freedom of movement of such miscreants may be curtailed and certain restrictions may be imposed on them. At the same time it is interesting to note the extra safeguards the Vinaya provides against possible abuse of power by those who are placed in positions of trust to regulate the lives of the juniors. Several interesting examples may be cited. No teacher shall refuse to forgive his pupil whom he has turned away if he comes back to him with a sincere apology. The law XE "law"  shall also not be abused to turn away a really good pupil. At the same time it is also made incumbent on the teacher to turn away without discrimination every pupil who violates the accepted pattern of conduct (asammvattanto). Any teacher who disregards these considerations shall be himself guilty XE "guilty"  of a Dukkama XE "Dukkama"  offence XE "offence" . Despite all these attempts to maintain law XE "law"  and order in the monastic community, we discover on the evidence of the Vinaya Pimka itself rebellious XE "rebellious"  and disruptive forces at work within the Ssana XE "Ssana" . These miscreants are generally associated with the `band of six' or Chabbaggiya XE "Chabbaggiya"  Bhikkhus. These Chabbaggiy Bhikkhus and their followers attempt to wreck the machinery which is set up fot the maintenance of monastic discipline. In the introduction to Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  63 we discover them challenging the validity of ecclesiastical acts which have been correctly performed by the SaEgha. At Pcittiya 76 they make false accusations against innocent Bhikkhus. The most reprehensible example of such behaviour is the conduct XE "conduct"  of Mettiyabhummajaka XE "Mettiyabhummajaka"  Bhikkhus who falsely accuse the venerable Dabbamallaputta XE "Dabbamallaputta"  of a Prjika XE "Prjika"  offence XE "offence" . These miscreant monks are seen over and over again attempting to bring chaos and bitterness into the life in the monastic community. Prompted by his personal animosity against the Buddha, Devadatta XE "Devadatta"  too, appears to have taken a leading part in such activity. The circumstances which led to the promulgation of SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  10 clearly illustrate the subtle move by Devadatta to break up the unity of the Buddhist SaEgha. This tendency assumed dangerous proportions when such a move was either led by a body of people which was large enough to canvass opinion in its favour or was pioneered by one who by his power or popularity was able to influence a considerable section of the community and the public. When Devadatta stood condemned for his attempts to disrupt the unity of the SaEgha, Koklika XE "Koklika"  attempted to convert a group in support of Devadatta. This schismatic tendency is seen to have been widely prevalent even in the earliest days of the Ssana. Under the history of the Tajjaniya-kamma XE "kamma"  it is recorded that the followers of PaGdukalohitaka Bhikkhus went around inciting groups of monks to fight others. Similar behaviour on the part of Chabbaggiya Bhikkhus isseen in Pcittiya 3 where they are seen indulging in tale-bearing with a view to creatig dissensions in the SaEgha. On the other hand, Assajipunabbasuk Bhikkhus of K+mgiri XE "K+mgiri"  who became very popular among the people of the neighbourhood were able to mislead them completely as to what constituted the proper form of monastic behaviour. The unwarranted friendship and familiarity of these Bhikkhus had won for them such confidence with the lay people that they refused to regard as acceptable even the more restrained and dignified behaviour of any other monk. Thus these groups of miscreant monks were fast establishing themselves as the true representatives of the Buddhist SaEgha. The danger of this was soon realised and the Buddha hastens to enlist the support of the leading disciples like Sriputta XE "Sriputta"  and Moggallna XE "Moggallna"  to eradicate such vicious elements. It is already evident that they had become considerably powerful and were even capable of physical violence. Sriputta and Moggalna make mention of this to the Buddha who then suggests that they should go reinforced with large numbers to deal with these miscreant monks. In carrying out disciplinary action against them, the Buddha tells Sriputta and Moggallna that they are only exercising their authority as leaders in the Ssana (Gacchatha tumhe sriputt k+mgiriC gantv assajipunabbasuknaC bhikkhknaC k+mgirism pabbjaniyakammaC karotha. Tumhkam ete saddhivihrino'ti.Vin.II.14; III.182). For ever afterwards these two dynamic characters, Sriputta and Moggallna, served as the model of good monastic living. The Buddha himself endorsed this view and held that every good disciple should emulate them (Saddho bhikkhave bhikkhu evaC samm ycamno yceyya tdiso homi ydis sriputtamoggalln'ti. Es bhikkhave tul etaC pamGaC mama svaknaC bhikkhknaC yadidaC sriputta-moggalln'ti. A.II.164). CHAPTER XIII Women and the Religious Order of the Buddha At the time the Buddha set up his Order of Bhikkhus, there was in Indian society XE "society"  the widespread but groundless belief that woman XE "woman"  is inferior to man. The position which the woman lost under the dominance of the BrhmaGas had not yet been retrieved. The Brahmins of the day evidently showed little sympathy for her sad lot. Altekar XE "Altekar"  describes the position of woman in India at the time as follow: `The prohibition of upanayana amounted to spiritual XE "spiritual"  disenfranchisement of women and produced a disastrous effect upon their general position in society. It reduced them to the status of (Zkdras ... What, however, did infinite harm to women was the theory that they were ineligible for them (Vedic XE "Vedic"  sacrifices) because they were of the status of the Zkdras. Henceforward they began to be bracketed with Zkdras and other backward classes in society. This we find to be the case even in the Bhagavadg+t XE "Bhagavadg+t"  (IX.32).' In the Manusm[ti XE "Manusm[ti"  we witness the cruel infliction of domestic subservience on woman. The road to heaven XE "heaven"  is barred to her and there is hard bargaining with her for the offer of an alternative route. Matrimony and obedience to the husband XE "husband"  are the only means whereby a woman can hope to reach heaven. Nsti str+nm p[thag yajo na vrataC npyupocathaC patiC [u[rkcate yena tena svarge mah+yate. Manu. V.153 'Women have no sacrifices of their own to perform nor religious rites or observances to follow. Obedience to the husband XE "husband"  alone would exalt the woman XE "woman"  in heaven XE "heaven" .' This hostile attitude to woman XE "woman"  both in religion and in society XE "society"  was repeatedly criticised and challenged by the Buddha on numerous occasions. In the Kosala SaCyutta XE "Kosala SaCyutta" , the Buddha contradicts the belief that the birth of a daughter was not as much a cause of joy as that of a son, a belief which the ritualism of the BrhmaGas had contributed to strengthen. The Buddha pointed out clearly that woman had a dignified and an importnt part to play in society, and he defined it with great insight, fitting her harmoniously into the social fabric. She is a lovable member of the household, held in place by numerous relationships, and respected above all, as the mother XE "mother"  of worthy sons. The sex XE "sex"  did not matter, he argued, and added that in character and in her role in society, she may even rival men. Itth+'pi hi ekacciy seyy pos jandhipa medhvin+ s+lavat+ sassudev patibbat. Tass yo jyati poso skro hoti disampati evaC subhagiy putto rajjam'pi anussati. S.I.86 A woman XE "woman"  child, O lord of men, may prove Even a better offspring than a male. For she may grow up wise and virtuous, He husband XE "husband" 's mother XE "mother"  rev'rencing, true wife XE "wife" . The boy that she may bear may do great deeds, And rule great realms, yea, such a son Of noble wife becomes his country's guide. Kindred Sayings, I.p.111 But it is not unusual to find scholars who have missed this singular virtue XE "virtue"  of Buddhism. It would be grossly unfair to say that the Budha did not devote much attention to the duties and ideals of laywomen or that he showed indifference to or contempt of women. Speaking of Buddhism and Jainism XE "Jainism" , Altekar XE "Altekar"  unjustly says: `Both these were ascetic XE "ascetic"  religions, and they have not devoted much attention to the duties and ideals of lay women. The founders and leaders of both these movements showed the indifference to, or contempt of women, which is almost universal among the advocates of the ascetic ideal.' The instances are numerous where the Buddha defines and describes the duties of woman XE "woman"  in society XE "society" . Further, the Buddha recognises the fact that these do not constitute the whole of her life. It is not with a view to limiting their life solely to the secular affairs of the household that the Buddha laid down a code XE "code"  of good living for women, but to serve as a complement to the good life already enjoined in his religion to all his followers irrespective of their sex XE "sex" . A host of these considerations as they are addressed to women are grouped together in the SaCyutta Nikya XE "SaCyutta Nikya"  in a chapter solely devoted to them. A good lay woman endowed with religious devotion, moral XE "moral"  virtue XE "virtue"  and liberality as well as wisdom and learning, makes a success of her life in this world. For it is said: Saddhya s+lena ca y'+dha vahati paya cgena sutena c'kbhayaC s tdis+ s+lavat+ upsik diyati sraC idh'eva attano'ti. S.IV.250 `Such a virtuous lady who possesses religious devotion, cultivates virtue XE "virtue" , is endowed with wisdom and learning and is given to charity makes a success of her life in this very existence.' Her virtuous character gives to her life in the household poise and dignity (Pacahi bhikkhave dhammehi samanngato mtugmo visrado agraC ajjhvasati. Katamehi pacahi. PGtipt pamivirato ca hoti ... saurmerayamajjapamdammhn pamivirato ca hoti. S.IV.250). The following are also given as virtues by means of which she can make her life fruitful, both here and hereafter: Saddho (religious devotion), hirim ottp+ (sense of shame and fear), akkodhano anupanh+ (not given to anger), anissuk+ (not jealous), amacchar+ (not niggardly), anaticr+ (chaste in behaviour), s+lav XE "s+lav"  (virtuous), bahussuto (learned), raddhaviriyo (zealous), upammhitassat+ (mentally alert), paav (wise). We notice that all these virtues enumerated so far are within the reach of a woman XE "woman"  living in the household. She is not rooted out of her domestic setting. The good and successful life of the laywoman XE "laywoman" , as much as of the layman XE "layman" , seems to have loomed large in the ethics of Buddhism. In the AEguttara Nikya two sets of virtues are given whereby a woman is said to strive for success in this world as well as in the other: idhalokavijaya and paralokavijaya (Catkhi kho viskha dhammehi samanngato mtugmo idhalokavijayya pamipanno hoti ayaC sa loko raddho hoti. Katamehi catkhi. Idha viskha mtugmo susamvihitakammanto hoti saEgahitaparijano bhattu manpaC carati sambhataC anurakkhati ... Catkhi kho viskha dhammehi samanngato mtugmo paralokavijayya pamipanno hoti parassa loko raddho hoti. Katamehi catkhi. Idha viskha mtugmo saddhsampanno hoti s+lasampanno hoti cgasampanno hot pasampanno hoti. A.IV.269f.). It is also worth noting here that the Buddha accepts the reality and significance of the institution XE "institution"  of marriage for woman XE "woman" . But unlike in Hindu society XE "society" , it was not the only means for the social elevation of woman. In Hinduism, a woman is supposed to become a dvija, a truly initiated member of the religion and the society, only after her marriage. The virtues referred to in the AEguttara Nikya are household duties of a woman as wife XE "wife"  which lead to domestic peace and concord. They are also calculated to keep the family administration XE "administration"  in gear and secure for the family economic stability. This significant part which she is called upon to play is meticulously defined and it reveals neither indifference to nor contempt of women on the part of the Buddha. The good laywoman XE "laywoman"  has also her duties for the development of her religious life. It is a course of graduated training which does not conflict with her household life. It is, in fact, smoothly woven into it. Religious devotion (saddh XE "saddh" ), moral XE "moral"  virtue XE "virtue"  (s+la XE "s+la" ), and a generous disposition (cga), for instance, form part of it. This healthy combination of social and religious virtues of woman is further witnessed in the AEguttara Nikya where it is said that the following eight virtues pave the way for her to proceed to heaven XE "heaven" : SusaCvihitakammant sagahitaparijjan bhattu manpaC carati sambhataCanurakkhati. Saddhs+lena sampann vadak v+tamacchar niccaC maggaC visodheti sotthnaC samparyikaC. Iccete ahadhamm ca yass vijjati nriy tam pi s+lavatiC hu dhammahaC saccavdiniC. Solaskrasampann ahagasusamgat tdis+ s+lavat+ upsik upapajjati devalokaC manpaC. A.IV.271 They are: organises the work of the household with efficiency, treats her servants with concern, strives to please her husband XE "husband" , takes good care of what he earns, possesses religious devotion, is virtuous in conduct XE "conduct" , is kind, is liberal. The first four items of this list are identical with the first four of the five good qualities ascribed to the virtuous wife XE "wife"  in the SiEglovda Sutta, the fifth being general efficiency (dakkh) and enterprise (analas sabbakiccesu) - D.III.p.190 It was also held in Indian belief that woman XE "woman"  was intellectually inferior to man and therefore had no capacity to reach higher spiritual XE "spiritual"  attainments. This idea clearly echoes in the SaCyutta Nikya XE "SaCyutta Nikya"  where Mra XE "Mra" , as the personification of the forces of evil, strives in vain to dissuade a Bhikkhuni [Ther+ Som XE "Som" ] from her religious endeavours. YaC taC is+hi pattabbaC hnaC durabhisambhavaC na taC dvagulapaya sakk pappotuC itthiy. S.I.129 `No woman XE "woman" , with the two-finger-wisdom which is hers, could ever hope to reach those heights which are attained only by the sages.' These words of Mra XE "Mra"  are undoubtedly resonant of the beliefs of the day and the Buddha was vehement in contradicting them. Bhikkhuni Som XE "Som"  to whom Mra addressed these words answered. Illustrating the Buddhist attitude to the spiritual XE "spiritual"  potentialities of woman XE "woman" , she said: Itthibhvo no kiC kayir cittamhi susamhite Gamhi vattamnamhi samm dhammaC vipassato. S.I.129 `When one's mind is well concentrated and wisdom never fails does the fact of being a woman XE "woman"  make any difference ?' However, there is evidence that this age-old scepticism about the spiritual XE "spiritual"  potentialities of woman XE "woman"  died hard. Even in the face of success achieved by Bhikkhunis in Buddhism, a groundless belief seems to have prevailed which distrusted the capacity of woman for spiritual perfection. On the eve of her final passing away, when Mahpajpati Gotami visits the Buddha to bid him farewell, he calls upon her to give proof of the religious attainments of the Bhikkhunis in order to convince the disbelieving sceptics. Th+naC dhammbhisamaye ye bl vimatiC gat tesaC dimmhipahnatthaC iddhiC dassehi gotami. Ap.II.535 `O Gotami, perform a miracle in order to dispel the wrong views of those foolish men who are in doubt with regard to the spiritual XE "spiritual"  potentialities of woman XE "woman" .' Buddhism, with its characteristic note of realism, also recognises the inherent qualities of woman XE "woman"  which make her attractive to the opposite sex XE "sex" . Nothing else in the world, it is said, can delight and cheer a man so much as a woman. In her, one would find all the fivefold pleasures of the senses. The world of pleasure exists in her. PacakmaguG ete itthirkpasmiC dissare rkp sadd ras gandh phommhabb ca manoram. A.III.69 `All these five-fold pleasures of the senses which gratify the mind are centered in the feminine form.' The power which the woman XE "woman"  derives through this may, at the same time, extend so far as to make man throw all reason to the winds and be a pawn in her hand, under the influence of her charm. Thus, it is even possible that a mother XE "mother"  may err in relation to her son or vice versa: Kin nu so bhikkhave moghapuriso maati na mt putte srajjati pktto v pana mtar+'ti. The AEguttara is equally emphatic when it says: NhaC bhikkhave aaC ekarkpam'pi samanupassmi evaC rajan+yaC evaC kaman+yaC evaC madan+yaC evaC bandhan+yaC evC mucchan+yam evaC antaryakaraC anuttarassa yogakkhemassa adhigamya yatha y'idaC bhikkhave itthirkpaC. Itthirkpe bhikkhave satt ratt giddh gadhit mucchit ajjhopann te d+gharattaC socanti itthirkpavasnug... A.III.68. Therefore a man might say without exaggeration that woman is a trap laid out on all sides by Mra XE "Mra"  (yaC hi taC bhikkhave samm vadamno vadeyya samantaps'ti mtugmaC y'eva samm vadamno vadeyya samantapso mrass'ti. A.III.68). These observations are made, however, not as a stricture on their character but as a warning to the men, who in seeking their company, might err on the side of excess. It is true that at times they tend to be overstressed, but obviously with no malice to women. There is pointed reference to the unguarded nature of the man who falls a prey to these feminine charms. MummhassatiC t bandhanti pekkhitena mhitena ca atho'pi dunnivatthena majun bhaGitena ca n'eso jano svsaddo api ugghtito mato. A.III.69 `Women ensnare a man of heedless mind with their glances and smiles or with artful grooming (dunnivattha) and pleasing words. Women are such that one cannot approach them in safety even though they may be stricken and dead.' Thus it becomes clear that it is not in the spirit of Budhism to brand woman XE "woman"  as a source of corruption for man. Note the words `a man of heedless mind' in the above quotation. It would be interesting to contrast here the words of Manu who says: `It is the nature of woman to seduce men in this world' (Svabhva eva nr+GC narGC iha dkcanaC - Manu.II.213). The Jains too, inspite of their admission of women into their Monastic Order, do not seem to have differed very much from the Brahmins in their attitude towards women. The craEga Sktra XE "craEga Sktra" , in the course of a religious admonition known as the Pillow of Righteousness, makes the following comment which stigmatises woman completely: `He to whom women were known as the causes of all sinful acts, he saw (the true state of the world).' The position of woman in Jainism XE "Jainism"  is summed up as follows: "Right in the earliest portions of the Canon woman is looked upon as something evil that enticed innocent males into a snare of misery. They are described as 'the greatest temptation', `the causes of all sinful acts', `the slough', `demons' etc. Their bad qualities are described in exaggerated terms. Their passions are said to destroy the celibacy XE "celibacy"  of monks `like a pot filled with lac near fire'."  In Buddhism, on the other hand, the caution which men are called upon to exercise in their dealings with the opposite sex XE "sex"  springs solely from the Buddhist attitude to kma XE "kma"  or the pleasures of the senses. Km are described in Buddhism as leading to grief and turbulence. Km thwart the path to transcendental happiness. This attitude is eloquently manifest in the counsel given to Arimmha XE "Arimmha"  in the Alagaddkpama XE "Alagaddkpama"  Sutta. Of this vast field of sense experience, sex XE "sex"  is only a segmant but it is admittedly one with irresistible appeal and thus required a special word of warning, particularly to those who are keen on the pursuit of mental XE "mental"  equipoise. The Buddha says that if it were left unbridled, it would, in expressing itself, shatter all bounds of propriety XE "propriety"  (Kin nu so bhikkhave moghapuriso maati na mt putte srajjati putto v pana matar+'ti. A.III.68). Hence the desire to lead a chaste and moral XE "moral"  life, eschewing, even completely, the gratification of sex desires, can as much be the aspiration of a woman XE "woman"  as of a man. Besides this philosophic attitude to the pleasures of the world in which the woman admittedly plays a dominant part, there seems to be nothing in Buddhism which looks upon sex or woman as being corrupt in themselves. Thus it becomes clear that the philosophy of early Buddhism had no reservations whatsoever regarding the spiritual XE "spiritual"  emancipation of woman XE "woman" . In the ocean of saCsra XE "saCsra"  her chances swimming across to the further shore were as good as those of man. Emancipation of the mind through perfecton of wisdom which is referred to as cetovimutti pavimutti was the goal of religious life and for this the way which had proved most effective was the life of renunciation XE "renunciation" . The woman was as much encumbered by household life as man and in her spiritual earnestness she would have equally well echoed the words of the man who chooses renunciation. She would say with him that the household life is full of impediments and contrast it with the life of pabbajj XE "pabbajj"  (Sambdho gharvso rajopatho abbhokso pabbajj. M.I.179). But according to the evidence of the Pali texts, the admission of women into the life of pabbajj XE "pabbajj"  in Buddhism does not seem to have been effected with as much ease as one would expect. According to these, the Buddha appears to have shown some reluctance to admit women into the Order. When Mahpajpati Gotami requested the Buddha to consent to the entry of women into his Order he is said to have put her off three times, saying: `Do not be interested O, Gotami, about the entry of women into my Order.' This does seem to imply that the presence of women in the monastic institution XE "institution"  of brahmacariya was considered, for some reason or other, to be detrimental to its well- being. In an atmosphere where women were considered a danger to spiritual XE "spiritual"  life, their presence in the inner circle of religious life as members of the monastic community would have naturally called for serious comment. However, there is evedence that Jainism XE "Jainism"  had already broken through this barrier against women. But the vicissitudes of the Jaina XE "Jaina"  monastic community, in the relations between the two orders of monks and nuns, as well as of nuns and laymen, could not apparently have been very heartening to the Buddha. Speaking of the reforms introduced by Mahv+ra XE "Mahv+ra"  with the addition of the fifth vow of chastity XE "chastity"  to the earlier cauyma saCvara XE "cauyma saCvara"  of Pr[va, Jacobi says, `The argumentation in the text presupposes a decay of morals of the monastic order to have occurred between Pr[va and Mahv+ra ... '. There is also evidence from another quarter of the promiscuity in the behaviour of male and female mendicants XE "mendicants"  in the Buddha's day. The Buddha takes note of this in the Culladhammasamdna XE "Culladhammasamdna"  Sutta where he speaks of SamaGas and BrhmaGas who repudiating the view that sensual XE "sensual"  pleasures are detrimental to spiritual progress, mingle freely with female mendicants, vociferuously enjoying their company. They are reported as saying - `Whatever can be the basis for pleading for the renunciation XE "renunciation"  of sensual XE "sensual"  pleasures? What future calamity can lie in wait for us? Blissful indeed is the contact of the soft and tender hands of these young female mendicants XE "mendicants" .' However, the Buddha concedes to nanda XE "nanda"  that women, having taken to the life of pabbajj XE "pabbajj"  in Buddhism. are capable of attaining the higher fruits of religious life as far as Arahantship XE "Arahantship"  (Bhabbo nanda mtugmo tathgatappavedite dhammavinaye agrasm anagriyaC pabbajitv sotpattiphalam'pi sakadgmiphalam'pi angmiphalam'pi arahattaphalam'pi sacchiktun'ti. A.IV.276; Vin.II.254). The considerations which seem to have weighed heavy in the mind of the Buddha regarding the admission of women into the Order are concerned more with the wider problem of the monastic organization as a whole. He would have been undoubtedly most averse to stand in the way of the personal liberty of woman XE "woman" . But in the interests of the collective good of the institution XE "institution"  of brahmacariya, which was the core of the religion, women had to make certain sacrifices, surrendering at times even what might appear to have been their legitimate rights, This is evident from the eight conditions (ammha-garudhamm) under which the Buddha granted them permission to enter the Order. A nun XE "nun"  who has been ordained (even) for a century must greet respectfully, rise up from her seat, salute with joined palms, do proper homage to a monk ordained but that day. A nun XE "nun"  must not spend the rains in a residence XE "residence"  where there is no monk. (See Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Pc.56: Vin.IV.313). Every half-month a nun XE "nun"  should desire two things from the Order of monks: the asking (as to the date) of the Observance day, and the coming for the exhortation. (See Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Pc.59: Ibid.315) After the rains a nun XE "nun"  must `invite' before both Orders in respect of three matters: what was seen, what was heard, what was suspected. (See Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Pc.57: Ibid.314) A nun XE "nun" , offending against an important rule, must undergo Mnatta XE "Mnatta"  (discipline) for half a month before both Orders. When, as a probationer, she has trained in the six rules [chasu dhammesu. Note that the reference, in our opinion, is not to sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  ] for two years, she should seek ordination from both Orders. A monk must not be abused or reviled in any way by a nun XE "nun" . From today admonition of monks by nuns is forbidden, admonition of nuns by monks is not forbidden. Book of the Discipline.V.354-55 The insistence on these ammha-garudhamm is the most vital issue, much more than the delayed consent of the Buddha, in the founding of the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Ssana XE "Bhikkhun+ Ssana" . The delay, it may in fact be argued, would have proved useful to emphasise the conditions which he was going to lay down. It is these conditions alone which gave the women access to the monastic life in Buddhism (Sace nanda mahpajpati gotam+ ammhagarudhamme pamigaGhti s'va 'ss hotu upasampad. Vin.II.255). The Dharmagupta Vinaya XE "Dharmagupta Vinaya"  in the Chinese XE "Chinese"  version compares them to a bridge over a great river by means of which one is enabled to cross over to the further bank. These garudhamm are observances which pertain to monastic propriety XE "propriety"  and procedure XE "procedure"  in the Order of Bhikkhunis in relation to the Bhikkhus. The women are not to violate these as long as they remain in the monastic community. In the establishment of the Bhikkhun+ Ssana XE "Ssana" , these conditions seem to have engaged greater attention than even the formulation of the code XE "code"  of moral XE "moral"  precepts, which incidentally is not even mentioned at this stage. There is no doubt that in maintaining the vigour and vitality of the SaEgha, whether of the Bhikkhus or of the Bhikkhunis, the code of the Ptimokkha played a vital part. But it seems to be equally true to say that in bringing the newly inaugurated Bhikkhun+ SaEgha in to a healthy relationship with the older institution XE "institution"  of the Bhikkhu SaEgha XE "Bhikkhu SaEgha" , the ammha garudhamm were calculated to play a greater role. They take no note of moral considerations. A perfect functioning of the latter, in the case of the Bhikkhunis too, was apparently taken for granted at this early stage of their Ssana. That a similar state of affairs did exist even in the Bhikkhu SaEgha in its early history is evident in the Kakackpama XE "Kakackpama"  Sutta. On a closer examination of the ammha garudhamm we are led to make the following observations. According to these the Bhikkhu SaEgha XE "Bhikkhu SaEgha"  is looked upon as the more mature and respnsible body, evidently on account of its seniority, which is capable of leading the way for the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  SaEgha. This is clearly evident from the garudhamm 2 and 3. The Bhikkhunis are expected to recognise the spiritual XE "spiritual"  leadership XE "leadership"  of the Order of Bhikkhus. At least at the outset, the Bhikkhunis had to seek the assistance of the Bhikkhus in such vital monastic rituals like the ptimokkhuddesa and bhikkhunovda. But it is evident that, as circumstances recessitated and experience proved opportune, the Buddha did transfer some of these powers to the Bhikkhunis themselves. However, the recognition of the leadership of the monks over the community of nuns and this position of the Bhikkhus in loco parentis to the Bhikkhunis seem to have continued much longer. Even when the authority to recite the Ptimokkha by themselves was finally transferred to the Bhikkhunis, the Bhikkhus were still left with the right to instruct them on its proper performance (Anujnmi bhikkhave bhikkhkhi bhikkhun+naC cikkhitum evaC ptimokkham uddiseyyth'ti. Vin.II.259). There is also evidence of a similar reservation of power in the transference of authority to the Bhikkhunis to impose penalties and punishments on their fellow members. The Bhikkhus who carried out these acts at the outset are latterly barred from doing so and are authorised only to explain to the Bhikkhunis the proper procedure XE "procedure" . (Anujnmi bhikkhave bhikkhkhi bhikkhun+nam cikkhitum evaC kammaC kareyyth'ti. Vin.II.260). In the matter of bhikkhunovda too, it was a Bhikkhu who was appointed to remind the Bhikkhunis regularly of the proper observance of the ammha garudhamm. Thus on account of this complete dependence of a Bhikkhuni on the leadership XE "leadership"  of a Bhikkhu, the second of these eight garudhamm forbade the Bhikkhunis from going into residence XE "residence"  for the rains-retreat in a place where there were no Bhikkhus. The third garudhamma XE "garudhamma"  too, implies the reliance of the Bhikkhunis on the Order of Bhikkhus in the performance of the two functions of uposathapucchaka XE "uposathapucchaka"  and ovdkpasaEkamana. Both the Bhikkhus and the Bhikkhunis seem to have been vigilant about the proper observance of these functions which they considered, no doubt, to be vital for the healthy progress of the newly established Order of nuns. (i. Bhikkhuniyo t bhikkhuniyo etadavocuC kattha ayyyo vassaC vutth kacci ovdo iddho ahos+'ti. N'atthi ayye tattha bhikkhk. Kuto ovdo iddho bhavissat+'ti. Y t bhikkhuniyo appicch...vipcenti kathaC hi nma bhikkhuniyo abhikkhuke vse vassaC vasissant+'ti. Vin.IV.313. ii. Tena kho pana samayena bhikkhuniyo uposatham'pi na pucchanti ovdam'pi na ycanti. Bhikkhuk ujjhyanti kh+yanti vipcenti kathaC hi nma bhikkhuniyo uposathaC... na ycissant+'ti. Ibid.315). At the first sign of slackness with regard to these there is a storm of protests and we notice that the authorities take immediate action to remedy it. These considerations are brought within the legal XE "legal"  framework of the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Ssana XE "Bhikkhun+ Ssana"  and the failure to observe these come to be declared punishable offences. In other words they become part of the Bhikkhuni+ Ptimokkha. In the study of the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  of the Bhikkhu Ptimokkha XE "Bhikkhu Ptimokkha"  we have already noted this interesting phenomenon of the change over into legal statutes of what was once observed as honoured conventions. The garudhamma XE "garudhamma"  4, 5 and 6 concern themselves with some of the other major items of administration XE "administration"  in the Buddhist monastic community, viz. i. the performance of the pavraG at the end of the rains-retreat, ii. the imposition of necessary penalties on the commission of a grave offence XE "offence" , and iii. the conferment of upasampad or higher monastic status. As far as the Bhikkhunis are concerned, they are barred under these garudhamm from performing any of these acts within their own Order of the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  SaEgha. These acts of the Bhikkhunis are not considered valid unless they are carried out jointly together with the monks. However, practical considerations soon necessitated amendments to these and we see in the revised version of these conditions the sanction given to the Bhikkhunis to perform these acts, in the first instance, by themselves. Then they are expected to bring their decisions before the Bhikkhu SaEgha XE "Bhikkhu SaEgha"  for ratification. The following is the amended procedure XE "procedure"  for the conferment of upasampad on a Bhikkhuni by the Bhikkhu SaEgha: anujnmi bhikkhave ekato upasampannya bhikkhun+saEghe visuddhya bhikkhusaEghe upasampadan'ti. Vin.II.271, 274. It shows that the candidate had been already approved by the Bhikkhun+ SaEgha. The Bhikkhunis were also allowed to perform their pavraG in two stages before the two assemblies, first among themselves and then before the Bhikkhu SaEgha (Anujnmi bhikkhave ajjatan pavretv aparajju bhikhusaEghe pavretun'ti. Ibid.275). Thus, from the manner in which the Buddha directed the activities of the Bhikkhunis it becomes clear that he did realise that as the Bhikkhunis formed a part of the single body of the SaEgha, their decisions would affect not only themselves, but also the rest of that vast organization. Hence the Bhikkhus were given the right to advise and assist the Bhikkhunis in their affairs, and thus regulate the destinies of the Ssana XE "Ssana" . Public opinion must have played a considerable part in bringing Bhikkhunis under the wing of the Bhikkhu SaEgha XE "Bhikkhu SaEgha" . At any rate, it appears to have been considered wise to have all the important monastic activities of the Bhikkhunis linked up with the more established and senior group of the Bhikkhu SaEgha. However, when and wherever this advisory role had to be transferred from the collective organization of the Bhikkhu SaEgha to a single individual, the Buddha took every necessary precaution to avoid possible abuse of privilege. He has laid down a very comprehensive list of eight requirements which should be satisfied before a monk could be selected to the role of a bhikkhunovdaka to give counsel to the congregation of nuns. There seems to be little doubt about his anxiety and his foresight regarding the safety and well-being of the female members of his Order. A monk who is entrusted to preside over their welfare should conform to perfect standards of moral XE "moral"  virtue XE "virtue" . He should also possess a thorough knowledge of the teaching of the Master and know well the complete code XE "code"  of the Ptimokkha covering both the Bhikkhus and the Bhikkhunis. He should be of pleasant disposition, mature in years and acceptable to the Bhikkhunis, and above all, should in no way have been involved in a serious offence XE "offence"  with a Bhikkhuni. The three remaining garudhamm 1, 7 and 8, appear to have baffled some students of Buddhism as being contrary to the Buddha's general attitude to women. However, if these are examined carefully in their context, this apparent contradiction becomes less glaring. They all strive to see that the Bhikkhunis do not, under any circumstance, assert their superiority over the Bhikkhus. We notice that even in the observance of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada" , the Bhikkhunis are to follow the lead of the Bhikkhus wherever the sikkhpada are common to both groups. The Buddha advises the Bhikkhunis to follow the Bhikkhus in the practice of such sikkhpada (... yath bhikkhk sikkhanti tath tesu sikkhpadesu sikkhath'ti. Vin.II.258). But referring to the sikkhpada which are peculiar to the Bhikkhunis, he suggests that they should be followed, as they are laid down, according to the letter of the law XE "law" (... yath-paattesu sikkhpadesu sikkhath'ti. Ibid.258). What seems to follow from these words of instruction to the Bhikkhunis is that even if there was a difference between the text of the sikkhpada laid down for the Bhikkhus and their practice at the time, the Buddha did not think it wise, for purposes of communal harmony, to leave room for the Bhikkhunis to be critical of this discrepancy. Such a challenge would have completely undermined the prestige and the authority of the older institution XE "institution"  ot the SaEgha, quite out of proportion to any degree of moral XE "moral"  good it could bring about by the correction of Bhikkhus by the Bhikkhunis. There is evidence to show that the Buddha was always concerned with the esteem in which the public held his monastic organization. Such a consideration was vital for its existence and prosperity. The first remarks which he made to his erring disciples as he criticised their conduct XE "conduct"  always pertains to this (N' etaC moghapurisa appasannnaC v pasdya pasannnaC v bhiyyobhvya. Vin.I.58; II.2; III.21, 45). As much as the Buddha wanted his disciples to correct their mistakes and be of faultless conduct, he did not want any of them to divulge to any one other than a Bhikkhu or a Bhikkhuni the more serious offences of their fellow members. Such an intimation was allowed only with the approval of the Bhikkhus (Yo pana bhikkhu bhikkhussa dummhullaC pattiC anupasampannassa roceyya aatra bhikkhusammutiy pcittiyaC. Vin.IV.31). One who violates this injunction is guilty XE "guilty"  of a Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  offence XE "offence"  (Pc.9).This provision was undoubtedly made with the best of intentions and should not be misjudged as contributing in any way to the perpetuation of monastic offences, On the other hand, it is in fact repeatedly declared that it is irregular for a monk to conceal XE "conceal"  intentionally an offence of one member from the rest of the community. Pcittiya 64 of the monks and Prjika XE "Prjika"  2 and SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  9 of the nuns are all calculated to avoid such a possibility. All these precautions, therefore, seem to be a part of a system of internal security set up by the Buddha in the interests of the monastic organization. They emphasise the Buddha's concern both for the public esteem and for the moral XE "moral"  soundness of his Order. There seems to be a general agreement about the fact that the eight garudhamm were laid down by the Buddha as a condition governing the establishment of the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Ssana XE "Bhikkhun+ Ssana" . However, strange as it may seem, after the Bhikkhun+ Ssana XE "Ssana"  was instituted under the leadership XE "leadership"  of Gotami, she appears before nanda XE "nanda"  to make the request that the Buddha should remove the first garudhamma XE "garudhamma"  and allow Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunis to pay courtesies to each other according to seniority alone. This could hardly be true to the spirit in which Gotami accepted the garudhamm. We are inclined to think that she was here undoubtedly subjected to undue pressure of her own group. This dissentient XE "dissentient"  note which we find recorded in the Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga" , it is imortant to note, does not seem to have found general acceptance elsewhere. Of the Chinese XE "Chinese"  Vinaya texts we have examined, it is only the Mah+[sakas who record it and that too with a different emphasis. According to their text Gotami, prior to her being ordained, sends nanda XE "nanda"  to the Buddha to request him to make this change. The Buddha refuses to do so and says that since he has now allowed women to enter the Order they should follow what has been laid down and not go against it. In the Cullavagga too, the Buddha declines to make this concession. But in trying to give a reason for this attitude of the Buddha, the Theriya XE "Theriya"  tradition attempts to make out that in the organization of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  social considerations, as much as moral XE "moral"  and ethical XE "ethical"  values, loomed large in the mind of the Master. In the Cullavagga he is reported as saying: `Not even the Titthiyas who propound imperfect doctrines sanction such homage of men towards women. How could the Tathgata do so?' We should also here consider the fact that any concession for the abrogation XE "abrogation"  of what had already been laid down after careful deliberation would be grossly contradictory to the ideal which the Buddha and his early disciples appear to have upheld regarding the observance of the rules and regulations laid down for the guidance XE "guidance"  of monastic life. 6 The reply which the Buddha seems to have given to Gotami in the Chinese XE "Chinese"  version of the Mah+[saka Vinaya XE "Mah+[saka Vinaya"  is definitely more in keeping with this spirit. But we should take note of the fact that this reply would run contrary to the Theriya XE "Theriya"  tradition, which at some stage, seems to have accommodated the idea that the Buddha conceded the abrogation of the minor rules XE "minor rules" . As far as we are aware there is one other Vinaya tradition which records a challenge of the garudhamm. The Chinese XE "Chinese"  version of the Dharmagupta Vinaya XE "Dharmagupta Vinaya"  has a chapter entitiled `Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Khandhaka' wherein the question is asked whether the Bhikkhunis cannot accuse the Bhikkhus under any circumstances. The Buddha replies to say that they could not do so even if the Bhikkhus violated the rules of discipline or were guilty XE "guilty"  of offences. These two protests on the part of the Bhikkhunis seem to show that the Bhikkhuni+ SaEgha, or at least a section of it, resisted what it considered to be harsh legislation XE "legislation" . At the same time one has to view dispassionately the position of the Buddha, who as the head of the Bhikkhu SaEgha XE "Bhikkhu SaEgha"  which was already a well-groomed institution XE "institution" , had to safeguard against its disintegration through dispute XE "dispute"  and discontent. The fifth accusation levelled against nanda XE "nanda"  at the First Council XE "First Council" , that he agitated for the admission of women into the Order, is a clear indication that even after the recognised success of the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Ssana XE "Bhikkhun+ Ssana"  there was a section of the Bhikkhus who formed as it were a consolidated opposition against it. The motive for such an attitude could have been generated by the fear of being eclipsed by the newer Order. The Chinese XE "Chinese"  version of the Mah+[saka Vinaya XE "Mah+[saka Vinaya"  includes a statement which is ascribed to the Buddha which seems to lend support to this assumption. The Buddha says that if there were no Bhikkhunis in the Ssana XE "Ssana" , then after his death the male and female lay-devotees (upsak and upsik) would have honoured the Bhikkhus in diverse ways. But now that the Bhikkhunis had entered the Order it would not happen so. It is difficult here to decide how and why the presence of Bhikkhunis in the Ssana should have brought about such a radical change in the attitude of laymen and lay-women towards the Bhikkhus. Why were the Bhikkhus deprived of the honour that would have been theirs had not the Bhikkhunis appeared on the scene? Are the Bhikkhunis to be held responsible for the loss of prestige of the Bhikkhus? At any rate, this record of the Mah+[sakas was undoubtedly representative of a section of the opinion of the day regarding the Bhikkhun+ Ssana. The Pali records of the Theriya XE "Theriya"  tradition which belong to an earlier phase of the history of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  give expression to a similar feeling in the chastisement of nanda XE "nanda"  in whom ultimately lay the responsibility for the admission of women into the Order. An echo of this is felt in the Mah+[saka Vinaya XE "Mah+[saka Vinaya"  where nanda apologises to the Buddha for having requested him to permit women to enter the Order. But the Buddha absolves him saying that he did so unwittingly under the influence of Mra XE "Mra" . The Theriya tradition is not alone again in expressing the fact that the presence of women in the Ssana would reduce its life span by half. We find it recorded in the Chinese XE "Chinese"  version of the Dharmagupta Vinaya XE "Dharmagupta Vinaya"  that the Buddha told nanda that if women did not enter the Order it would have lasted 500 years longer. It becomes clear from what has been said so far that at the time of crystalization of Theriya XE "Theriya"  traditions two ideas regarding the establishment of the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Ssana XE "Bhikkhun+ Ssana"  stood out clearly. A section of the Bhikkhu SaEgha XE "Bhikkhu SaEgha"  was reproachful of nanda XE "nanda"  because he interceded with the Buddha for the sake of the Bhikkhunis. The admission of women was also considered a categorical danger to the successful continuance of the Ssana XE "Ssana" . In the light of all this evidence a study of the garudhamm reveals to us the fact that the Buddha was keenly conscious of the need to steer clear of the possible rivalries of the Bhikkhus and the Bhikkhunis and maintain healthy and harmonious relations between the two groups. CHAPTER XIV The Disciplinary Code of the Bhikkhunis Inspite of the numerous comments and criticisms which are associated with the founding of the Order of Bhikkhunis it is clearly evident that it soon became a recognised component of the religious organization of the Buddha. Bhikkhu ca s+lasampanno bhikkhun+ ca bahussut upsako ca yo saddho y ca saddh XE "saddh"  upsik ete kho saEghaC sobhenti ete hi saEghasobhan. A.II. 8 Virtuous monks and learned nuns, Laymen and laywomen of great devotion. These indeed are an ornament to the SaEgha. They do indeed adorn the SaEgha. The catuparis XE "catuparis"  or the fourfold assembly, which included both Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunis together with laymen and laywomen, was the dynamic institution XE "institution"  of Buddhism which gave the religion its vitality and its validity. In the Psdika XE "Psdika"  Sutta the Buddha tells Cunda XE "Cunda"  how the stability of the religion depends on the achievements of this fourfold assembly which includes both Bhikkhunis and laywomen, showing that women were by no means an appendix but an integral part of the corpus of the religion (Santi kho pana me cunda etarahi ther bhikkhk svak vyatt vin+t visrad ... ther bhikkhuniyo svik ... upsak svak ... upsik svik ... Etarahi kho pana me cunda brahmacariyaC iddha ca ph+ta ca vitthrikaC bhujaaC puthubhktaC yva'd'eva manussehi suppaksitaC. D.III.125f.). This significance of the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Ssana XE "Bhikkhun+ Ssana"  is further attested in the Mahparinibbna XE "Mahparinibbna"  Sutta, where heedless of an anachronism, it is said that the Buddha, not long after his enlightenment XE "enlightenment" , told Mra XE "Mra"  that he would not pass away into parinibbna XE "parinibbna"  until his fourfold assembly, including the Bhikkhunis, i.e. Bhikkhu, Bhikkhun+, Upsaka and Upsik, is well and firmly established (Na tv'ham ppima parinibbyissm+ yva me ... bhikkhuniyo na svik bhavissanti viyatt vin+t visrad... sappmihriyaC dhammaC desessanti. D.II.113). The presence of women in the monastic life is accepted as a reality and most admonitions which were addressed to the Bhikkhus were equally applicable to the Bhikkhunis as well (Yassa kassaci bhikkhave bhikkhussa v bhikkhuniy v kyavaEko appah+no kyadoso kyakasvo vac+vaEko ... manovaEko ... evampapatit te bhikkhave imasm dhammavinay seyyath'pi taC cakkaC chahi divasehi nimmhitam. A.I.112f.). However, there soon evolved a separate code XE "code"  of conduct XE "conduct"  for the use of the Bhikkhunis which took into consideration the differences not only of sex XE "sex"  but also of temperament between the Bhikkhus and the Bhikkhunis. In the study of the Bhikkhu Ptimokkha XE "Bhikkhu Ptimokkha"  we have already observed how both the text and the ritual XE "ritual"  of the Ptimokkha grew out of the restrictive regulations which the Buddha had to lay down from time to time to discipline the monks who were leading the life of brahmacariya under him (Yannkn'haC yni may bhikkhknaC paattni sikkhpadni tni nesaC ptimokkhuddesaC anujneyyaC. Vin.I.102). As this first collection of the Bhikkhu Ptimokkha grew, associated for the most part with monks alone, some of its rules no doubt came to possess a peculiarly masculine relevance. Nevertheless, the Ptimokkha as a code XE "code"  meant to further the life of brahmacariya would have applied in its essence to the women as well when they sought admission to be ordained as Bhikkhunis under the Buddha. Recognising the character of woman XE "woman"  from diverse angles, both social and religious, the Buddha had to make relevant changes in the Ptimokkha of the Bhikkhus to make it acceptable to the Order of the Bhikkhunis. Yet it remained essentially the same, the guide to the monastic life of those men and women who renounced the world. The evolution of the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Ptimokkha XE "Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha"  out of the Ptimokkha which was laid down for the Bhikkhus seems to have confused some scholars considerably with regard to its size and contents. We shall therefore first examine this phenomenon. The regulation XE "regulation"  of the discipline of the newly established Bhikkhuni+ Ssana XE "Ssana"  does not seem to have necessitated any structural alteration of the original Ptimokkha. The original classification of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  into different categories is accepted in the Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha, almost in toto, the group of Aniyata XE "Aniyata" s of the Bhikkhu Ptikokkha being the only one to be left out in the latter. On a closer examination, however, it would be discovered that these two Aniyata dhammas are themselves a further development out of the Bhikkhu Pcittiyas 44 and 45 which have been made applicable to the Bhikkhunis as well. On the other hand a number of individual rules which are peculiar to the male members alone had to be left out while a host of new rules came to be added to cover the special needs of the women in the monastic community. Prjika XE "Prjika"  The four Prjik of the Bhikkhu Ptimokkha XE "Bhikkhu Ptimokkha"  are increased to eight in the code XE "code"  of the Bhikkhunis. Nos. 1, 2, and 4 of these additional rules which are peculiar to the Bhikkhunis (asdhraGa paatti XE "asdhraGa paatti" ) pertain to sex XE "sex"  life in some way or another and can therefore be looked upon as secondary rules deriving from Prjika XE "Prjika"  1 of the Bhikkhu Ptimokkha. However, in the life of the Bhikkhunis, they are considered serious enough to be ranked under Prjika. Thus half the number of Prjika rules laid down for the Bhikkhunis deal with sex. These sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  not only attempt to safeguard the chastity XE "chastity"  of the brahmacrin+ but also try to keep the whole body of Bhikkhunis above reproach. Unchaste behaviour of female mendicants XE "mendicants"  was a reality in contemporary society XE "society"  and seeing the possibility of similar incidents within his own monastic Order, the Buddha was prompted to provide these extra safeguards. There is evidence of incidents in the history of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  in which Bhikkhunis were involved which were serious enough for public censure. The Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  records the incident of the smaGera XE "smaGera"  KaG aka XE "KaG aka"  who violated the chastity of a Bhikkhuni (Tena kho pana samayena yasmato upanandassa sakyaputtassa kaG ako nma smaGero kaG akaC nma bhikkhuniC dksesi. Vin.I.58). Provoked perhaps by the recurrence of such events the public also did at times make hasty and groundless accusations implicating Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunis. A widowed father who had taken to the monastic life along with his young son once became the target of such an accusation. The father was accused, as a Bhikkhu, of having had the child through a Bhikkhuni (Abrahmacrino ime samaG sakyaputtiy. AyaC drako bhikkhuniy jto'ti. Vin.I.79). The Bhikkhunis were forbidden to indulge in frivolous behaviour with members of the opposite sex XE "sex" . A number of rules of the Bhikkhunis which supplement the contents of the SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  and Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  groups of the Bhikkhus regulate the conduct XE "conduct"  of the Bhikkhunis with adequate caution so that they may not fall victims to the lustful desires of unscrupulous men. The following rules of the Bhikkhunis deserve special mention here: SaEghdisesas 3, 5 and 6 and Pcittiyas 11-14, 36. SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  3: No Bhikkhuni shall, alone, leave the village, cross the river and go beyond, shall stay a night out, or be out of the company of the group. Whoever does so shall be guilty XE "guilty"  of a SaEghdisesa offence XE "offence" .Vin.IV.229 SaEghdesesa 5: No Bhikkhuni shall, with lustful intentions, receive and partake of any food XE "food"  from a lustful man with similar intentions. Ibid.233 SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  6: No Bhikkhuni shall tell another `what ever will this man do unto you, whether he is lustful or otherwise as long as you entertain no such thoughts. Therefore accept and partake of whatever he offers you.' Ibid.234 Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  11: No Bhikkhuni shall, in the darkness of the night, at a place where there is no lamp, stay alone in the company of a man or converse with him. Whoever does so shall be guilty XE "guilty"  of a Pcittiya offence XE "offence" . Ibid.268. Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  12: No Bhikkhuni shall stay alone in the company of a man or converse with him in a secluded place. Ibid.269. Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  13: No Bhikkhuni shall stay alone in the company of a man or converse with him in an open place. Ibid.270. Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  14: No Bhikkhuni shall, in the street, in a blind alley or at the cross-roads, stay alone in the company of a man, coverse with him, whisper in his ear or send away the Bhikkhuni who is her only companion. Ibid.271. Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  36: No Bhikkhuni shall live in close association with a house-holder or a house-holder's son ... Ibid.294. The other additional rule (No.3) in the Prjika XE "Prjika"  group of the Bhikkhunis makes it an offence XE "offence"  for a Bhikkhuni to follow a monk who had been lawfully subjected to a boycott XE "boycott"  by the SaEgha (ukkhittnuvattik XE "ukkhittnuvattik" ). Such indiscreet partisan loyalties, whether on the part of the Bhikkhus or of the Bhikkhunis, would have made it difficult to maintain law XE "law"  and order and to ensure harmony within the monastic community. Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  69 of the Bhikkhus warns monks against associating a miscreant Bhikkhu who had been lawfully subjected to punishment XE "punishment" . According to the history of this sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  an act of boycott had been carried out by the SaEgha on a monk named Arimmha XE "Arimmha"  who held fast to a heresy XE "heresy" , and the rest of the community were barred from seeking his company under the pain of a Pcittiya offence. In the Bhikkhun+vibhaEga, the loyalties of Bhikkhuni Thullanand XE "Thullanand"  towards the same miscreant Bhikkhu Arimmha assumes major proportions and leads to the promulgation of a Prjika sikkhpada. In contrast, it is worth noting that a Bhikkhuni who associates with another Bhikkhuni who had been subjected to a boycott under similar conditions is declared to be guilty XE "guilty"  only of a Pcittiya offence (Y pana bhikkhun+ jnaC tathvdiniy bhikkhuniy akatnudhammya taC dimmhiC appaminissammhya saddhiC sambhujeyya v saCvaseyya v saha v seyyaC kappeyya pcittiyaC. Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Pcittiya No.147). Let us probe further into this apparent discrimination. Both in the Sutta and the Vinaya we come across a number of instances of Bhikkhunis who show strong emotional attachment to Bhikkhus of their choice. Such Bhikkhunis, who often happened to be of frivolous character, seem not only to dedicate their whole life for the service of their chosen comrades, but also to engage themselves actively in canvassing for them the patronage of the laymen. This is clearly evident in the Bhikkhu Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  29 where Bhikkhuni Thullanand XE "Thullanand"  underrates the greatness of Sriputta XE "Sriputta" , Moggallna XE "Moggallna"  and other elders in the presence of a house-holder who had invited them. Here, she does so in order to exalt her own favourites like Devadatta XE "Devadatta" , Koklika XE "Koklika"  and others whom she presents as the stalwarts of the Ssana XE "Ssana" . We witness a further embarrassing situation in Pmidesaniya 2 where the Chabbaggiya XE "Chabbaggiya"  Bhikkhunis personally supervised the feeding of their comrades, the Chabbaggiya Bhikkhus, and saw to it that they got the choicest dishes to the neglect of the rest (Chabbaggiy bhikkhuniyo chabbaggiynaC bhikkhknaC vossantiyo mhit honti idha skpaC detha idha odanaC deth'ti. Chabbaggiy bhikkhk yvadatthaC bhujanti ae bhikkhk na cittarkpaC bhujanti. Vin.IV.177). This emotionalism of the Bhikkhunis appears to have gone a step further. In an attempt to defend their comrade monks and maintain their prestige, at times, the Bhikkhunis became pugnacious and offensive. Bhikkhuni Thullanand once abused the elder Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  calling him the erstwhile heretic XE "heretic"  because she took exception to his criticism of nanda XE "nanda" . Thus the Bhikkhunis ventured to silence the critics and shield themselves and their erring comrades. The attitude of Moliyaphagguna XE "Moliyaphagguna"  towards the criticisms hurled at his favourite nuns with whom he used to mingle freely and similar reactions on the part of the nuns themselves show that these emotions which the Buddha referred to as being characteristic of lay householders (gehasit chand gehasit vitakk) would have been a menace to the healthy and harmonious life of the community. If this tendency of the Bhikkhunis was allowed to continue without restriction it would have served to support and encourage the rebellious XE "rebellious"  dissentients in the SaEgha. Evidently such Bhikkhus considered the ability to command and count on the support of the Bhikkhunis to be a great asset. Thus it is clear that the vissicitudes of the Bhikkhu Ssana XE "Bhikkhu Ssana"  would have warranted the inclusion of this additional Prjika XE "Prjika"  of theBhikkhunis (No. 3.) 'that no Bhikkhuni shall follow a Bhikkhu who had been lawfully subjected to a boycott XE "boycott"  by the SaEgha and who subsequently had made no amends XE "amends"  for it.' SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  The seventeen SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  rules of the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Ptimokkha XE "Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha"  consist of seven which the Bhkkkhunis hold in common with the Bhikkhus (sdhraGa paatti), and ten additional rules which apply to the Bhikkhunis alone. The SaEghdisesa rules 1-4 of the Bhikkhus deal with sex XE "sex"  abuses or minor sex relations of a Bhikkhu with a woman XE "woman"  and therefore have no relevance to the Bhikkhunis. On the other hand, we have already noted that cosiderations regarding the sex relations of Bhikkhunis with the male members of the lay society XE "society"  were relatively enhanced in gravity and included under the Bhikkhun+ Prjikas 1 and 4. The other two rules of the Bhikkhu SaEghdisesas (Nos. 6 and 7) which are left out of the Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha refer to the construction of dwelling places (kumi and vihra). Nevertheless, Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  19 of the Bhikkhus which also happens to deal with dwelling places of monks (vihra) finds its parallel in the following Pcittiya rule of the Bhikkhunis: MahallakaC pana bhikkhuniy vihraC krayamnya yva dvrakos aggalammhapanya lokasandhiparikammya dvatticchadanassa pariyyam appaharite mhitya adhimmhtabbaC. Tato ce uttarim appaharite pi mhit adhimmhaheyya pcittiyaC.'  With the omission of these six rules of the Bhikkhu SaEghdisesa the Bhikkhunis are still left with seven sdhraGa paatti or rules which they hold in common with the Bhikkhus under the category of SaEghdisesa. The ten new rules which take their place under the Bhikkhun+ SaEghdisesas deal with a variety of themes. No.1 forbids nuns from entering into hostilities with the laymen. (Y pana bhikkhun+ ussayavdik vihareyya gahapatin v gahapatiputtena v dsena v kammakrena v antamaso samaGaparibbjaken'pi ayampi bhikkhun+ pamhampattikkaC dhammaC pann nissraE+yaC saEghdisesaC. Vin.IV.224). Nos. 2 and 4 provide against the indiscreet admission of doubtful characters into the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Order without proper investigation and the illegal reinstatement of a properly expelled nun XE "nun" . Nos. 3. 5 and 6 safeguard the nuns from the dangers of lustful men. Nos. 7-10 attempt to curb the rebellious XE "rebellious"  and disruptive elements of the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Order who operate either singly or in groups. These four new rules of the Bhikkhunis seem, more or less, to reinforce the Bhikkhu SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  9-13 which are also applicable to the Bhikkhunis and which deal with similar situations.Thus we see that with the establishment of the new Order for Bhikkhunis the code XE "code"  of monastic discipline is being made more and more comprehensive. Nissaggiya XE "Nissaggiya"  Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  Both the Bhikkhus and the Bhikkhunis have the same number of thirty Nissaggiya XE "Nissaggiya"  Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  rules. But only the following 18 rules of the Bhikkhus are held in common by the Bhikkhunis as well. They are 1-3, 6-10, 18-20, 22, 23, 25-28, 30. The 12 rules of the Bhikkhus which do not apply to the Bhikkhunis are as follows: Nos. 4 and 5 deal with engaging the services of a Bhikkhuni to wash or dye a robe and receiving a robe from a Bhikkhuni respectively. Nos. 11-17 are a set of very specific and circumscribed rules which deal with the making of rugs and coverlets out of silk and wool and their use. No. 21 forbids the retention of an extra bowl beyond ten days. This rule, however, finds a place among the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Nissaggiyas in a stricter form. The new rule requires that no Bhikkhuni shall make a collection of bowls. This, in its context, is taken to mean that she shall not possess an extra bowl even for a single day. Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  points out this difference between the two versions of the rule (Ayam eva hi viseso. Tattha das'haC parihro ettha ek'ham pi natthi. VinA.IV.916). Commenting on the Bhikkhun+vibhaEga Buddhaghosa looks upon this rule of the Bhikkhunis as a new one which replaces the former. No. 24 specifies the time when a Bhikkhu should make a quest for a rain garment and the time when he should start wearing it. This together with the rule which deals with life in forest residences (No.29) were apparently considered as having no relevance to the life of the Bhikkhunis. No.29 indicates a concession granted to the forest-dwelling monks regarding c+varavippavsa. The Bhikkhun+vibhaEga, on the other hand, has the following rules added to the rest of the Bhikkhu Nissaggiya XE "Nissaggiya"  rules: No.1. The Nissaggiya XE "Nissaggiya"  Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  group of the Bhikkhunis begins with this revised rule regarding the possession of bowls to which we have referred earlier under Bhikkhu Nissaggiya 21. Nos. 2 and 3 deal with faulty practices in the acceptance and distribution of robes. Nos. 4-10. This section details the abuse of offers made by laymen to provide the Bhikkhunis with their needs either individually or collectively to the congregation as a whole. The indiscreet behaviour of the Bhikkhunis in this direction had proved both irksome and embarrassing to the public. Nos. 11 and 12 which deal with the choice and acceptance of robes are closely allied to Nos. 2 and 3. Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  is not only the largest of all the groups of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  laid down for the Bhikkhunis as in the case of Bhikkhus too, but is also the group which has an overwhelmingly large collection of additional rules, amounting to ninety-six, which is four more than the entire group of Bhikkhu Pcittiyas. Of the ninety-two Bhikkhu Pcittiyas, the Bhikkhunis take seventy which they hold in common with the Bhikkhus. Thus the Bhikkhunis have a total of 166 sikkhpada under the group of Pcittiya. The additional rules of the Bhikkhunis may roughly be analysed as pertaining to the following themes. (a)Immodest and perverse sex XE "sex"  behaviour.Nos. 2-5, 21, 31, 32....Total 7(b)Relations with laymen which would impair the life of brahmacariya.Nos. 11-14, 36-38, 60....Total 8(c)Boisterous and quarrelsome habits.Nos. 18-20, 33, 35, 53, 55, 76.....Total 8(d)Frivolous behaviour and lack of moderation in the fulfilment of personal needs.Nos. 1, 7-10, 41- 44, 49, 50, 77, 78, 84 - 93....Total 23(e)Impropriety and unceremonious conduct. XE "conduct" Nos. 15  17....Total 3(f)Monastic regulations. The sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  of this category refer to essentially monastic considerations which apply to the institution XE "institution"  of the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  SaEgha. This group of sikkhpada may be futher subdivided as follows.i.Robes and garments peculiar to the Bhikkhunis on accunt of their difference in sex. XE "sex" Nos. 22-30, 47, 48, 96.....Total 12ii.Food.Nos. 46, 54.....Total 2iii.Observance of vassvsa or rains-retreat and duties connected with it.Nos. 39, 40, 56  59.....Total 6iv.Obligations towards fellow-bhikkhunis: teachers and pupils.Nos. 34, 68  70.....Total 4v.Relations with Bhikkhus.Nos. 6. 51, 52, 94, 95.....Total 5vi.Maintenance of law XE "law"  and order in the community.No. 45.....Total 1viiCorrect monastic procedure XE "procedure"  in the conferment of upasampad etc.Nos. 61-67, 71-75, 79-83.....Total 17 We have already noted above that 70 rules of the Bhikkhu Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  also apply to the Bhikkhunis. Of the twenty-two rules which are therefore peculiar to the Bhikkhus alone and do not apply to the Bhikkhunis, ten deal solely with relationships of Bhikkhus with Bhikkhunis (Nos. 21-30). Out of the bhojanavagga of the Bhikkhus which deal with food XE "food" , four rules do not apply to the Bhikkhunis (Nos. 33, 35, 36, 39). The Bhikkhu Pcittiya 41 which refers to the offer of food by a Bhikkhu to a naked ascetic XE "ascetic" , a male or female wandering ascetic, does not occur in the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Ptimokkha XE "Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha" . The Bhikkhunis have in its place a new sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  which leaves out the reference to the naked ascetic and replaces it with a householder: Bhikkhuni+ Pcittiya 46. However, inspite of this change, these two sikkhpada look very similar to each other. Compare the Bhikkhu Pcittiya 41: Yo pana bhikkhu acelakassa v paribbjakassa v paribbjikya v sahatth khdan+yaC v bhojan+yaC v dadeyya pcittiyaC Vin.IV.92. with the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  46: Y pana bhikkhun+ agrikassa v paribbjakassa v paribbjikya v sahatth khdan+yaC v bhojan+yaC v dadeyya pcittiyaC. Vin.IV.302 Nevertheless, it should be noted that the motives which led to the promulgation of these two sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  are different in each case. The Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  rule of the Bhikkhunis (No.46) should be studied together with No.28 of the same group where both the motives and the persons concerned are identical, the only difference being that in one a robe instead of food XE "food"  is given away by a Bhikkhuni. Under both these sikkhpada the Bhikkhuni concerned is guilty XE "guilty"  of bribing laymen, for the sake of personal gain or glory, with something belonging to the Bhikkhunis (Tena kho pana samayena thullanand bhikkhun+ namnam'pi namaknam'pi ... samaGac+varam deti mayham parisati vaGGaC bhsath'ti. Vin.IV.285). The apparently corresponding sikkhpada of the Bhikkhus (Bhikkhu Pc.41), on the other hand, has its origin in an incident which is considerably circumscribed. What appears to be quite a harmless act did unexpectedy subject some members of the Order to ridicule in the hands of the heretics. In an attempt to safeguard against the recurrence of such incidents the following general rule, Bhikkhu Pcittiya 41 is laid down: `No monk shall give, with his own hands, any food unto a naked ascetic XE "ascetic" , a wandering ascetic, male or female.' The Bhikkhu Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  64 is left out of the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Pcittiyas, perhaps because there is a similar ring in the second additional Prjika XE "Prjika"  of the Bhikkhunis (vajja-pamicchdika). This rule of the Bhikkhunis, however, refers only to the concealment of Prjika offences while the Bhikkhu Pcittiya 64 covers both groups of offences, Prjika and SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa" , under the term dummhull patti XE "dummhull patti" . No. 65 is covered under the new Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  71. Nos. 67 and 83 have relevance to Bhikkhus alone. No. 85 gives permission to monks to enter the village out of hours under specified conditions. Perhaps we may infer that in leaving it out of the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya" , it was intended that the Bhikkhunis were not to be given even a conditional entry except during proper hours. No. 89. It is difficult to understand why this rule, which specifies the size of a nis+dana (= a mat to sit on) for the Bhikkhus, does not apply to the Bhikkhunis. The fact that nis+danas were recognised as part of the belongings of the Bhikkhunis as well is proved by the presence of the parallel of the Bhikkhu Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  60  under the Pcittiya of the Bhikkhunis (Pcittiya 141 in the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Ptimokkha XE "Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha" ). Moreover, the parallel of the Bhikkhu Pcittiya 87 , which gives specifications about Caca (bed) and p+mha (chair), also find a a place in the Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha (Pcittiya 173 in the Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha). No. 91 gives specifications of the size of the vassikasmika XE "vassikasmika"  (= a cloth for the rains). This, as well as the Bhikkhu Nissaggiya XE "Nissaggiya"  24 which also refers to the vassikasmika, do not apply to the Bhikkhunis. Pmidesaniya The eight Pmidesaniya rules of the Bhikkhunis are extremely simple in character and seem in fact to be a splitting up of the single rule which bars a Bhikkhuni, unless she is ill, from obtaining by request and using ghee, oil, honey, molasses, fish, meat, milk and curd. The Bhikkhus, on the other hand, have four Pmidesaniya rules of their own which also deal with food XE "food"  but are wider in their scope. Nos. 1 and 2 determine the relations of Bhikkhus with Bhikkhunis at meals, and hence have no relevance to the Bhikkhunis themselves. Nos. 3 and 4 refer to certain situations in which a monk who is not ill should not help himself to food. No. 4 deals with it specifically in relation to forest residences. Therefore this rule would not apply to the Bhikkhunis. No. 3 embodies an undoubtedly singnificant consideration. It prescribes against possible exploitation of pious lay patrons by inconsiderate monks, who while helping themselves to a meal, would fail to consider the economic stability of the people who provide them with food. Here the Buddha decrees that the Bhikkhus should formally decide among themselves not to strain those families of devoted laymen whose resources are depleted. The Bhikkhus shall not call on them and accept food unless on invitation or in cases of illness. Sekhiya XE "Sekhiya"  dhamma. Both Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunis share the same set of seventy-five Sekhiya XE "Sekhiya"  dhammas. The Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Ptimokkha XE "Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha"  The text of the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Ptimokkha XE "Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha"  seems to have presented a number of problems to the scholars who ventured to examine it. Miss Durga N. Bhagavat who apparently approached it solely through the Bhikkhun+vibhaEga of the present Vinaya Pimaka discovered therein only a fragment of it. She has erred so far as to mistake this abridged version for the complete text. The result of this has been obviously disastrous as has already been pointed out by Miss Horner. Miss Horner suggests that the Nuns' VibhaEga in its present form may be regarded as an abridged version of some more complete VibhaEga for nuns. In support of this she adduces as evidence the fragment of the Prtimokcasktra XE "Prtimokcasktra"  of the Sarvstivdins XE "Sarvstivdins"  published by Finot. The Bhikcun+-prtimokca in it, it is pointed out, contains the end of one sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  and the beginning of another which are identified as SaEghdisesas for nuns corresponding to Monks' SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  8 and 9. This leads us to the legitimate inference that there existed at some stage among the Sarvstivdins a complete, unabridged Prtimokca for the Bhikcunis. However, the earlier hypothesis of the existence of `a more complete VibhaEga for nuns' is not necessarily established thereby, because there is evidence to show that the Prtimokcasktras which came to be recited fortnightly at the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  meetings existed quite distinctly apart from the VibhaEgas, and very naturally in an unabridged form. On the other hand, as we examine the early literary history of the Vinaya Pimaka we discover evidence which point to the existence of a complete and unabridged text of the Bhikkhun+vibhaEga. Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa" , while describing the Vinaya texts which were rehearsed at the First Council XE "First Council" , speaks of the Ubhato VibhaEga XE "Ubhato VibhaEga"  consisting of the MahvibhaEga XE "MahvibhaEga"  and the Bhikkhun+vibhaEga. These two texts, it is said, were gone through separately each in its entirety. The MahvibhaEga, says Buddhaghosa, consists of 220 rules (EvaC v+sdhikni dve sikkhpadasatni mahvibhaEgo'ti kittetv mhapesuC. DA.I.13). We should note here how precise Buddhaghosa is in not adding the 7 AdhikaraGasamatha XE "AdhikaraGasamatha"  dhammas to the list of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada" , as most scholars do, when they speak of 227 rules of the Ptimokkha, the 7 Adhikaranasamatha dhammas to the list of disciplinary rules. The Bhikkhun+vibhaEga consists of 304 rules, and not 311 for the same reason. (EvaC t+ni sikkhpadasatni cattri ca sikkhpadni bhikkhun+vibhaEgo'ti kittetv... Ibid.) This shows that at least the tradition which Buddhaghosa inherited knew of an early reckoning of the contents of the Bhikkhun+vibhaEga independent of the MahvibhaEga, and it leads us to surmise on the independent existence of a complete Bhikkhun+vibhaEga. Further it is worth noting that Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa" , while speaking of the literary activity of the First Cuncil, does not speak of an independent rehearsal of either of the Ptimokkhas apart from the VibhaEgas, although he goes so far as to include both the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  and the Parivra XE "Parivra"  under the Vinaya literature rehearsed at the First Council XE "First Council" . The two Ptimokkhas were apparently reckoned as being part and parcel of the two respective VibhaEgas at that stage. This is clear from the manner in which the elder Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  questioned the venerable Upli XE "Upli"  from the first Prjika XE "Prjika"  onwards inquiring not only about the rule but also about the details connected with it. Even as far as the function of the Ptimokkha was concerned, it is evident that in the early days of Buddhist monasticism much importance was attached to the meaning and interpretation, and all the implications of the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada" . It was also necessary for the proper enforcement of the law XE "law"  that those who were in authority knew all the circumstances leading to the promulgation of the various sikkhpada. Therefore it is not unusual to find a monk being challenged regarding the authenticity of a particular item of discipline which he wishes to enforce. Thus, the maintenance of acceptable good monastic conduct XE "conduct"  being the live function of the Ptimokkha, it was necessary for a monk, specially for one who was in authority such as a Vinayadhara XE "Vinayadhara"  or a Bhikkhunovdaka XE "Bhikkhunovdaka" , to learn both codes of the Ptimokkha in detail with all the explanations. Note the significance of the following observations: `If a monk is not well-versed in both codes of the Ptimokkha with all their details and explanations, then if he were to be questioned as to where the Buddha has laid down such and such an injunction, he would not be able to give an answer. Then there would be many who would advise him to first learn his Vinaya.' (No ce bhikkhave bhikkhuno ubhayni ptimokkhni vitthrena svgatni honti suvibhattni suppavatt+ni suvinicchitni suttaso anuvyajanaso idaC pana yasm kattha vuttaC bhagavat'ti pummho na sampyati. Tassa bhavanti vattro ingha tva yasm vinayaC sikkhassk'ti. A.V.80f.). There is no doubt, that all these requirements imply a thorough knowledge of the texts of the VibhaEga. Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa" , in fact, explains suttaso of the above passage as vibhangato. In the Samantapsdik, he explains the phrase vitthrena svgatni which also occurs in the above passage as implying a knowledge of the twofold VibhaEga (Tattha ubhayni kho pana'ssa ptimokkhni vitthrena svgatni hont+'ti ubhato vibhaEgavasena vuttni. VinA.V.990). However, it is clear that Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  was aware of the existence in his own day of the two Ptimokkhas as independent literary works, besides the two VibhaEgas, in the Vinaya Pimaka. In a general description of the Vinaya Pimaka, Buddhaghosa adds to its contents the two Ptimokkhas as well, which now take their stand side by side with the VibhaEgas, the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  and the Parivra XE "Parivra" . (Tattha pamhamasaEg+tiyaC saEg+ta ca asaEg+taE ca sabbam pi samodhnetv ubhayni ptimokkhni dve vibhaEgni dvv+sati khandhak so7asaparivr'ti idaC vinayapimakaC nma.). He also makes it clear in this statement that not all the contents of the extant Vinaya Pimaka were rehearsed at the First Council XE "First Council" . It is not possible to determine with any certainity the time when the Ptimokkha (of the Bhikkhus and the Bhikkhunis) were thus extracted from the VibhaEgas. All that we can safely infer from the statements of Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  is that it certainly took place before his time, but at a date which does not go so far back as the First Council XE "First Council" . Hence the absence in the Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga"  of any reference to the Ptimokkha as a Vinaya treatise during the recital XE "recital"  of the Vinaya at the First Council. The independent existence of the Bhikkhu and Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Ptimokkha XE "Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha"  in their entirety, at least during the time of Buddhaghosa, is clearly evident in the KaEkhvitaraG+ of Buddhaghosa. We notice there that Buddhaghosa is familiar with an unabridged text of the Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha. In commenting, however, on the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  of the Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha, he recognises the items which the Bhikkhunis hold in common with the Bhikkhus (sdhraGa paattiyo) and refers back for their explanation to his comments on those identical sikkhpada in the Bhikkhu Ptimokkha XE "Bhikkhu Ptimokkha" . He commences his Bhikkhun+ptimokkha-vaGGn with a comment on the first Prjika XE "Prjika" , the first of the eight Prjikas of the Bhikkhunis which incidentally also happens to be a sdhraGa paatti. (Y pana bhikkhun+ chandaso methunaC dhammaC pamiseveyy'ti vuttaC tattha chandaso'ti methunargapamisamyuttena chandena c'eva ruciy ca ... Kkvt.157). Therefore he refers to the rest of the common sikkhpada in the following terms: `Here and in the instances which follow, the rest should be understood with the help of the explanations given under the common injunctions which the Bhikkhus share with the Bhikkhunis.'(SesaC ettha itoparesu ca sdhraGasikkhpadesu vuttanaynusren'eva veditabbaC. Kkvt.157). That in the KaEkhvitaraG+ Buddhaghosa was commenting on a complete text of the Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha is further evident in the remarks which he adds after his comments on the first six rules of the Bhikkhun+ SaEghdisesas which are peculiar to the nuns alone. Noting that the next three SaEghdisesas, i.e. nos. 7, 8 and 9, are held in common with the Bhikkhus, Buddhaghosa says that their explanations are to be known in terms of what has been said about the triad which begins with the sikkhpada on sacaritta (sacarittdittaye vuttanayen'eva vinicchayo veditabbo. Kkvt.165), and refers them back to the Bhikkhu Ptimokkha. They were, nevertheless, reckoned as forming a part of the Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha, for Buddhaghosa proceeds to number the sikkhpada which follows these three as the tenth (Dasame kinnu' m'va samaGiyo'ti. Kkvt.165). When Buddhaghosa, following this order, regards the suceeding sikkhpada as No.11, the editor of the KaEkhvitaraGi (P.T.S.) hastens to make the following comment: `This really refers to the SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  8 as given at Vin.IV.238 and not to No.11. There are only 10 in the recognised Pali Canon.' It should here be pointed out that this attempted correction is not only unwarranted but is also dangerously misleading. After SaEghdisesa 13 of the Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha, Buddhaghosa is aware of the existence of four more sikkhpada for the Bhikkhunis under the SaEghdisesa which the Bhikkhunis share in common with the Bhikkhus (SaEgha-bheddisu catusu vuttanayen'eva vinicchayo veditabbo. Kkvt.166). Thus Buddhaghosa winds up his comments on the SaEghdisesas of the Bhikkhunis with commendable accuracy, thereby establishing the existence of 17 sikkhpada in that group. Attention has already been drawn to the change of emphasis in the ritual XE "ritual"  of Ptimokkha at a time when the mere recital XE "recital"  of the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  at the assenbly of the Bhikkhus, without any evident probe into the incidents of indiscipline, constituted the ritual of the Uposatha XE "Uposatha" . At such a function, it was obviously the text of the Ptimokkha rules that mattered. The details of interpretation and application which were closely connected with the rules and thus formed an essential part of the VibhaEga would have been eventually left out. This, perhaps, explains the extraction of the rules of the Ptimokkha from the body of the VibhaEgas and the formation out of these of the two manuals of Bhikkhu and Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Ptimokkha XE "Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha" , intended undoubtedly to be used for recital at the ritual of the Uposatha. Thus it is the consequent independent existence of the Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha, in its entirety, which in all probability, could have justified the abridgement of the text of the Bhikkhun+vibhaEga into the form in which we have it today. The Bhikkhun+vibhaEga was an abridged text even at the time of Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  and the Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha as well as the Bhikkhu Ptimokkha XE "Bhikkhu Ptimokkha"  had already acquired an independent position in the Vinaya Pimaka. Thus in marked contrast to the KaEkhvitaraGi which is Buddhaghosa's commentary on the two Ptimokkhas, Buddhaghosa commences his Bhikkhun+vibhaEgavaGGan in the Samantapsdik with the first additional Prjika XE "Prjika"  of the Bhikkhunis which he treats as No.1, for he proceeds to the rest of the four asdhraGa paatti XE "asdhraGa paatti"  as dutiya, tatiya and catuttha, i.e. second, third and fourth respectively. He follows the same method in the SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  as well as in the other succeeding groups of sikkhpada. In the Samantapsdik we discover an implicit admission of Buddhaghosa that the Bhikkhun+vibhaEga which is before him is an abridged text containing only the asdhraGa paattiyo. Commenting on the phrase uddimmh kho ayyyo ammha prjik dhamm he first refers to the four Prjikas laid down for the Bhikkhus (....bhikkhk rabba paatt sdhraG cattro. VinA.IV.906) and offers four only as the contents of the Prjika group of the Bhikkhun+vibhaEga (....ime ca cattro'ti - Ibid.). Affirming as it were our earlier assumption that the recital at the ritual of the Uposatha was now the immediate and perhaps the single purpose of the Ptimokkha, Buddhaghosa says that the Ptimokkha recital brings before us the complete list of Bhikkhun+ sikkhpada (... evaC ptimokkhuddesamaggena uddimmh kho ayyyo ammha prjik dhamm'ti evam ettha attho dammhabbo. Ibid.). This establishes beyond doubt the position that in Buddhaghosa's day there existed an abridged Bhikkhun+vibhaEga and an unabridged Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha. APPENDIX I The Exclusion of Guilty Monks From The Recital of the Ptimokkha Let us examine the statements in the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  under the authority of which a monk who was guilty XE "guilty"  of an offence XE "offence"  (spattika) was barred from participating in the ritual XE "ritual"  of the Ptimokkha. A careful scrutiny of these two accounts shows that this authority was derived from the story of the Suspension of the Ptimokkha XE "Suspension of the Ptimokkha"  in the Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga" . When Vin.I.125 says that the Buddha has decreed that no guilty monk shall participate in the performance of the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  it has evidently in mind this incident of the Cullavagga. This story of the Suspension of the Ptimokkha appears also in two other Canonical XE "Canonical"  texts, viz. the Udna and the AEguttara Nikya. It is interesting to compare here this version of the Theriya XE "Theriya"  trdition with that of the Mklasarvstivdins XE "Mklasarvstivdins" . The following observations emerge from such a comparison: In the Mklasarvstivda XE "Mklasarvstivda"  account, it is not the Buddha but the SaEghasthavira XE "SaEghasthavira"  who presides over the assembly at which the guilty XE "guilty"  monk is discovered. Thus the entire Theriya XE "Theriya"  version that the Buddha, up to this incident, held the monopoly of reciting the Ptimokkha in the assembly of the monks finds no support among the Mklasarvstivdins XE "Mklasarvstivdins" . It is clearly stated in the Mklasarvstivda account that the Buddha had ordered that the SaEghasthavira should recite the Ptimokkha every fortnight. (UktaC bhagavat saEghasthavirena tvardhamsaC prtimokcasktroddesa uddecmavya iti. Gilgit MSS.III.3.107f.). This order, at any rate, is prior to the incident of the discovery of the guilty monk in the assembly which had met for the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha. The Mklasarvstivdins XE "Mklasarvstivdins"  do not draw the elder Mah Moggallna XE "Moggallna"  into the picture. It is the SaEghasthavira XE "SaEghasthavira"  himself who uses his `divine XE "divine"  eye' to spot out the guilty XE "guilty"  monk. In the Mklasarvstivda XE "Mklasarvstivda"  account, unlike in the Theriya XE "Theriya"  tradition where the elder Moggallna XE "Moggallna"  uses his power of clairvoyance (cetopariyaGa), the use of the `divine XE "divine"  eye' or the `divine ear' for this purpose is condemned and forbidden by the Buddha. One who does so is guilty XE "guilty"  of an offence XE "offence" . It appears from the above analysis that the Mklasarvstivdins XE "Mklasarvstivdins"  too, agree with the Theravdins XE "Theravdins"  in their tradition that no guilty XE "guilty"  monk shall participate in the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha. This is evidently true of most Vinaya traditions for they had been firmly stratified before the break up of the monastic community into distinct schools. Inspite of their elimination of the Buddha and the elder Moggallna XE "Moggallna"  from this incident, the Mklasarvstivdins are loosely linked with the Theravdins in this matter in that the uddna gth which prefaces their Pocadhasthpanavastu mentions the role of Moggallna in penalysing the guilty monk: Asaudhapocadhdbhikcur maudgalyGena n[itah. Gilgit MSS.III.3.107. But there is no doubt that the Mklasarvstivdins found the whole setting of this incident to be somewhat clumsy and in part unacceptable. This leads uf further to examine the contents of this chapter in the Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga"  on the Suspension of the Ptimokkha XE "Suspension of the Ptimokkha"  and observe the procedure XE "procedure"  adopted in excluding the guilty XE "guilty"  monk from the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha. The elder Moggallna XE "Moggallna"  tells the guilty monk that he has no right to sit together with the Bhkkhus: Natthi te bhikkhkhi saddhiC saCvso'ti. Vin.II.237. It is difficult to see from where the venerable Moggallna derives the authority for such an accusation. It appears possible only under the terms of Prjika XE "Prjika"  offences about which alone the Vinaya says that no monk who is guilty of any one of them shall have the right of co-residence XE "residence"  with fellow Bhikkhus. It is further added that such a monk forfeits his right of being a Bhikkhu. (Uddimmh kho yasmanto cattro prjik dhamm yesaC bhikkhu aataraC v aataraC v pajjitv na labhati bhikkhkhi saddhiC saCvsaC yath pure tath pacch prjiko hoti asaCvso - Vin.III.109). Then in terms of what criteria is the prisuddhi or purity XE "purity"  of the monk concerned challenged in this context? There is not a single specific charge which makes him a spattika in the sense that is familiar to us in the Vinaya. Is it to be inferred that no sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  had been laid down up to this stage? If that is conceded then this monk should have enjoyed the normal benefit of an dikammika XE "dikammika" , i.e. of being exempted from guilt XE "guilt"  in the absence of sikkhpada: anpatti dikammikassa. If sikkhpada had already been laid down then this non-specific and all-inclusive charge seems hardly justifiable. If up to the time of this incident no sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  had been laid down then it is hardly possible to imagine that the monks would have been in a position to start forthwith a Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  of their own. (Note: Na dn'haC bhikkhave itoparaC uposathaC karissmi ptimokkhaC uddisissmi. Tumhe'va'dni bhikkhave itoparaC uposathaC kareyytha ptimokkhaC uddiseyytha. Vin.II.240) At any rate, if this incident, contrary to the evidence of Vin.I.102, marks the real beginning of the recital of the Ptimokkha by the Bhikkhus, then it is also to be argued that the recital of the Ptimokkha by the Bhikkhus begins with the assumption that guilty XE "guilty"  monks should be excluded from the recital. But we have already seen that all available evidence point to the contrary. Thus the assumption that all participants at the recital should be pure has to be regarded as the development of a relatively later concept. The story that the Buddha suspended his recital of the Ptimokkha to the Bhikkhus because of the presence of the guilty monk in the assembly contrives to lend support to this growing idea. We should also like to examine at this stage some evidence which comes to us from the Chinese XE "Chinese"  versions of the Buddhist Vinaya. According to the Vinaya of the Mah+[asakas the SaEghasthavira XE "SaEghasthavira"  who presides at the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  asks the assembly as to what the SaEgha is going to do. The Bhikkhus in reply recommend that various forms of disciplinary action such as the Tajjaniya-kamma XE "kamma"  be carried out on certain monks. They also specify that penalties like Mnatta XE "Mnatta"  be imposed. It can hardly be denied that these statements are in perfect accord with what has been laid down in the Suttas of the Theriya XE "Theriya"  tradition. Nevertheless, side by side with this older tradition the Mahi[sakas accomodate a tradition which is akin to that of the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  regarding the Suspension of the Ptimokkha XE "Suspension of the Ptimokkha" . On the other hand, the MahsaEghikas seem to feel that the non-specific charge which is brought against the guilty XE "guilty"  monk is inadequate for purposes of prosecution XE "prosecution" . So they have a new story according to which the monk who stands accused had stealthily picked up a golden lotus petal which was a part of the decoration of the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  hall and had fallen on the ground. This new situation which is added to the story enables the venerable Moggallna XE "Moggallna" , perhaps on account of the offence XE "offence"  of stealing, to give the verdict that from that day the monk who was involved would not be regarded as a samaGa XE "samaGa" . He is further told that he should not be any more among the members of the SaEgha. The MahsaEghikas also go so far as to make the Buddha declare the action of Moggallna in dragging the guilty monk out of the assembly to be illegal. We would consider this divergence in the MahsaEghika XE "MahsaEghika"  tradition to be a very significant one. In the light of other evidence in the Suttas and in the Vinaya we are led to consider the exclusion XE "exclusion"  of the guilty XE "guilty"  monk from the ritual XE "ritual"  of the Ptimokkha as striking a discordant note. In presenting a new and a legally more acceptable basis for the exclusion of the guilty monk, the MahsaEghikas undoubtedly reveal their distrust of the soundness of the Theriya XE "Theriya"  tradition and the validity of the act of exclusion as described in the Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga" . The MahsaEghikas, while they inherit along with the Theriya group and other early divisions of the SaEgha the earlier story of this incident in toto, seem to challenge its conformity to orthodox canons. There is yet another point in this story which runs contrary to what appears to be historically acceptable. The story of the Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga"  tries to make out that up to the detection of the guilty XE "guilty"  monk in the assembly of the SaEgha it was the practice of the Buddha to recite the Ptimokkha for the Bhikkhus. We have already observed that the Mklasarvstivdins XE "Mklasarvstivdins"  differ from the Theriya XE "Theriya"  tradition on this point in keeping the Buddha out of the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital" . The only other Canonical XE "Canonical"  reference in the Theriya tradition to the recital of the Ptimokkha by the Buddha comes to us from the Mahpadna XE "Mahpadna"  Sutta. But this quasi-historical Sutta makes this statement in terms of a Buddha of the past. Placed in a legendary and supernatural setting the Buddha Vipassi XE "Vipassi" , the first of the group of six previous Buddhas XE "Buddhas" , expresses his desire to order his disciples to return to Bandhumat+ XE "Bandhumat+"  at the end of every six years, after their missionary travels, to participate in the Ptimokkha recital. Thereupon a great Brahm XE "Brahm"  appears on the scene and requests him to make the order and pledges their support to see that the disciples do so. The Sutta goes on to describe how the divinities thereafter play their role in reminding the Bhikkhus annually, in anticipation, about their return to the capital for the Ptimokkha recital. When the appointed time comes they make a further contribution by transporting the Bhikkhus to the venue of the recital in a single day by their supernatural power. When the assembly of Bhikkhus meets, the Buddha Vipassi recites before them three stanzas which are traceable to the Buddhavagga of the Dhammapada. The Sutta describes this as the recital of the Ptimokkha by the Buddha Vipassi. Strangely enough, we discover in the last of these stanzas a reference to the restraint XE "restraint"  in terms of the Ptimokkha (Ptimokkhe ca saCvaro). We are already familiar with this concept of discipline and are aware of its connotation. The Commentary to the Sutta explains this as the restraint in the highest s+la XE "s+la"  which is identifiable with the code XE "code"  of the Ptimokkha. Thus when the Ptimokkha as a code of discipline seems to have been well established and its functions appear to have been well known during the life time of the Buddha how does one explain this unnecessary regressing to present the Ptimokkha and its recital XE "recital"  as being primitively simple. As there is no reliable evidence at all, excepting what we implicitly get in the story of the Suspension of the Ptimokkha XE "Suspension of the Ptimokkha" , to show that the Buddha did preside for some time over a form of Ptimokkha recital we are compelled to regard the other abundant evidence pointing to the early existence of a Ptimokkha recital which the Buddha instituted for the Bhikkhus and which the Bhikkhus themselves performed from its inception as being more positive and reliable. It is only with a considerable recognition of such an institution XE "institution"  that one could expect the emergence of a standardised concept like ptimokkhe ca saCvaro. To take this concept back to antiquity and link it up with a primitive and less organized institution appears to be a serious distortion. This retrospective use of the term Ptimokkha to refer to the mere recital XE "recital"  of the three stanzas by the Buddha appears to be unhistorical. Furthermore, the past to which it is drawn is also enveloped in what comes more in the realm of myth and legend. Thus it is undoubtedly a projection from the present and the historical to the past and the legendary. This tendency to delve into the past, in a search as it were for precedent and traditional sanction, is clearly seen in many instances in the life story of the Buddha and the history of the Ssana XE "Ssana" . Such sanction seems to be sought both for what has historically taken place and also for what is intended to be approved as historical and acceptable. The whole of the Mahpadna XE "Mahpadna"  Sutta seems to illustrate this tendency. We discover in the Dhammapadammhakath a story which appears to give a cross reference to this semi-legendary account of the Buddhas XE "Buddhas"  of the past of the Mahpadna XE "Mahpadna"  Sutta. In a very brief story entitled nandattherauposathapahavatthu XE "nandattherauposathapahavatthu"  the venerable nanda XE "nanda"  states that although the Buddha has given details regarding the parentage, disciples etc. of the seven Buddhas including the Buddha Gotama XE "Gotama"  himself he has said nothing about the nature of the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  of the past Buddhas. Therefore he raises the question whether their Uposatha was the same as the present one or different from it. The Buddha replies to say that there is no difference in the content of what is recited at the Uposatha. The only diference is in the frequency of its performance (Yasm pana tesaC buddhnaC klabhedo eva ahosi na gthbhedo - DhpA.III.236). Establishing the identity of the Uposatha of all the seven Buddhas he says that they all recited three admonitory stanzas before their assemblies. These stanzas are the same as those mentioned in the Mahpadna Sutta with reference to the Buddha Vipassi XE "Vipassi" . This story strives to establish, above all, that the Buddha Gotama did perform some form of admonitory Upssatha and that it is distinctly in the tradition of the Buddhas of the past. In doing so this story of the Dhammapadammhakath goes a step further than the Mahpadna Sutta which speaks of the Uposatha only of Buddha Vipassi. Nevertheless, there is no serious divergence between the two accounts. Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa" , in his comments on the VerajabhGavra, has attempted to integrate this tradition with the history of the Ssana XE "Ssana" . This, he says, is the general practice of all Buddhas XE "Buddhas"  and the Buddha Gotama XE "Gotama"  too, did recite a form of ovda XE "ovda"  ptimokkha XE "ovda ptimokkha"  for twenty years in the history of the Ssana up to the promulgation of the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada" . But this twofold Ptimokkha as ovda and G in two distinct chronological stages is a product of commentarial tradition. The only Canonical XE "Canonical"  reference to two stages of the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  is the story of the Suspension of the Ptimokkha XE "Suspension of the Ptimokkha"  in the Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga" . However, we are not told there that these are two distinct types of Ptimokkha recital. All that we are told is that the Buddha refused to recite the Ptimokkha any more in the company of the Bhikkhus and asked them to do it themselves. In the Mahpadna XE "Mahpadna"  Sutta the Buddha Vipassi XE "Vipassi"  himself recites the admonitory stanzas and this alone constitutes the Ptimokkha recital in his Ssana. At no stage is this replaced by another form of recital in the Mahpadna Sutta. Even the account in the Dhammapadammhakath preserves this singleness of character of the recital of the Buddhas of the past. This form of ovda ptimokkha which originally was associated with Buddha Vipassi of distant antiquity is extremely simple and primitive and seems characteristic of a legendary past. The Canonical texts do not seem to mix this up with the Ptimokkha recital of the Buddha Gotama's Ssana which is more historical in character. It is Buddhaghosa who attempts to trace the change over of the Ptimokkha from ovda to G and give it a historical sequence and the story of the Suspension of the Ptimokkha in the Cullavagga seems to facilitate this. In this attempt of Buddhaghosa we see the romanticised tales of the Buddhas of the past invading the truly historical accounts of the life and the Ssana of the Buddha Gotama. On the other hand, it is interesting to analyse at this stage the contents of the VerajabhGavra which has a relevance to this question. In reply to a question by the venerable Sriputta XE "Sriputta"  the Buddha discusses the history of the monastic organizations of the six Buddhas XE "Buddhas"  of the past. They are classified into two groups of three each on a purely chronological order. It is said that the three earlier Buddhas, Vipassi XE "Vipassi" , Sikh+ XE "Sikh+"  and Vessabhk XE "Vessabhk" , did neither lay down sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  nor institute the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  for their disciples. Their discourses on the Dhamma were very meagre. In consequence of this, their monastic organizations disintegrated soon after their death. Of the latter three, Kakusandha XE "Kakusandha" , Kongamana XE "Kongamana"  and Kassapa XE "Kassapa" , we discover that their organizations flourished because they preached the Dhamma extensively to their disciples and also laid down sikkhpada and instituted the recital of the Ptimokkha. No more is said here of the nature of this Ptimokkha recital, either of Gotama XE "Gotama"  or of the Buddhas of the past. Nor is there any indication about one form of recital being replaced by another. Even though we may not regard this portion of the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  to be as old as the rest which deal with the text of the Ptimokkha, we cannot but be impressed by its conformity to the early traditions of the Sutta and the Vinaya. What we mean by this is the recognition of the fact that the promulgation of the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  and their recital XE "recital"  by the Bhikkhus at the Ptimokkha assembly together formed the basic structure of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  and its earliest institutions which safeguarded it. Thus we see that what is said about the Buddhas XE "Buddhas"  of the past in the VerajabhGavra is a very accurate projection into the past of a distinct historical setting. Hence the idea of a primitive form of Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  by the Buddha Gotama XE "Gotama"  seems to be in all probability a product of wishful construction which besides whatever other purpose it serves helps the legislation XE "legislation"  against the presence of guilty XE "guilty"  monks at the Ptimokkha recital For it is at this point that the Buddha abolishes the practice of the ovda XE "ovda"  ptimokkha XE "ovda ptimokkha"  under protest and hands over the recital of the Ptimokkha to the Bhikkhus. What is more significant here is the legislation whic followed this incident. (Na ca bhikkhave spattikena ptimokkhaC sotabbaC. Yo suGeyya patti dukkamassa. Vin.II.240). The presence of the guilty monk in the assembly being the provocation which led to the abolition of the ovda ptimokkha the Buddha laid down the rule, applicable to the G ptimokkha XE "G ptimokkha"  of the Bhikkhus, that no guilty monk shall participate in the Ptimokkha recital. The incident of the abolition of the ovda ptimokkha undoubtedly provides a very convincing situation for this new legislation. However, we have already pointed out that it is clearly a deviation from the original spirit of the Ptimokkha recital. APPENDIX II The Abolition of the Lesser and Minor Rules of Training The history of the Ssana XE "Ssana" , both in the Sutta and the Vinaya Pimakas, shows that there were rebellious XE "rebellious"  monks in the Order. Their protests against the disciplinary measures adopted by the Buddha are widely scattered in the Pali texts where such monks are described as being militant and intolerant of any advice (Dubbac kho bhante etarahi bhikkhk dovacassakaraGehi dhammehi samanngat akkham appadakkhiGagghino anussaniC. S.II.204). The words of Subhadda XE "Subhadda" , who was discovered expressing his joy on the passing away of the Buddha, mark the climax of this tendency. There was a formidable move in this direction even during the life time of the Buddha and he was well aware of it. In the Lamukikopama XE "Lamukikopama"  Sutta, the Buddha states very clearly that there exists a group of misguided disciples who when being told by him to give up certain ways of life which are unworthy of a monk refuse to do so. They in turn accuse the Buddha of being meticulous and pronounce judgement on him that he worries over worthless trifles. They show their displeasure not only at him as the law XE "law" -giver but also at the other good disciples who abide by these laws (EvaC eva kho udyi idh'ekacce moghapuris idaC pajahath'ti may vuccamn te evaC haCsu kiC pan'imassa appamattakassa oramattakassa adhisallikhat'ev'yaC samano'ti. Te ta c'eva nappajahanti mayi ca appaccayaC upammhpenti ye ca bhikkhk sikkhkm. M.I.449). A specific instance of such accusation against the Buddha is recorded in the AEguttara Nikya where a Bhikkhu named Kassapagotta XE "Kassapagotta"  of PaEkadha XE "PaEkadha"  protests at a discourse of the Buddha in which he deals with monastic discipline (Atha kho kassapagottassa bhikkhuno bhagavat sikkhpadapamisaCyuttya dhammiy kathya bhikkhk sandassante samdapente samuttejente ahud'eva akkhanti ahu appaccayo adhisallikhat'ev'yaC samaGo'ti. A.I.236). Regardless of the avowed purpose of Buddhist monasticism these rebels appear to have looked upon sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  as measures calculated to restrict their freedom and the liberty to do things as they wish. This is clearly evident from the history and the text of Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  72 which is laid down against the disciples who speak disparagingly of the sikkhpada of the Vinaya Pimaka (Sace ime vinaye pakatauno bhavissanti amhe yena icchakaC yad'icchakaC yvad'icchakaC ka  hissanti parika  hissanti. Handa mayaC vuso vinayaC vivaGGem'ti.). Also: (Yo pana bhikkhu ptimokkhe uddissamne evaC vadeyya kiC pan'imehi khuddnu-khuddakehi sikkhpadehi uddummhehi yvad'eva kukkuccya vihesya vilekhya saCvattant+'ti sikkhpadavivaGGake pcittiyaC. Vin.IV.143). This is undoubtedly the reason why a section of the monastic community expressed their sense of freedom on the death of the Master and stated in no uncertain terms that they were in a position to act on their own choice and would not be pestered any more with instructions on propriety XE "propriety"  and procedure XE "procedure"  (Sumutt mayaC tena mahsamaGena. Upaddut ca mayaC homa idaC vo kappati idaC vo na kappat+'ti. Idni pana mayaC yaC icchissma taC karissma yaC na icchissma na taC karissm'ti. Vin.II.284). The Buddha was not only aware of the gathering momentum against the organization of discipline but also felt it necessary to pay sufficient heed to it. On the one hand, he would keep the good disciples informed of this calamitous situation as is clear from the words of the Buddha to Udyi XE "Udyi"  in the Lamukikopama XE "Lamukikopama"  Sutta. He would praise the virtues of the law XE "law" -abiding Bhikkhus as he did when he discovered the attitude of the venerable Upasena VaEgantaputta XE "Upasena VaEgantaputta"  to the code XE "code"  of monastic discipline (Sdhu sdhu upasena na apaattaC papetabbaC paattaC v na samucchinditabbaC yathpaattesu sikkhpadesu samdya vattitabbaC. Vin.III.231). Such willing submission to monastic discipline was a cause of joy to the founder of the Order. In the Kakackpama XE "Kakackpama"  Sutta the Buddha is happy to recollect his associations with such disciples. There was a time, says the Buddha, when the monks won his heart by their good behaviour. He also often held out such good monks as an example to the rest. The venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  was a dominant personality of that category about whose exemplary character the Buddha repeatedly mentioned (Kassapena v hi vo bhikkhave ovadissmi yo v kassapasadiso. Ovaditehi ca pana vo tathattya pamipajjitabban'ti. S.II.195). On the other hand, the Buddha also took more active disciplinary measures by incorporating in the code XE "code"  of discipline itself legislation XE "legislation"  against such vicious moves to undermine monastic discipline. The rebels directed their attack against the regulations of the Vinaya, their main target being the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  of the Ptimokkha. Out of a sense of fear of prosecution XE "prosecution"  the miscreants thought it advantageous to keep as many members of the Order as possible ignorant of the contents of the Vinaya. It is said that they therefore spoke very disparagingly of the Vinaya to every one. They challenged the usefulness of the recital XE "recital"  of the lesser and minor rules XE "minor rules"  (khuddnukhuddakni sikkhpadni) at the ritual XE "ritual"  of the Ptimokkha. It only wearies and vexes the listeners, they said (KiC pan'imehi khuddnukhuddakehi sikkhpadehi uddimmhehi. Yvad'eva kukkuccya vihesya vilekhya saCvattat+'ti. Vin.IV.143). They oppose the recital at the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  of the whole code of Ptimokkha regulations. The lesser and minor rules are slighted and an attempt is made to eliminate them from the Ptimokkha recital. This means that the conduct XE "conduct"  of no monk would be questioned any more in terms of these sikkhpada. This attitude would stand in marked contrast to the assumption of the Vajjiputtaka XE "Vajjiputtaka"  monk who thought that he had to discipline himself in terms of all the sikkhpada which were being recited fortnightly at the Uposatha ceremony and which he said were over a hundred and fifty in number. It is unmistakably clear that this is one of the first attempts to get rid of some of the monastic regulations which had found a place in the code of the Ptimokkha. According to the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  this move was headed by the Chabbaggiya XE "Chabbaggiya"  monks and their followers who in the history of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  had gained a fair degree of notoriety by their self-willed actions. Even if one would attempt to dismiss this gang as a fictitious group, they are no doubt symbolic of the rebels in the Ssana who were unworthy of their monastic garb and were a constant cause of irritation both to the good monks and the laymen. This same tendency of the miscreants to resist correction by fellow members of the monastic community in terms of the regulations of the Ptimokkha is also clearly evident in SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  12. These two sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  (SaEghdisesa 12 and Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  72) are clear proof of a two-pronged attack launched by the champions of lawlessness XE "lawlessness"  and anarchy. Rules of propriety XE "propriety"  and good behaviour which require conformity to fixed standards are either to be rejected or, on a policy of 'strict non-interference ', the offenders who violate these regulations are not to be questioned. But the Buddha was not to be led into believing in the sincerity or the correctness of such suggestions and we see him legislate against them with firm determination. Any monk who challenges the right of other Bhikkhus to offer counsel in terms of the regulations of the Ptimokkha and who stubbornly offers resistance does so under the pain of a SaEghdisesa. No monk shall also speak of the regulations of the Ptimokkha in a disparaging manner, referring to their recital XE "recital"  as being of no consequence. It is important to recognise the fact that there seems to have existed even during the time of the Buddha a category of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  which carried the designation `lesser and minor' or khuddnukhuddaka XE "khuddnukhuddaka" . It is reasonable to believe that the inviolable XE "inviolable"  rules of the Prjika XE "Prjika"  group would have been in a class by themselves in marked contrast to the rest. No remedy or redress was possible with the offenders of this category. This is perhaps why the Vinaya makes special mention that every monk, on being conferred the higher status of Upasampad XE "Upasampad" , should be told of these four inviolable rules: anujnmi bhikkhave upasampdetv dutiyaC dtuC cattri ca akaraG+yni cikkhituC. in.I.96. Hence the four Prjikas would naturally form the group of major rules. The AEguttara makes repeated reference to a group of `lesser and minor' rules. These are regarded as being a part of the disciplinary code XE "code"  of the monk. These deal with offences of which any monk could be guilty XE "guilty"  but for which he could make amends XE "amends"  and be absolved therefrom. For they are not declared to be inviolable (So yni tni khuddnukhuddakni sikkhpadni tni pajjati'pi vummhti'pi. TaC kissa hetu. Na hi m'ettha bhikkhave abhabbat vutt. A.1.231f.). Besides these, the AEguttara mentions another set of sikkhpada which have to be inviolably perfected. They would therefore naturally be regarded as the only major ones (Yni kho tni sikkhpadni dibrahmacariyikni brahmacariyasruppni tattha dhuvas+lo ca hoti mhitas+lo ca samdya sikkhati sikkhpadesu. A.I. 231ff.) The distinction between the major and the minor rules XE "minor rules"  thus seems to be a valid one. As Prjika XE "Prjika"  or AkaraG+ya XE "AkaraG+ya"  these major items of discipline are the primary requirements without which the monastic life in Buddhism could not be contemplated. Hence they are called dibrahmacariyikni. However, this does not amount to a denial of the validity of the other group of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  which are called `lesser and minor' or khudd-nukhuddaka. On the other hand, the need to regulate the life of a monk in terms of those regulations is fully recognised. For along with the possibility that a monk may violate any one of these rules is also mentioned the possibility of his absolution XE "absolution"  from the consequent guilt XE "guilt"  through correction: pajjati'pi vummhti'pi. Hence a disciple has to face them and adjust himself accordingly and not attempt stubbornly to resist them. This accords well with the spirit of Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  72 which, though negatively, recognises the usefulness of the recital XE "recital"  of even the minor rules at the Ptimokkha ritual XE "ritual" . However, the rebellious XE "rebellious"  monks too, appear to have carried on a ceaseless campaign to achieve their end. Their propaganda for the abolition of the `lesser and minor' rules was evidently gaining more and more ground towards the last days of the Buddha. The Mahparinibbna XE "Mahparinibbna"  Sutta opens, more or less, with the Buddha's advice to his disciples regarding the conditions which lead to their progress and well-being. Under these aparihniya dhamma XE "aparihniya dhamma"  the Buddha includes what he appears to consider to be the healthy attitude of the disciples towards the regulations governing their monastic life (Yvak+va ca bhikkhave bhikkhk apaattaC na papessanti paattaC na samucchindissanti yathpaattesu sikkhpadesu samdya vattissanti vuddhi y'eva bhikkhave bhikkhknaC pmikaEkh no parihni. D.II.77). This concern of the Buddha for the recognition of the code XE "code"  of monastic discipline as a whole is clearly evident in his remarks to the venerable Upasena VaEgantaputta XE "Upasena VaEgantaputta"  who maintained that nothing should be added to or removed from the codified XE "codified"  law XE "law" , and that one should conduct XE "conduct"  oneself in accordance with it (Sdhu sdhu upasena na apaattaC papetabbaC paattaC v na samucchinditabbaC yathpaattesu sikkhpadesu samdya vattitabbaC. Vin.III.231). As the Buddha finally lay in his deathbed, during the last moments of his life, it is said that the Buddha indicated to nanda XE "nanda"  that as he had not chosen to appoint an heir to succeed him as the leader of the Ssana XE "Ssana" , the Dhamma and the Vinaya would succeed him as their guide (satth). The Mahparinibbna XE "Mahparinibbna"  Sutta which records this statement has also three other last-minute communications of the Buddha to the SaEgha. Among them we discover a very abrupt and unprefaced suggestion which is ascribed to the Buddha. The Buddha is said to have told nanda that the SaEgha, if it so desires, may on his death do away with `lesser and minor' rules (kaEkhamno nanda saEgho mamaccayena khuddnukhuddakni sikkhpadni samkhanatu.. D.II.154). In the light of what we have discussed so far regarding the history of the khuddnukhuddaka XE "khuddnukhuddaka"  sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  in monastic discipline this appears to be a very strange suggestion. It is almost incredible that a person of the Buddha's calibre should have conceded such a laxity XE "laxity"  to be effective only after his death. We cannot understand it either as an expression of the wisdom of his last days or as an attempt to wash his hands of the guilt XE "guilt"  of a possible catastrophe in the monsastic order as a result of the abolition of some of the rules of discipline. Before we proceed to examine the historical significance of these statements which are recorded in the Mahparinibbna XE "Mahparinibbna"  Sutta it should be pointed out that in the Pacasatikakkhandhaka of the Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga"  we find the venerable nanda XE "nanda"  reporting to the assembly of the First Council XE "First Council"  two out of these four statements. After reciting the contents of the Dhamma before the assembly he places before them `the suggestion of the Buddha that the SaEgha may, if it so desires, do away with the 'lesser and minor' rules. He is promptly asked by the members of the SaEgha whether he ascertained from the Buddha the identity of these `lesser and minor' rules. He had failed to do so and when he is found fault with for this omission he simply confesses that it did not occur to him that he should do so (AhaC kho bhante asatiy bhagavantaC na pucchiC. Vin.II.289). According to the Cullavagga, diverse opinions are thereupon expressed by the members of the assembly as to what constitute the `lesser and minor' rules. But when we discover that reference to `lesser and minor' rules has already been made elsewhere with a fair degree of certainty as to their identity, it becomes somewhat dificult to explain this assumed ignorance or the diversity of opinion regarding this matter. Assuming that at least a section of the SaEgha was agreed on the abolition of the `lesser and minor' rules and was anxious about it we could argue that even they would have been hesitant to support the abolition of these rules in their entirety as they would have been understood at the time. Some of those rules were certainly regarded as sufficiently important to command recognition throughout the history of the Ssana XE "Ssana" . That being so the real question would have been as to which of these `lesser and minor' rules could, in course of time, be dispensed with. As the arguments of the venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  at the First Council XE "First Council"  show this would have been undoubtedly a question which few would have dared to answer in public for fear of serious repercussions among the laity XE "laity"  (Sant'amhkaC sikkhpadni gihigatni gih+ pi no jnanti idaC vo samaGnaC sakyaputiynaC kappati idaC vo na kappat+'ti. Sace mayaC khuddnukhuddakni sikkhpadni samkhanissma bhavissanti vattro dhkmaklikaC samaGena gotamena svaknaC sikkhpadaC paattaC yv'imesaC satth ammhsi tv'ime sikkhpadesu sikkhiCsu. Yato imesaC satth parinibbuto na'dn'i me sikkh XE "sikkh" -padesu sikkhant+'ti. Vin.II.288). Let su now examine the statement recorded in the Theriya XE "Theriya"  tradition that the Buddha did tell nanda XE "nanda"  that the SaEgha, after his death, could do away with the `lesser and minor' rules if it so desired. In both places where this statement occurs it is nanda himself who states that the Buddha told him so. A comparative study we made of the Chinese XE "Chinese"  versions which are parallel to the Pali Vinaya account has yielded us some valuable evidence. In the Sarvstivda, Mah+[saka, and Dharmaguptaka accounts, as in the Pali text, nanda himself reports that the Buddha made this sugestion. In all the three Chinese texts nanda gives the deteriorating physical condition of the Buddha in his deathbed and the consequent pain which he was suffering as an excuse for not interrogating him further regarding the identity of these rules. In the Sarvstivda and Mah+[saka accounts he gives the high regard in which he held the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  as another reason for not pursuing this matter any further. This makes it quite clear that nanda did not obviously belong to the camp which championed this move. The texts of the Sarvstivdins XE "Sarvstivdins"  and the Mah+[sakas represent nanda as being reluctant to sponsor such a move. Thus we are more or less compelled to observe that we detect here the results of an attempt to make a cat's paw of nanda in this manoeuvre. What we would consider to be the most convincing evidence for this assumption comes to us from the MahsaEghika XE "MahsaEghika"  version of this incident in the Chinese texts. Strangely enough the MahsaEghikas do not present nanda as conveying this information to the SaEgha himself. In fact, he appears to know nothing about it and plays a perfectly silent role throughout this episode. He suffers it all in silence for it is the others who seem to know and talk about the task which is said to have been assigned to him. Feeling diffident as it were, even with the authority which the Buddha is supposed to have given them to abolish the `lesser and minor' rules, the MahsaEghikas make an attempt to say in a convincing manner that the Buddha had planned to do it himself before his death. But now it is nanda XE "nanda" 's responsibility that it did not happen so, for he had been asked by the Buddha to remind him about it before his death and he failed to do it. The following is the statement in the MahsaEghika XE "MahsaEghika"  Vinaya in the Chinese XE "Chinese"  versions: 'Upli XE "Upli"  tells the assembly: "The Buddha told nanda XE "nanda"  thus. `When I am about to enter into NirvGa you should remind me so that I may repeal for the sake of the Bhikcus the minor and insignificant rules.' But you did not tell him." ' The MahsaEghika XE "MahsaEghika"  account carries a further statement which attempts to reinforce this idea. There is a Bhikcu who says: "Venerable Sirs, the Tathgata earlier told nanda XE "nanda"  that he was desirous of repealing the minor and insignificant rules for the Bhikcus."  Now we come to what may be regarded as the most significant statement of all in the MahsaEghika XE "MahsaEghika"  account. In the discussion that followed the announcement about the abolition of `lesser and minor' rules there was diversity of opinion as to their identity, and the congregation was drifting further and further away from any finality of decision. In the MahsaEghika account alone we discover that at this stage the Chabbaggiya XE "Chabbaggiya"  Bhikkhus were most dismayed at the failure to implement this suggestion. It was obviously their cause which was being defeated. In an attempt to rescue it from this plight the Chabbaggiya Bhikkhus darted forth to announce in the assembly that if the Buddha were living all the rules would have been given up. In view of the marked divergence in the traditions of the MahsaEghikas and the Theravdins XE "Theravdins"  on this matter let us probe further to discover the loyalties and leanings of each group. In the MahsaEghika XE "MahsaEghika"  account, when the venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  asks the assembly as to which collection of scriptures they should recite first it is the unanimous opinion of the SaEgha that it should be the Dharma XE "Dharma"  Pimaka XE "Dharma Pimaka" . We know that this is completely at variance with the Theriya XE "Theriya"  tradition which seems to emphasise more the importance of the Vinaya. Considering the attempts made by them to safeguard the proper maintenance of monastic discipline at all stages in the history of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  it could unhesitatingly be said of them that they had a very high regard for the Vinaya. What Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  records as having been said at the First Council XE "First Council"  that the Vinaya is the life-blood of the Ssana (vinayo nma buddhassanassa yu) is reminiscent of this attitude. Thus we see a very clear line of division between these two groups. One would hardly be surprised to find among the MahsaEghikas a tendency to bring about a laxity XE "laxity"  in monastic discipline. It accords well with what is alleged to be their attitude to the Vinaya. The account in their Vinaya texts which we have discussed above shows the ingenuity with which they introduce the story which discloses the wish of the Buddha to repeal the minor rules XE "minor rules"  himself. On the other hand, one does feel that this alleged suggestion by the Buddha to repeal the minor rules strikes a harsh and discordant note in the Theriya XE "Theriya"  tradition. It is perhaps this unacceptability to the orthodox tradition which made it to be brought up as a dilemmatic problem by King Milinda XE "Milinda"  before the venerable Ngasena XE "Ngasena" . `Were then these lesser and minor precepts wrongly laid down, or established in ignorance and without due cause, that the Blessed One allowed them to be revoked after his death ?' (Kin nu kho bhante ngasena khuddnukhuddakni sikkhpadni duppaattni udhu avatthusmiC ajnitv paattni yaC bhagav attano accayena khuddnukhuddakni sikkhpadni samkhanpeti. Trenckner, Milindapaho, p.142). The problem that is posed here is if the Buddha wished these rules to be revoked after his death then they cannot really be important rules which were laid down after careful consideration. On the other hand, if they were really such important rules he could not possibly allow the Bhikkhus to revoke them after his death. Ngasena XE "Ngasena"  attempts to solve the problem by admitting both propositions. i.e. that the rules were well laid down and that the Buddha had ordered the Bhikkhus to revoke them if they so desired. But Ngasena adds that this order of the Buddha was only to test his disciples. `But in the second case it was to test the Bhikkhus that he said it, to try wherher, if leave were granted them, they would, after his death, revoke the lesser and minor regulations, or still adhere to them.' (TaC pana mahrja tathgato bhikkhk v+maCsamno ha ukkalissanti nu kho mama svak may vissajjpiyamn mam'accayena khudd-nukhuddakni sikkhpadni udhu diyissant+'ti. Miln.143). It is clear from the above statements that the venerable Ngasena XE "Ngasena"  is of the view that an abolition of any rule laid down by the Buddha for the guidance XE "guidance"  of his disciples does not accord with the true Theriya XE "Theriya"  tradition. We find that Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  reiterates the same. He says that the Buddha himself knew that even if he had made a specific order for the abolition of the lesser and minor rules XE "minor rules" , without leaving it to the option of the SaEgha, the venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  would not abolish them at the time of the first Council (Passati hi bhagav samkhanath'ti vutte'pi saEg+tikle kassapo na samkhanissat+ 'ti. Tasm vikappena eva mhapesi. DA.II.592). Therefore the Buddha left it to the option of the SaEgha. Following the statements of the venerable Ngasena XE "Ngasena"  in the Milindapaha if we take this suggestion for the abolition of the lesser and minor rules XE "minor rules"  to be a test of the attitude of the disciples who survived the Buddha, then we would discover to our utter dismay that none, perhaps other than the venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa" , would show themselves to be true disciples of the Buddha. For not only were the members of the First Council XE "First Council"  quick to chastise nanda XE "nanda"  for not ascertaining from the Buddha the identity of the rules which they may revoke but also were quick to propose the abolition of various categories of rules. Not one, out of respect for the law XE "law"  laid down by the Buddha, proposed its acceptance in toto. It was the venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Kassapa"  who, as the President of the Council, finally proposed that the suggestion for the abolition of the lesser and minor rules be rejected and that the law as laid down by the Buddha be accepted in toto. However, there seems to be a post-Milindapaha tradition which, more or less, stigmatizes the venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  saying that he did so because he was ignorant as to what the lesser and minor rules XE "minor rules"  were. It praises, on the other hand, the venerable Ngasena XE "Ngasena"  who very categorically identifies khuddaka and anukhuddaka with Dukkama XE "Dukkama"  and Dubhsita respectively. This interpretation of Ngasena, it would appear, could absolve to some extent those who championed the abolition of the khuddnukhuddaka XE "khuddnukhuddaka"  sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  from the charge of being unorthodox. For they would not then be directing their assault against any real sikkhpada except the Sekhiyas violation of which also constitute Dukkama offences. Barring this group of Dukkamas, both Dukkama and Dubbhsita XE "Dubbhsita"  are derivative offences and are not the direct outcome of the violation of any sikkhpada. But Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  warns us against taking the words of Ngasena to serve as a defence. We are told that he was only being tactful in his conversation with non-believers (Ngasena-tthero hi paravdino okso m ahos+'ti evaC ha. DA.II.593). Thus we feel that even among the followers of the Theriya XE "Theriya"  tradition certain sections seem to have supported the suggestion for the abolition of the lesser and minor rules XE "minor rules"  and at times even frowned on the stalwarts of the Theriya group who upheld the orthodox views. However, this suggestion, when placed in the context of the Theriya Vinaya traditions, sounds unmistakably to be of Chabbaggiya XE "Chabbaggiya"  origin, for the Chabbaggiyas as we have shown, on the evidence of both the Theriya and MahsaEghika XE "MahsaEghika"  records, have always been the symbol of the dissentients. This brings us to yet another problem. How did such a statement which does not accord with the traditions of the Theriya XE "Theriya"  school come to be recorded in their literature? In answer to this we would commend the following points for consideration. The first observations to be made on this is the fact that the two works in which this statement is recorded, viz. the Mahparinibbna XE "Mahparinibbna"  Sutta and the SaEg+tikkhandhaka of the Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga" , both belong to a relatively later stratum in the Canonical XE "Canonical"  Pali literature. The two Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  of the Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga"  which deal with the two SaEg+ti XE "SaEg+ti"  are both in point of time and contents relatively outside the scope of the Vinaya Pimaka. The Cullavagga XE "Cullavagga"  account of the first SaEg+ti XE "SaEg+ti"  includes besides this statement on the abolition of the leser and minor rules XE "minor rules"  another statement which records a dissent and is not wholly favourable to the Theriya XE "Theriya"  tradition. This is the refusal of the venerable PurGa XE "PurGa"  to accord fully with the recital XE "recital"  of the Dhamma and the Vinaya which the monks of the Theriya group had carried out in his absence. Even the Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  show traces of the presence of traditions which at times appear to be far removed from the original spirit of the Vinaya. These become very glaring when the older tradition happens to be preserved intact, at times, in the Vinaya texts of other schools. This points to the fact that the stratification of the contents of the Khandhakas did spread over a period of time which was long enough to allow the adoption of discordant traditions either out of choice or under pressure from within or without. Unlike the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga" , the nature of the contents of the Khandhakas also would have made this process of assimilation possible. APPENDIX III The Concept of S+m: Its Origin and Development While the purity XE "purity"  and the prestige of the early Buddhist SaEgha was being safeguarded by the regular performance of the Ptimokkha ritual XE "ritual" , the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  witnesses certain sections of the community of monks who were holding factional meetings for the purpose of reciting the Ptimokkha within their own groups (Tena kho pana samayena chabbaggiy bhikkhk yathparisya ptimokkhaC uddisanti sakya sakya parisya. Vin.I.104). This would certainly have been in violation of the spirit in which the ritual was instituted in the early days of the Ssana XE "Ssana" . Legislating against such a situation which would herald the disintergration of the SaEgha, the Buddha declares it to be a Dukkama XE "Dukkama"  offence XE "offence"  and calls for unity of the SaEgha in the performance of the Uposatha XE "Uposatha" . But considering the increasing membership of the corporation of the SaEgha and the vastness of the territory over which it was spreading, there seems to have appeared the need to determine as to what would be a convenient unit for the collective activities of the SaEgha. We notice in the Gopakamoggallna XE "Gopakamoggallna"  Sutta that the village in which the monks lived had served as the unit of such monastic activities. When the Buddha insisted on the unity of the SaEgha in their monastic activities, the monks seem to have been perplexed by the theoretical position whether the unity of the SaEgha implied the inclusion of all members of the community living in the land, literally on earth: Kittvat nu kho smagg+ hoti yvat ekvso udhu sabb pamhav+'ti.. Vin.I.105. This, we have no doubt, was hardly meant to be taken as a real position and would have been recorded here more for the purpose of pointing out the relevance of practical considerations. An area of residence XE "residence"  (ekvso) became the obvious choice as an operational unit and on the recommendation of the Buddha the area of residence is delimited by boundaries, accepted and agreed upon by the SaEgha as the region of co-residence within which the SaEgha was expected to perform its activities collectively: Sammat s+m saEghena etehi nimittehi samnasaCvs ekkposath. Ibid.106. This marks the birth of S+m in Buddhist monastic history. It is clear from the evidence of the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  that in the early days of the Buddhist community not all vsa XE "vsa"  or centres of monastic residence XE "residence"  enjoyed the status of being S+m or independent units of monastic activity. Ekvsa meant a region of residence within which all members acted collectively as one single body (saEgha). The Samantapsdik portrays beautifully this state of affairs in the early history of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  when it says that the eighteen great monasteries XE "monasteries"  in the vicinity of Rjagaha XE "Rjagaha"  formed collectively a single unit of common communal activity. (RjagahaC hi parikkhipitv ammhrasa mahvihr sabbe ekas+m. Dhammasenpatin nesaC s+m baddh. Tasm ve7uvane saEghassa smaggidnatthaC gacchanto'ti attho. VinA.V.1049). Any one of the vsa within the region may turn out to be, by the choice of the SaEgha, the venue of the ritual XE "ritual"  of the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  (Tena kho pana samayena rjagahe sambahul vs samnas+m honti. Tattha bhikkhk vivadanti amhkaC vse uposatho kar+yatu amhkaC vse uposatho kar+yatk'ti. Vin.I.108). We hear of members of one vsa going to another as guests for the purpose of performing the Uposatha there. (gantuk bhikkhk na jnanti kattha v ajj'uposatho kar+yissat+'ti. Ibid.107). Thus it was possible for the inmates of many vsa to operate as members of one S+m in their activities. In performing the ritual XE "ritual"  of the Uposatha XE "Uposatha"  the monks had to operate collectively and no sectional meetings were allowed within that region (Tehi bhikkhave bhikkhkhi sabbeh'eva ekajjhaC sannipatitv uposatho ktabbo. Yattha v pana thero bhikkhu viharati tattha sannipatitv uposatho ktabbo. Na tv'eva vaggena saEghena uposatho ktabbo. Ibid.108). All monks living within it, heedless of the distance they had to travel and the hardships of the journey, congregated at an appointed place for the purpose of the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital" . In the interests of the guest monks it was considered necessary to decide before hand upon a site for the performance of the ritual, viz. an uposathgra XE "uposathgra" . Thus, on account of the prior knowledge of the place, the participants would be enabled to arrive there in time without any confusion. The SaEgha may choose for this purpose any one of the five buildings sanctioned for monastic residence XE "residence" . Once selected an uposathgra continued to be recognised as such until the decision is revoked by the SaEgha. It is clear from the following statement about the thoughtless selection of two such buildings at the same site and the subsequent order made by the Buddha to cancel one and use the other (Tena kho pana samayena aatarasmiC vse dve uposathgrni sammatni honti ... Anujnmi bhikkhave ekaC samkhanitv ekattha uposathaC ktuC. Vin.I.107). In case the uposathgra turns out to be too small for the congregation which assembles, then the SaEgha is empowered to declare as much of the courtyard of the building (uposathapamukha) as necessary to be valid territory in which the participants may take their seats for the ritual of the Ptimokkha. This is clearly a matter of ritualistic XE "ritualistic"  detail quite additional to the early spirit of the Ptimokkha recital. For it is said with reference to an incident which historically takes precedence over this that the ritualistic validity of the ground on which a monk sat during the Ptimokkha recital was a matter of no concern as long as he was able to hear from there the Ptimokkha as it was being recited (Sammatya v bhikkhave bhkmiy nisinn asammatya v yato ptimokkhaC suGti kato'v'assa uposatho. Ibid.108). Although the delimitation of a region of S+m was approved, S+m in its early stages was not subjected to restrictions of size. Some of them became very large extending up to four, five and six yojana. The monks who had to travel long distances to the venue of the recital XE "recital"  were unable to arrive in time. Hence three yojana soon came to be fixed as the maximum allowable size of a S+m. No S+m was also to extend beyond a river unless there was a permanent bridge or a regular ferry providing a safe crossing. The incidents connected with this proviso make it clear that it is based on practical considerations and has no ritualistic XE "ritualistic"  significance whatsoever. Based on this institution XE "institution"  of S+m which is thus established by delimitation of a specified region to be a unit of co-residence XE "residence"  and common Uposatha XE "Uposatha" , the members of the SaEgha are given a concession to set apart one of their three robes for safe keeping, as a stand-by to be used in case of damage to the others. This legislation XE "legislation"  was actually provoked by the incident in which the venerable Mah Kassapa XE "Mah Kassapa"  who on his way from Andhakavinda XE "Andhakavinda"  to participate in the Uposatha at Rjagaha XE "Rjagaha"  got his robes wet while crossing a river and had to attend the ritual XE "ritual"  in his wet robes for want of a change of clothing. This concession of keeping out of one 's possession one out of the unit of three robes (tic+varena avippavsasammuti) is applicable within the aforesaid Samna-saCvsaka-s+m, but leaving out its urban areas, for it is out side these that this concession would have been most needed. (Y s bhikkhave saEghena s+m sammat samnasaCvs ekuposath saEgho taC s+maC tic+varena avippavsaC sammanatu mhapetv gma ca gmkpacra ca. Vin.I.109). The Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  also makes provision for regions in which monks reside but wherein no S+m has been officially proclaimed. In the case of such towns and villages (gmagahaGena c'ettha nagaram pi gahitaC eva hoti. VinA.V.1051) their own boundaries are accepted to circumscribe the area of co-residence XE "residence"  for the monks (Asammatya bhikkhave s+mya yaC gmaC v nigamaC v upanissya viharati y tassa v gmassa gmas+m nigamassa v nigamas+m ayaC tattha samnasaCvs ek'uposath. Vin.I.110 f.). This seems to reflect the conditions which are referred to in the Gopakamoggallna XE "Gopakamoggallna"  Sutta and are perhaps characteristic of a stage of pre-s+m antiquity (Te mayaC tad'ah'uposathe yvatik ekaC gmakkhettaC upanissya viharma te sabbe ekajjhaC sannipatma. M.III. 10). To this group of unbounded S+m of gma and nigama is also added the forest regions in which monks reside. From any such place of residence XE "residence"  an area of a radius of sattabbhantara XE "sattabbhantara" , i.e. seven abbhantara is marked out as the region of samnasaCvsa XE "samnasaCvsa"  and ekuposatha XE "ekuposatha"  (Agmake ce bhikkhave arae samant sattabbhantar ayaC tattha samnasaCvs ekuposath. Vin.I.111). Such a Sattabbhantara S+m enjoys also the privilege of tic+varavippavsaparihra (tic+varena avippavssasammuti). The Mahsakuludy+ XE "Mahsakuludy+"  Sutta perhaps portrays an earlier phase of monastic life when it says that even the forest-dwelling monks come regularly to the midst of the SaEgha for the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha. In course of time further independent units of monastic residence seem to appear as the community expands and spreads over wider territories. As a result of this we also note a corresponding change in the concept of S+m. S+m, which originally indicated a practical and convenient unit of residence XE "residence"  of the SaEgha for their common communal activities (samnasaCvs ekuposath) and referred to as SamnasaCvsaka S+m, seems to have soon changed its character to mean also the venue in which the SaEgha may perform its monastic activities like the conferment of Pabbajj XE "Pabbajj"  and Upasampad XE "Upasampad" . This gives rise to what is latterly known as the KhaG a S+m. The Samantapsdik suggests that this smaller unit of KhaG a S+m should, in fact, be established first before the establishment of the SamnasaCvsaka S+m (ImaC pana samnasaCvsakas+maC sammannantehi pabbajjupasampadd+naC saEghakammnaC sukhakaraGatthaC pamhamaC khaG as+myo bandhitabb. Vin.A.V.1041). In a monastic residence XE "residence"  which is complete with all its accessories like the Bodhi tree, Cetiya and the Alms-hall, the KhaG a S+m should be located in a quiet corner [not in the centre of the monastic residence] at a place which is not frequented by many people (Sace hi bodhi-cetiya-bhattasld+ni sabbavatthkni patitmmhpetv katavihre bandhanti vihramajjhe bahknaC samosaraGammhne abandhitv vihrapaccante vivittokse bandhitabb. Ibid.). Considering the quorum for valid monastic acts (which range from four to twenty monks), it is said that the KhaG a S+m should be large enough to accomodate not less than twenty-one monks (S hemmhiamparicchedena sace ekav+sati bhikkhk gaGhti vammati tato oraC na vammati ... Ibid.). It is also conceded that a large monastery could have as many as two, three or more KhaG a S+m (Sace pana vihro mah hoti dve'pi tisso'pi tad'uttari'pi khaG as+myo bandhitabb. Ibid.1042). Any watery abode like a river, natural lake or the sea is said to be, by its very nature, suitable for the performance of all monastic acts. 'Its very nature' here may mean the fact that such places being 'uninhabited' it requires no further legislation XE "legislation"  to exclude aliens. Here, under normal circumstances, there would be no danger of trespassers (S pana attano sabhven'eva baddhas+msadis. Sabbam ettha saEghakammaC ktuC vammati. Samuddajtassaresu'pi es'eva nayo. VinA.V.1052). Thus we see the emergence of the Udakukkhepa S+m. It is a region in a river, a natural lake or the sea which covers `the distance that a man of average (height) can throw water all round.' (Nadiy v bhikkhave samudde v jtassare v yaC majjhimassa purisassa samant udak'ukkhep ayaC tattha samnasaCvs ekuposath. Vin.I.111). The Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  itself gives indications of a steady elaboration of the concept of S+m. What was originally introduced for the convenient administration XE "administration"  of the monastic community soon turns out to be a cause of dispute XE "dispute"  in itself. With the fragmentation of the central S+m and the consequent multiplicity of smaller units there arose the danger of some of them overlapping the others (Tena kho pana samayena chabbaggiy bhikkhk s+mya s+maC sambhindanti. Vin.I.111. Also: Tena kho pana samayena chabbaggiy bhikkhk s+mya s+maC ajjhottharanti. Ibid.). To avoid such overlapping of territory of each monastic group it soon became necessary to provide a `buffer state' (s+mantarik XE "s+mantarik" ) between two regions which are marked out as S+m (Anujnmi bhikkhave s+maC sammannantena s+mantarikaC mhapetv s+maC sammannituC.. Ibid.). This ritualistic XE "ritualistic"  concern with which the validity of each S+m seems to have been guarded appears to have been a subject of absorbing interest in the history of the Ssana XE "Ssana" . This would have been necessarily so as the authority for the enforcement of discipline in Buddhist monastic life had to be secured at an impersonal level through the validity of monastic procedure XE "procedure" . S+m undoubtedly was the corner-stone of this structure. The Khandhakas XE "Khandhakas"  have already witnessed the interest shown in it. The Samantapsdik shows how it has proceeded so far as to produce divergent views on many issues according to the inclinations of the diverse groups that developed within the Theriya XE "Theriya"  fold. The wealth of Vinaya literature written in Ceylon in Pali on the theme of S+m shows what a live problem it had turned out to be even after the authoritative commentarial notes of Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  on this subject. A Ceylonese XE "Ceylonese"  thera by the name of Vcissasra is said to have compiled the S+mlaEkra XE "S+mlaEkra"  in the 13th century. The Buddhist monastic community of Burma XE "Burma"  seems to have been equally interested in this problem. The Burmese thera Chapama XE "Chapama"  compiled a T+k to the S+mlaEkra of Vcissara XE "Vcissara" . Of this work, Mabel Bode says: `The S+mlaEkrapakaraGa XE "S+mlaEkrapakaraGa"  of Chapama was a result of the Talaing thera's studies in Ceylon.' A considerable amount of literary activity on this subject seems to have gone on in both countries, perhaps with mutual influence. Another treatise compiled in Ceylon similar to the S+mlaEkra of Vcissara is the S+msaEkarachedan+ XE "S+msaEkarachedan+"  of Sr+ Rhula (15th century). The importance attached to the ritualistic XE "ritualistic"  validity of S+m does not appear to have been peculiar only to the Southern schools of Theravda Buddhism in Burma XE "Burma"  and Ceylon. It does seem to have been shared by some of the schools of Buddhism in the Far East as well. The Kaidan XE "Kaidan"  (the equivalent of S+m in the Far East) must have enjoyed some prestige in China XE "China"  and Japan XE "Japan"  at a very early date. Kanjin XE "Kanjin"  (Chien-chen in Chinese XE "Chinese"  pronunciation) who introduced the Vinaya or Ritsu XE "Ritsu"  sect (= Lk-tsung of China) from China to Japan built a Kaidan for performing the ceremony of admission to the Order. What is more important here is the point which stresses the ritualistic significance of this new establishment. Monks and nuns of the land who had already been ordained but whose admission to the Order was considered invalid for any reason were re-ordained by him. After many entreaties by Dengyo Daishi XE "Dengyo Daishi" , the founder of the Tendai XE "Tendai"  sect in Japan, another Kaidan was established at Hieizan XE "Hieizan"  in 827 A.D. This seems to have led to the decline of the fortunes of the Ritsu sect. However in the 12 th century, Shosho shonin XE "Shosho shonin" , in a bid to revive the Ritsu sect, wrote a treatise called Kaidan Shiki XE "Kaidan Shiki"  on the ceremonial to be observed at ordinations. Nevertheless, we have no doubt that with the birth of new and rival sects the Kaidan probably had to face a competitive process of change and modification. The history of Buddhist monasticism in Ceylon has also witnessed a major dispute XE "dispute"  regarding the validity of a S+m which was being used for the conferment of Upasampad XE "Upasampad" . It assumed such proportions that Burma XE "Burma"  too, was drawn into it. Its histroy in brief is as follows. In 1845 A.D. an Udakukkhepa S+m `consisting of a permanent raft fixed in the middle of the lake called MdugaEga XE "MdugaEga"  at Balapitimodara XE "Balapitimodara"  [in Ceylon / Sri Lanka] and having an approach to it by a bridge from the bank' was established. Sometime afterwards, `a famous learned priest called LaEkgoda SirisaddhammavaCsapla Dh+rnanda' found fault with it `as being confused and undetached, and consequently irregular and invalid ... In consequence of his representations and his protest against the vaildity of the rite of ordination performed in the said S+m many priests who had received that rite there had themselves re-ordained in properly defined S+ms ... There were, on the other hand, several who from various motives upheld the validity of that S+m and the ecclesiastical acts performed therein: thus disputes and dissensions arose in the Society and rent the unity and harmony which had hitherto prevailed.' At this time two Ceylonese XE "Ceylonese"  priests named Dhammakkhandha and Vanaratana went on a visit to Burma XE "Burma"  and informed the High Priest (SaEgha Rja XE "SaEgha Rja" ) of Mandalay about the controversy that was raging in Ceylon with respect to the validity of the Balapitimodara XE "Balapitimodara"  S+m in which the ordination of the Amarapura XE "Amarapura"  priests had been hitherto held ... This pontiff (SaEgha Rja) having learnt the particulars of the case and after consulting the most eminent members of the Buddhist clergy in that country, drew up a memorandum embodying their decision on the matters in dispute XE "dispute" , and sent the document in charge of these priests to the address of the principal priests of the Amarapura Society in Ceylon. This authoritative decision which was adverse to the views held by those who maintained the validity of the aforesaid S+m not having been accepted as conclusive by them, the SaEgha Rja of Burma sent a second epistle supporting the statements made in the first with the help of copious quotations from the Pali texts and commentaries, and exhorting the recalcitrant priests to yield to reason and authority. When this epistle was read in a public assembly of the Buddhist clergy and laity XE "laity" , the then High Priest of the Amarapura XE "Amarapura"  Society and his colleagues who, for some time, upheld the vaildity of the disputed S+m became convinced of its faultiness and renouncing their preconceived notions on the subject joined the party of LaEkgoda. A number of priests at Dodanduwa XE "Dodanduwa"  who stood aloof from the contending factions also gave in its adherence on this day to the united factions, and thenceforward the three parties in alliance performed their ecclesiastical functions together in peace and harmony. But this epistle as well as two others accompanied with diagrams on the subject, subsequently addressed to the Amarapura priests of Ceylon by two learned members of the Burmese church, had no effect on those who persisted in their error. Things were in this state when the priest Vimalasra XE "Vimalasra"  Thera of the Ambagahapitiya Vihra at Velitota XE "Velitota" , who had received his ordination at the faulty place of consecration, wrote some epistles addressed to the late King of Burma XE "Burma"  and to the leading ministers and priests of that country, propounding certain questions having reference to the validity or invalidity of the disputed S+m at Balapitimodara XE "Balapitimodara" . The questions submitted by Vimalasra were, at the instance of the King and his ministers, referred to a Committee of the most learned Buddhist priests of Mandalay under the presidency of the best Vinaya scholar of that country named Sirisaddhammavamsapla Jgara XE "Jgara"  Mah Thera. This Committee embodied their opinions on the different points submitted to them in the form of a report, which was printed and published in Burma, and copies of it were sent to Ceylon for distribution among the priests here. The decision arrived at by this learned Committee was again adverse to the opinions of Vimalasra and his party, and the S+m at Balapitimodara was condemned as defective and faulty. One would have supposed that this would settle the whole question and put an end to the controversy and strife XE "strife"  once and for ever; but it was not so..... With the praiseworthy object of conciliating the factious brethren in Ceylon and uniting the Amarapura XE "Amarapura"  Society in the bonds of peace and brotherhood, the Committee aforementioned, named Sirisaddhammavamsa Jgara XE "Jgara"  Mah Thera, and who had come on a visit here, convened an asembly of the principal priests of Ceylon in order to advise and exhort the oppositionists to yield to reason and discipline. This priest, in a great public assembly held at Velitara exhorted Vimalasra XE "Vimalasra"  and his party to stand to reason and to submit to authority; but the oppositionists actuated by policy rather than by wisdom, disregarded the sober admonition. After the great Thera Jgara XE "Jgara"  left the island, the leader of the oppositionist band, Vimalasra XE "Vimalasra"  Thera, printed and published a work entitled S+mlakkhaGad+pan+ XE "S+mlakkhaGad+pan+"  in which he attempted to set at naught the generally received opinions of the ancient elders of the church who, in his estimate,were not infallible and were liable to error. This book has been widely circulated among the Amarapura XE "Amarapura"  section of the Buddhist clergy both in and out of the island, and its tendency is to perpetuate and widen the breach which has unfortunately occurred among the brethren of the Amarapura clergy. In order, therefore, to counteract the evil effects which this work is calculated to produce among the laity XE "laity"  and clergy, and to correct the errors and misrepresentations which it contains.... we have thought it incumbent upon us to publish a reply to that work by the title of `S+mnayadappana XE "S+mnayadappana"  or A Mirror of the System of Consecrated Boundaries.' We lament the fact that we are not in a position to produce an equally comprehensive version for the defence from the school of Vimalasra XE "Vimalasra"  Thera. However, it is clear that in these two works we come to possess two Vinaya treatises on the question of S+m submitted from opposite camps. These two masterly studies of the 19th century, while being undoubtedly a valuable addition to our Vinaya literature, also indicate the changing trends in the history of the Ssana XE "Ssana"  in the island. Bibliography I. ORIGINAL SOURCES A. Pali Texts and Translations AEguttara Nikya, Ed. R. Morris and E. Hardy, 5 Vols., PTS. London, 1885 - 900. Tr. F.L.Woodward and E. M. Hare, The Book of the Gradual Sayings, 5 Vols., PTS. London, 1932 - 36 AEguttara Nikya Commentary, see ManorathapuraG+. Apadna, Ed. M.E.Lilley, 2 Vols., PTS. London, 1925 - 27. Atthaslin+, Comy. to DhammasaEgaG+, Ed.E.Muller, PTS. London, 1897. BhikkhuptimokkhagaGmhid+pan+ of Nnakitti Mah Thera, Ed. K.Gunaratna Thera, Colombo, 1889. Printed in Sinhala characters. Dhammapada, Ed. S.SumaEgala Thera, PTS. London, 1914. Dhammapadammhakath, Ed. H.C.Norman, 4 Vols., PTS. London, 1906 -14. D+gha Nikya, Ed. T.W.Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  and J.E.Carpenter, 3 Vols., PTS. London, 1890 -1911. Tr. T.W. and C.A.F.Rhys Davids, Dialogues of the Buddha, [ SBB. Vols. 2, 3 and 4 ] OUP. London, 1899 -1921. D+gha Nikya Commentary, see SumaEgalavilsin+. Jtaka, Ed. V.Fausboll, 6 Vols. and Index, London, 1895 -1907. Translated in 6 volumes under the editorship of E.B.Cowell. KaEkhvitaraG+, Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa" 's Comy. to the Ptimokkha (Mtik Ammhakath), Ed. Dorothy Maskell, PTS.London, 1956. Mahniddesa, see Niddesa. Majjhima Nikya, Ed.V.Trenkner and R. Chalmers, 3 Vols., PTS. London, 1948 - 51. Tr. R. Chalmers, Further Dialogues of the Buddha, 2 Vols., PTS. London. 1888. Tr. I.B.Horner, Middle Length Sayings, 3 Vols., PTS. London, 1954 - 59. Majjhima Nikya Commentary, see Papacaskdan+. ManorathapuraG+, Comy. to AEguttara Nikya, Ed. M. Walleser H.Hopp, 5 PTS. London, 1924 - 56. Milindapaha, Ed. V.Trenkner, London, 1928. Tr. T.W. Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids" , The Questions of King Milinda XE "Milinda"  SBE. Vols. 35, 36, Oxford, 1890,1894. Tr. I.B.Horner, Milinda's Questions, SBB. Vols. 22, 23, PTS. London, 1963 - 64. Niddesa, I - Mahniddesa, Ed. L.de la V. Poussin and E.J.Thomas XE "Thomas" , 2 Vols.; II - Cullaniddesa, Ed. W.Stede, PTS. London, 1916 -18. Papacaskdan+, Comy. to Majjhima Nikya, Ed. J.H.Woods, D.Kosambi XE "Kosambi"  and I.B.Horner, 5 Vols., PTS., London, 1922 - 38. Paramatthajotik II, Comy. to Suttanipta, Ed. H. Smith, 3 Vols. in II, PTS. London, 1916 -18. Pamisambhidmagga, Ed, A.C.Taylor, PTS. London, 2 Vols., 1905 - 7. Samantapsdik, Comy. to Vinaya Pimaka, Ed. J.Takakusu & M.Nagai XE "Nagai" , PTS. London, 5 Vols., 1924 - 38. Vol. 6, Colombo, 1947. SaCyutta Nikya XE "SaCyutta Nikya" , Ed. L. Feer, 6 Vols., PTS. London, 1884 -1904. Tr. C.A.F.Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  and F.L.Woodward, The Book of the Kindred Sayings, 5 Vols., PTS. London 1917-30. SaCyutta Nikya XE "SaCyutta Nikya"  Commentary, see Sratthappaksin+. Sratthad+pan+ XE "Sratthad+pan+" , Sriputta XE "Sriputta" 's Comy. (T+k) to Samantapsdik, Part I. Ed. Bihalpola Devarakkhita Thera (pp.1- 639), 1914; Part II. Ed. Mabopitiye MedhaEkara Thera (pp. 640-903), 1933. Printed in Ceylon in Sinhala characters. Sratthappaksin+, Comy. to SaCyutta Nikya XE "SaCyutta Nikya" , Ed. F.L. Woodward, 3 Vols., PTS.London, 1929 - 37. SumaEgalavilsin+, Comy. to D+gha Nikya, Ed. T.W.Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids" , J.E.Carpenter and W.Stede. 3 Vols., PTS. London, 1888 -1932. Suttanipta, Ed. D.Anderson and H. Smith, PTS. London,1948. Tr. R.Chalmers, HOS. Vol.37, 1932 Tr. E.M.Hare, Woven Cadences of Early Buddhists, SBB. 15, London, 1945. Suttanipta Commentary, see Paramatthajotik. Thera - and Ther+gth, Ed. H. Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg"  and. R. Pischel, PTS. London, 1883. Tr.C.A.F. Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids" , Psalms of the Early Buddhists, 2 Vols., PTS. London: Psalms of the Sisters. First Published 1909. Psalms of the Brethren. First Published 1913. Udna, Ed. P.Steinthal, PTS. London, 1948. Tr. F.L.Woodward, The Minor Anthologies of the Pali Canon II. Published 1935. VibhaEga, Ed. C.A.F.Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids" , PTS. London, 1904. Vimativinodan+, Coliya Kassapa XE "Kassapa" 's Comy. (T+k) to Samantapsdik, Ed. Beratuduwe Dhammdhra Tissa Thera, Ceylon, 1935. Printed in Sinhala characters. Vimuttimagga XE "Vimuttimagga" , Tr. Rev. N.R.M.Ehara, Soma Thera and Kheminda Thera, The Path of Freedom, Ceylon,1961. Vinaya Pimaka, Ed. H. Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg" , 5 Vols., PTS. London, 1879 - 83. Tr. T.W.Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  and H.Oldenberg, Vinaya Texts, SBE.Vols. 13,17, 20, Oxford, 1881- 85. Tr.I.B.Horner, The Book of the Discipline, SBB.Vols.10,11,13,14 and 20, London, 1949-52. Vinayavinicchaya, Buddhadatta's Manuals II, Ed. A.P.Buddhadatta Thera, PTS.London, 1928. Visuddhimagga, by Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa" , Ed.C.A.F.Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids" , 2 Vols., PTS. London, 1920 - 21. Reprinted in one volume 1975. Tr. Bhikkhu Nnamoli, The Path of Purification, Colombo, Ceylon 1956. B. Prakrit, Sanskrit and Chinese XE "Chinese"  Texts and Translations Atharvaveda SaChit, Ed. R.Roth and W.D.Whitney, Berlin, 1924. Tr.R.T.H.Griffith, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, Vol2. Benares, 1896. Bhagavadg+t XE "Bhagavadg+t" , Ed. S. Radhakrishnan, London, 1948. Brhadrayaka Upanicad, with Comy. of akara, Ed. V.B. pte, AAS.15, 4th Edition. 1939. Chndogya Upanicad, with Comy. of maEkara, Ed. V.G.pte, AAS. 14, 5th Edition,1934. Chinese XE "Chinese"  Tripiaka, see Taisho Issaikyo. Dharmaguptaka Vinaya: preserved in Chinese XE "Chinese" , Taisho Issaikyo. Gilgit Manuscripts, Ed. Nalinaksha Dutt, 3 Vols. Vol.I; Vol.II, Parts 1,2,3; Vol. III, Pats 1, 2, 3, 4. Srinagar, Kashmir, 1939-50. Jaina XE "Jaina"  Sktras, Tr. Hermann Jacobi, SBE.Vols. 22,45, Oxford, 1884,1895. Kaha Upanicad, Ed.V.G.pte, AAS. 7, 7th Edition, 1935. Mahsaghika Prtimokca Sktra, Ed. W.Pachow and R. Mishra, Gangnath Jh Research Institute, Allahabad, 1956. Mah+[saka Vinaya XE "Mah+[saka Vinaya" : Preserved in Chinese XE "Chinese" . Mukya Upanicad, Ed. V.G.pte, Poona, 1928. Manusm[ti XE "Manusm[ti" , with Comy. of Medhtithi XE "Medhtithi" , Ed. G.Jh, 3 Vols., Calcutta, 1932 - 39. Tr. G. Buhler, The Laws of Manu, SBE. 25, Oxford, 1886. Mklasarvstivda XE "Mklasarvstivda"  Prtimokca Sktra, Ed. A.C.Banerjee, IHQ. Vol. 29. pp.162 - 74, 266 - 75, 363 - 77. Mklasarvstivda XE "Mklasarvstivda"  Vinaya: prserved in Sanskrit, Gilgit MSS. Taisho Issaikyo, Chinese XE "Chinese"  Tripiaka, Ed. J.Takakusu and K. Watanabe. Taittir+ya Upanicad, with Comy. of akara, Ed. V.G.pte, ASS. 12, 4th Edition, 1922. MuG aka Upanicad, with Comy. of maEkara, Ed. V.G. pte, Poona, 1925. Pra[na Upanicad XE "Pra[na Upanicad" , Ed. V.G. pte, Poona,1922. Sarvstivda Prtimokca Sktra, Ed. M. Finot, Journal Asiatique, 1913. Sr+madbhagavadg+trthaparaksik, Ed. Pandits of the Adyar Library, Series No. 25,1941. Upanicads: The Thirteen Principal Upanishads, Tr. R.E.Hume XE "Hume" , Second Edition, OUP, 1934. II SECONDARY AUTHORITIES Altekar XE "Altekar" , A.S., The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, Banaras Hindu University, 1956. Basham XE "Basham" , A.L. History and Doctrines of the j+vikas, London, 1951. Belvalkar XE "Belvalkar" , S.K. and Ranade, R.D., History of Indian Philosophy, Vol.2, Poona, 1927. Bhabavat, Durga N., Early Buddhist Jurisprudence, Poona, 1940. Bloomfield, M., Atharvaveda, Strassburg, 1899. Bode, Mabel Haynes, The Pali Literature of Burma XE "Burma" , RAS. London, 1909. Deo, S.B., History of Jaina XE "Jaina"  Monachism, Poona, 1956. Dutt, Nalinaksha, Early Monastic Buddhism, New Edition, Calcutta, 1960. Dutt, Sukumar, Buddha and Five After-Centuries, London, 1959. Early Buddhist Monachism, First Published 1924. First Indian Edition (revised) 1960. Eliot, Sir Charles, Japanese Buddhism, London, 1935. Horner, I.B., Women Under Primitive Buddhism, London, 1930. `Abhidhamma XE "Abhidhamma"  Abhivinaya ', IHQ. Vol. 17, pp. 291 - 310. Law, B.C., A. History of Pali Literature, 2 Vols., London, 1933. (Ed.) Buddhistic Studies, Calcutta, 1931. Malalasekera XE "Malalasekera" . G.P.,The Pali Literature of Ceylon, RAS. London, 1928. 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Index  INDEX \h "A" \c "2" \z "1033"  A Abbhna, 373 Abhidhamma, 42, 191, 445, 596 abhidhamme, 36, 444 abhijjh, 183, 221, 224, 225 Abhisamcrika, 173, 175, 176, 178 abhivinaye, 36, 444 abrahmacariy veramaG+, 281 abrahmacariyavsa, 82 abrogation, 302, 490 absolution, 5, 333, 341, 344, 345, 346, 347, 413, 554 craEga Sktra, 472 cariya, 441, 443, 444, 446, 448, 450 Acela Kassapa, 387 Act of Banishment, 396 AdhikaraGasamatha, 409, 411, 417, 422, 428, 520 adhipa sikkh, 223 Adhimmhna, 357 dibrahmacariyika, 175, 176, 178 dikammika, 533 administration, 26, 28, 54, 155, 273, 354, 413, 453, 466, 483, 580 gatngata, 27 Aggaa, 90 Aggika Jamila, 383 hre pamikkklasa, 198 Ajtasatthu, 334 j+vaka, 86 j+vaprisuddhi, 182, 204, 207, 291 j+vaprisuddhis+la, 204, 208, 219, 291 j+vavipatti, 206 kaEkheyya, 141, 142, 302 AkaraG+ya, 279, 280, 554 akusala kamma, 170, 225 Alagaddkpama, 473 lra Klma, 18, 81 Altekar, 460, 462, 463, 596 Amarapura, 585, 587, 588 amends, 334, 354, 355, 356, 358, 377, 382, 505, 553 am[tatva, 68 Amk7havinaya, 407, 413, 424 G ptimokkha, 534, 545 and+navadasso, 151, 152, 154 Angmin, 227, 288 anagriya, 246 angatabhayni, 246, 252 nanda, xii, 82, 200, 232, 303, 308, 311, 431, 477, 488, 489, 491, 492, 493, 504, 540, 555, 557, 559, 560, 561, 566 nandattherauposathapahavatthu, 157, 540 AnaEgana, 249, 250, 436, 440 ansakyana, 75 Andhakavinda, 575 Aniyata, 254, 498 aatitthiyapubba, 386, 389 antevs+, 444 Anumna, 229, 437 anupd parinibbnatthaC, 116 Anurdha, 108 Anuruddha, 400 AnuvddhikaraGa, 362 aparihniya dhamma, 555 apamicchanna, 369, 370 pattdhikaraGa, 362, 410, 422, 425, 428 patti, 343, 347, 362 appama, 84 Arahant, 91, 117, 120, 288, 290 Arahantship, 92, 101, 119, 139, 141, 179, 200, 212, 223, 226, 228, 242, 477 arahattaphala, 16 raaka, 250, 252, 576 araakatta, 238 araGyyana, 75 arati, 100, 101, 102, 190 Arimmha, 267, 406, 473, 502 ariyamagga, 84 Ariyapariyesana, 111 ariyavaCs, 189 asdhraGa paatti, 499, 527 savnaC khaya, 88, 116 savnaC khayatthaC, 116 ascetic, 242, 248, 386, 462, 513, 515 asceticism, 11, 17, 75, 83, 132, 248, 251 Asoka, 28 Assaji, 110, 111, 196, 405, 429 Assaji and Punabbasu, 196, 405 Assalyana, 82 mnmiya, 231 Atharvan, 71, 79 tman, 73 Ammhakangara, 104 Ammhakathcariy, 328 austerities, 17, 25, 83, 85, 88, 132, 134, 135 vsa, 25, 29, 572 B bhusaccamahatta, 159 Bahuvedaniya, 399 Balapitimodara, 584, 585, 586 ballot, 418 Bandhumat+, 537 Basham, 82, 596 Baudhyana, 72 Belvalkar, 66, 67, 73, 75, 596 Bhaddli, 32, 149, 150, 156, 158, 160, 164, 193, 196, 312 Bhagavadg+t, 89, 460, 594 Bhradvjagotta, 88 Bhayabherava, 236, 239, 429 Bhikkhu Ptimokkha, 367, 483, 497, 499, 524, 527 Bhikkhu SaEgha, 434, 480, 484, 485, 491, 493 Bhikkhu Ssana, 505 bhikkhumnatta, 382 Bhikkhun+, xi, 38, 41, 367, 434, 478, 479, 480, 483, 488, 490, 491, 493, 496, 498, 503, 505, 507, 508, 509, 512, 514, 515, 516, 518, 524, 527 Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha, xi, 367, 498, 505, 509, 514, 516, 518, 524, 527 Bhikkhun+ Ssana, 479, 483, 488, 491, 493, 496 Bhikkhunovdaka, 522 bhojane mattaut, 192, 194, 197, 199, 200 Bodhisatta, 81, 107, 108, 109, 112, 121, 126, 133, 239 boycott, 366, 406, 502, 505 Brahma, 16, 73, 74, 77, 79, 86, 87, 89, 91, 92, 95, 97, 99, 100, 102, 104, 294 Brahm, 94, 100, 537 brahmabhkta, 88, 89, 90, 92 brahmabhkya, 89 Brahmacr+, 2 Brahmacariya, 115, 116 brahmacariyassa keval+, 118 brahmacarya, 2, 66, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 80 Brahmajla, 205, 207 Brahman, 70, 86, 88, 89 brhmaGa, 26, 88, 93, 239, 306, 311, 429, 435 Brahmanic, 62, 67, 69, 70, 87 Brahmanism, 2, 95 brahmapatti, 88, 92 brahmasaCstha, 68 Brahmin, 69, 71, 77, 82, 89, 93, 96, 97, 137, 236, 307, 311, 429 Brahmin Sages, 82 Buddhaghosa, 9, 41, 61, 83, 85, 87, 141, 144, 145, 151, 153, 164, 171, 175, 176, 177, 181, 189, 193, 198, 202, 204, 206, 208, 209, 210, 213, 216, 218, 222, 228, 291, 324, 327, 349, 363, 365, 366, 369, 370, 387, 389, 425, 427, 445, 509, 520, 521, 523, 524, 527, 541, 542, 553, 562, 565, 567, 581, 591, 593 Buddhas, 109, 157, 160, 189, 195, 233, 236, 537, 540, 541, 543, 544 Burma, 581, 582, 583, 585, 586, 596 C Cakkavatti, 172 Canonical, 5, 7, 21, 36, 38, 55, 117, 144, 167, 182, 189, 191, 198, 209, 211, 213, 214, 215, 219, 258, 261, 304, 326, 327, 529, 536, 541, 568 Ctuddisa SaEgha, 25, 29, 48 catupaccaya, 23, 187, 190 catuparis, 495 Catuprisuddhis+la, 202, 209, 211, 213, 218, 219, 221 Catur [rama Dharma, 69, 70, 75 causal genesis, 107, 110, 111 cauyma saCvara, 476 celibacy, 11, 76, 84, 121, 123, 130, 152, 172, 280, 281, 283, 473 cenobitic, 14 cetaso varaGa, 224 Cetokhila, 100 Ceylonese, 28, 581, 585 Chabbaggiya, 150, 455, 504, 551, 562, 567 Chain of Causation, 107, 111 chandaprisuddhi, 328 Channa, 406, 432 Chapama, 581 chastity, 73, 84, 186, 281, 385, 476, 499 China, 582 Chinese, 56, 64, 259, 351, 352, 479, 489, 490, 491, 493, 534, 559, 561, 582, 593, 594, 595 Citta, 288, 289, 405 cittaklesa, 224 code, 39, 42, 45, 46, 47, 63, 64, 125, 135, 141, 169, 171, 172, 202, 209, 211, 217, 254, 256, 257, 259, 262, 263, 264, 275, 299, 302, 309, 316, 317, 318, 332, 346, 367, 369, 395, 451, 463, 479, 485, 497, 499, 508, 538, 549, 553, 555 codified, 35, 176, 178, 203, 207, 254, 277, 282, 555 Commentaries, 5, 7, 55, 91, 101, 118, 119, 126, 194, 281, 532 Commentator, 10, 162 conceal, 335, 338, 371, 488 conduct, 15, 17, 32, 33, 35, 37, 48, 61, 122, 133, 135, 143, 147, 172, 174, 180, 233, 246, 273, 283, 298, 315, 317, 355, 356, 360, 377, 381, 383, 385, 388, 405, 408, 417, 437, 439, 441, 452, 454, 456, 467, 487, 497, 500, 512, 522, 550, 555, 612 confess, 331, 332, 341, 342, 347, 353, 371 confession, 17, 46, 47, 263, 332, 333, 334, 341, 343, 344, 346, 347, 353, 359, 370 confessional meeting, 45, 47, 257, 318 court, 30 Cklbhaya, 214, 216 Ckladukkhakkhandha, 127 Culladhammasamdna, 476 Cullavagga, 38, 41, 42, 51, 338, 342, 345, 350, 368, 369, 371, 375, 395, 396, 489, 524, 529, 532, 536, 541, 557, 568 Cullavedalla, 116 Cunda, 231, 431, 495 D Dabbamallaputta, 456 dna, 84 daG akamma, 377, 410, 411, 421, 422, 424, 451 Dantabhkmi, 145 Dengyo Daishi, 583 Devadatta, 24, 132, 232, 248, 295, 334, 456, 504 dhammabhkta, 90 Dhammaceti, 582, 597 Dhammacetiya, 3, 128 DhammlaEkra, 584 dhammanetti, 423 Dhnajni, 95, 97 Dharma, 15, 67, 70, 562 Dharma Pimaka, 562 Dharmagupta Vinaya, 479, 490, 493 dharmaskandha, 66, 67, 68, 75 D+pavaCsa, 563 D+pavihra, 213 dispute, 302, 400, 416, 423, 491, 580, 583, 585 dissentient, 25, 489 divine, 8, 16, 62, 97, 531 Dodanduwa, 586 dosa, 78, 100, 103, 128, 154, 225, 226, 227 Dubbhsita, 162, 567 duggati, 8, 9, 221 Dukkama, 162, 165, 206, 289, 327, 454, 455, 566, 570 dukkha, 106, 107, 108, 111, 112, 114, 115, 117, 175, 178, 184 dummhull patti, 371, 515 Dvedhvitakka, 431 E Egypt, 13 Eightfold Path, 119 ekvsa, 329 Ekavihriya, 241 ekuposatha, 577 enlightenment, 16, 18, 60, 81, 83, 88, 99, 106, 117, 126, 132, 156, 161, 163, 198, 496 eremetical, 19, 20, 22, 24 ethical, 68, 72, 78, 228, 403, 489 etymology, 5 Europe, 13 exclusion, 48, 64, 225, 339, 341, 359, 532, 536 exoneration, 413 F faith, 3, 45, 53, 120, 129, 167, 264, 320, 384, 387, 391, 394, 436 First Council, 37, 41, 264, 302, 491, 520, 521, 523, 524, 557, 558, 563, 565 food, 22, 24, 83, 85, 129, 135, 137, 187, 190, 192, 193, 194, 196, 197, 204, 206, 209, 216, 247, 249, 250, 252, 274, 406, 501, 513, 514, 517 G gmakkhetta, 309, 321 gmantavihra, 250 garudhamma, 434, 451, 482, 483, 488 genealogical tree, 2 Gopakamoggallna, 4, 21, 29, 305, 311, 312, 321, 322, 372, 430, 571, 576 Gotama, 12, 16, 17, 20, 29, 81, 109, 157, 160, 296, 540, 541, 544 guidance, 72, 76, 145, 156, 158, 163, 169, 172, 206, 247, 255, 275, 281, 291, 311, 314, 432, 435, 437, 438, 446, 490, 565 guilt, 46, 150, 154, 332, 333, 334, 335, 339, 340, 341, 343, 344, 345, 346, 347, 353, 358, 364, 368, 413, 416, 422, 533, 554, 556 guiltless, 413 guilty, 64, 154, 289, 300, 307, 322, 323, 332, 337, 338, 339, 340, 342, 346, 347, 350, 352, 355, 357, 359, 368, 371, 373, 375, 378, 381, 397, 410, 413, 424, 433, 451, 455, 487, 491, 501, 503, 515, 529, 530, 531, 532, 534, 535, 536, 544, 553 gk7haka, 418 Gulissni, 22 H heaven, 8, 79, 461, 466 hell, 86 heresy, 364, 365, 377, 406, 451, 502 heretic, 373, 383, 504 Hieizan, 583 Hume, 73, 74, 75, 87, 595 husband, 461, 462, 467 I immortality, 62, 68 Indra, 77 Indriyabhvan, 431 indriyagutti, 219 indriyasaCvara, 183, 185, 186, 191, 192, 200, 202, 218 IndriyasaCvaras+la, 204, 219 indriyesu guttadvro, 143, 144, 181, 191, 192, 201 institution, 11, 67, 69, 70, 71, 76, 80, 149, 157, 231, 255, 306, 315, 318, 354, 453, 465, 475, 477, 480, 487, 491, 495, 512, 539, 575 Interrogatory Portions, 46 intoxicants, 170, 281 inviolable, 171, 172, 552 Isipatana, 113 icmaC, 75 J Jgara, 586, 587, 588 jgariynuyoga, 192, 199 Jaina, 25, 320, 472, 473, 475, 476, 594, 596 Jainism, 56, 123, 462, 472, 475 Jnussoni, 236, 238 Japan, 283, 582, 583 Jamilas, 81 J+vaka, 100 K Kaidan, 582 Kaidan Shiki, 583 Kakackpama, 103, 148, 150, 173, 193, 311, 408, 439, 480, 549 Kakusandha, 109, 543 Kla, 126 kma, 102, 123, 185, 473 Kma, 113 kmabhog+, 124 kmacchanda, 224, 225, 227 kmarga, 225, 227 kamma, 364, 365, 397, 398, 403, 404, 457, 534 Kammakkhandhaka, 395 kammapatha, 170 KaG aka, 500 Kanjin, 582, 583 Kassapa, 18, 81, 109, 157, 233, 432, 543, 566, 593 Kassapagotta, 547 kamhina ubbhra, 300 kyavkpakammha, 232 KhaggavisGa, 18, 23, 188, 224 Khandhakas, 41, 48, 50, 51, 58, 175, 176, 177, 300, 338, 362, 374, 376, 383, 384, 387, 388, 391, 395, 406, 416, 421, 422, 424, 440, 441, 443, 446, 449, 452, 521, 523, 529, 535, 568, 569, 581 khuddakpatti, 162 khuddnukhuddaka, 552, 553, 556, 566 KiccdhikaraGa, 362 Kimbila, 400 K+mgiri, 196, 405, 457 Koklika, 457, 504 komrabrahmacariya, 71 Kongamana, 543 Koravya, 131 Kosala SaCyutta, 461 Kosambi, 400, 591 Kukkuravatika, 386 L lbhaggamahatta, 159 laity, 49, 281, 320, 558, 585, 588 Lamukikopama, 193, 196, 546, 549 law, 3, 5, 30, 31, 32, 35, 46, 49, 63, 95, 254, 261, 268, 276, 277, 282, 307, 312, 317, 323, 342, 345, 358, 368, 403, 408, 455, 486, 502, 513, 522, 547, 549, 555, 566 lawlessness, 156, 551 laxity, 149, 246, 247, 253, 556, 563 layman, 8, 129, 147, 171, 281, 288, 321, 465 laywoman, 465, 466 leadership, 63, 308, 312, 379, 429, 435, 441, 446, 480, 482, 488 legal, 32, 52, 58, 63, 150, 154, 155, 165, 204, 260, 264, 268, 273, 276, 277, 280, 294, 295, 346, 362, 396, 398, 413, 433, 483 legislation, 61, 63, 156, 165, 272, 330, 339, 401, 406, 433, 491, 544, 549, 575, 579 litigiousness, 403 lobha, 128, 225, 226 LomahaCsana Jtaka, 85 M MacchiksaG a, 289 MdugaEga, 584 Magadha, 313 Mgandiya, 386 Mgha, 104 Mah Kassapa, 21, 22, 157, 188, 191, 200, 232, 236, 237, 253, 261, 302, 432, 435, 437, 504, 521, 549, 558, 562, 565, 566, 575 Mahassapura, 116, 141 Mahammhakath, 126 Mahcattr+saka, 205 Mahdukkhakkhandha, 114 Mahhatthipadopama, 112 Mahaka, 289 Mahnma, 303 Mahnidna, 112 Mahpadna, 44, 109, 157, 160, 318, 537, 539, 540, 542 Mahparinibbna, 311, 386, 496, 555, 556, 557, 568 Mahrhulovda, 101 Mahsakuludy+, 304, 321, 577 MahsaEghika, 56, 58, 383, 536, 560, 561, 562, 567 Mahs+handa, 83, 85 mahatta, 158 Mahvacchagotta, 123, 386 Mahvagga, 7, 28, 38, 47, 51, 81, 257, 258, 277, 312, 314, 316, 319, 320, 321, 324, 325, 329, 332, 333, 336, 338, 339, 346, 347, 348, 349, 351, 353, 357, 500, 570, 572, 576, 580 MahvibhaEga, 38, 262, 520 Mahv+ra, 476 Mah+[saka Vinaya, 259, 352, 490, 492, 493, 594 majjhimas+la, 146 Makhdeva, 99, 131 Makkhali Gosla, 82 Malalasekera, 582, 597 Mnatta, 369, 371, 373, 374, 375, 377, 382, 395, 478, 534 mnattacrika, 375, 377 Mandiyaputta, 182 manoduccarita, 221 manokamma, 221, 225 manosucarita, 221 Manusm[ti, xiii, 69, 460, 594 Mra, 133, 195, 467, 468, 471, 493, 496 mtik, 42, 264 mauna, 75 Max Muller, 1 Medhtithi, 69, 70, 71, 594 mendicancy, 1, 10, 11, 18, 60, 81, 125, 131 mendicants, 12, 137, 319, 320, 321, 476, 499 mental, 98, 102, 103, 104, 134, 135, 172, 184, 187, 193, 199, 200, 218, 223, 224, 226, 413, 424, 473 methuna, 121, 281 methunavirati, 84 Metta, 104 mett, 97, 103, 104 Mettiyabhummajaka, 456 micchdimmhi, 221, 225, 228 micchj+va, 205, 207 Middle Path, 226 Milinda, 212, 520, 563, 564, 591 minor rules, 58, 165, 206, 302, 490, 550, 554, 563, 565, 566, 567, 568 miraculous, 286, 288, 289 missioner, 14 Moggallna, 22, 81, 436, 437, 440, 458, 503, 531, 532, 535 moha, 78, 100, 103, 128, 225, 226, 227 mohakkhaya, 228 mokca, 108 Moliyaphagguna, 408, 504 monasteries, 10, 19, 406, 572 Monier Williams, 1, 2, 11, 16, 17 moral, 17, 68, 72, 74, 87, 90, 172, 180, 211, 228, 256, 276, 277, 285, 293, 299, 363, 396, 414, 463, 466, 473, 479, 485, 487, 488, 489 morality, 48, 84, 93, 98, 119, 157, 176 mother, 461, 462, 470 mudit, 97, 101 Mklasarvstivda, 335, 351, 382, 530, 531, 594 Mklasarvstivdins, 372, 530, 531, 536 murder, 49 N Nagai, 282, 283, 592, 597 Ngasena, 144, 145, 212, 563, 564, 565, 566 GadassanatthaC, 116 N Nanda, 232 Nandaka, 434 Nandiya, 400 Nara, 583 nemantanika, 251 Nhtakamuni, 241 nibbna, 97, 106, 109, 111, 116, 119, 199, 226, 435 nibbnapariyya, 223 NigaGmhantaputta, 398 nirodha, 107 Nissaggiya, xi, 254, 296, 297, 300, 301, 508, 509, 510, 517 nissaya, 22, 446 Nissaya kamma, 396 nissayadyaka, 448 n+varaGa, 183, 192, 223, 224, 225 nun, 477, 478, 507 O offence, 149, 150, 151, 152, 154, 156, 162, 206, 208, 260, 271, 272, 275, 284, 288, 289, 290, 291, 295, 296, 300, 307, 310, 322, 323, 327, 330, 333, 337, 339, 341, 343, 345, 348, 353, 357, 364, 365, 368, 369, 370, 372, 373, 374, 378, 379, 380, 381, 406, 408, 412, 413, 422, 433, 451, 454, 455, 456, 483, 486, 488, 501, 502, 529, 531, 535, 570 offender, 150, 155, 298, 333, 334, 341, 343, 358, 364, 365, 368, 369, 371, 373, 375, 382, 405, 406, 410, 411, 422, 424 Oldenberg, 1, 7, 11, 19, 29, 30, 38, 39, 40, 43, 51, 52, 61, 255, 256, 265, 266, 267, 273, 288, 333, 347, 357, 366, 381, 445, 563, 592, 593, 597 orambhgiya saCyojana, 227 ovda, 435, 449, 541, 542, 544 ovda ptimokkha, 541, 542, 544 P Pabbjaniya kamma, 366, 396 pabbajita, 15, 23, 102, 121, 124, 185, 230, 277, 292, 321 pabbajj, 15, 16, 23, 24, 62, 115, 121, 124, 126, 127, 282, 388, 389, 391, 394, 474, 475, 477 Pabbajj, 120, 274, 578 Paccayasannissitas+la, 204, 208, 219 Pc+navaCsadya, 400 Pcittiya, xi, 150, 162, 164, 170, 197, 206, 254, 267, 268, 271, 272, 275, 281, 287, 291, 292, 296, 297, 298, 300, 301, 346, 364, 365, 371, 456, 483, 488, 500, 501, 502, 503, 506, 508, 509, 510, 513, 514, 515, 516, 548, 551, 554 Padhna, 133 padhniyaEga, 7 Pakudha Kaccyana, 82 paCsukklac+vara, 248 paCsukklika, 250, 252 pacan+varaGa, 98 pacasikkhpadas+la, 84 PaEkadha, 547 pa, 119, 134, 140, 177, 178, 218, 220 paatto, 35, 389, 556 pantheistic, 87 Prjika, xi, 151, 153, 156, 161, 162, 163, 166, 206, 254, 261, 266, 275, 276, 280, 282, 284, 285, 287, 290, 291, 322, 338, 341, 343, 357, 366, 367, 368, 371, 412, 416, 433, 456, 488, 499, 502, 505, 515, 521, 524, 527, 532, 552, 554 Paribbjaka, 82, 304, 386, 429 parinibbna, 305, 496 paripucch, 449 parisuddhj+vo, 143, 181, 191, 208 prisuddhis+la, 211 Parivra, 38, 206, 521, 523 Parivsa, 370, 371, 373, 374, 375, 377, 383, 388, 395 parivsika, 375 Parivrjakas, 18, 21, 37 pariyattissana, 122 Psdika, 123, 495 Pasenadi Kosala, 3, 128, 232 Pamiccasamuppda, 108, 112 pamicchanna, 369 Pmidesan+ya, 206, 296, 297 Ptimokkha-reciter, 324, 325, 330, 335, 351 ptimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto, 143, 145, 168, 180, 181, 191, 192, 215, 303 PtimokkhasaCvaras+la, 202, 208, 216, 219 Ptimokkhuddesa, 254, 305 Ptimokkhuddesaka, 310 PamitakaraGa, 410, 422 pamipattissana, 122 PavraG, 265, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 375, 379 Pveyyaka, 251 penalty, 154, 322, 368, 369, 370, 371, 373, 374, 375, 377, 378, 380, 381, 412, 422 piG aptika, 252 piG iylopabhojana, 248 Posadha, 320 Posadhasthpanavastu, 335 Prajpati, 77 Pra[na Upanicad, xiii, 73, 595 Prtimokcasktra, 352, 372, 382, 519 preceptor, 377, 393 probation, 373, 383, 384, 387, 388, 389 procedure, 30, 58, 142, 247, 248, 274, 298, 315, 326, 356, 363, 367, 369, 371, 395, 408, 419, 422, 424, 427, 479, 481, 484, 513, 532, 548, 581 property, 26, 27, 281, 300 propriety, 174, 180, 194, 246, 274, 298, 441, 443, 473, 479, 548, 551 prosecution, 63, 150, 155, 260, 275, 323, 336, 363, 381, 398, 403, 411, 535, 550 pubbakaraGa, 354 pubbakicca, 328, 348, 354 punish, 308, 353, 411 punishment, 46, 63, 153, 165, 256, 260, 275, 298, 323, 332, 335, 346, 366, 372, 373, 374, 377, 381, 395, 397, 403, 404, 410, 412, 421, 452, 454, 502 PuGGa Mantniputta, 119 puGyaloka, 66, 67 pupil, 175, 237, 442, 445, 446, 448, 450, 451, 452, 453, 454 PurGa, 568 PkraGa Kassapa, 82 purity, 206, 210, 211, 291, 306, 315, 322, 326, 330, 332, 337, 340, 341, 348, 349, 350, 351, 355, 359, 425, 426, 427, 533, 570 pktimuttabhesajja, 248 Q quarrel, 380, 381 R Rdha, 28 rga, 78, 100, 103, 199, 225, 226, 227 Rjagaha, 288, 572, 575 Rmnuja, 76 rattaumahatta, 159 Rammhapla, 131 rebellious, 150, 155, 196, 342, 455, 505, 507, 546, 554 recital, 29, 41, 42, 45, 47, 54, 64, 254, 255, 256, 257, 259, 260, 264, 301, 302, 304, 305, 311, 312, 314, 316, 317, 318, 319, 321, 323, 324, 325, 327, 328, 330, 331, 332, 333, 334, 337, 338, 339, 340, 342, 343, 344, 346, 347, 348, 349, 351, 352, 353, 357, 358, 359, 425, 426, 427, 524, 526, 530, 531, 532, 533, 534, 536, 537, 538, 539, 540, 541, 542, 543, 544, 550, 552, 554, 568, 573, 574, 577 recluseship, 8, 13, 127, 389 regulation, 31, 147, 149, 170, 204, 276, 440, 498 renunciation, 14, 23, 76, 120, 124, 125, 127, 130, 152, 230, 282, 321, 474, 476 residence, 17, 22, 29, 190, 235, 236, 240, 247, 250, 252, 274, 328, 376, 397, 405, 423, 442, 448, 452, 478, 482, 532, 571, 572, 573, 575, 576, 577, 578 restraint, 17, 87, 93, 98, 145, 167, 183, 184, 186, 199, 281, 302, 345, 538 rhinoceros, 22, 189 Rhys Davids, 1, 4, 7, 12, 13, 14, 15, 19, 29, 38, 40, 43, 49, 50, 52, 112, 143, 257, 261, 333, 520, 564, 590, 591, 592, 593, 597 Ritsu, 582 ritual, 39, 44, 45, 65, 157, 160, 215, 257, 301, 304, 305, 312, 313, 315, 321, 322, 324, 328, 329, 333, 339, 341, 342, 344, 346, 347, 348, 353, 355, 356, 357, 360, 425, 426, 428, 497, 526, 529, 536, 550, 554, 570, 572, 573, 575 ritualistic, 68, 95, 304, 319, 329, 341, 343, 350, 354, 359, 360, 574, 575, 581, 582 rukkhamklasensana, 248 S Sabbsava, 209 sadrasantosa, 84 saddh, 56, 125, 139, 218, 232, 429, 466, 495 saddhamma, 203 saddhivihr+, 444 Sakadgmin, 227 sakalabrahmacr+, 118 sakaGGajappaka, 418 sakkyadimmhi, 226, 227 Sakuludy+, 304 salkaghpaka, 418 Sallekha, 222, 229, 431 samdhi, 119, 140, 144, 177, 178, 220, 286 Smagma, 398, 400, 421 samaGa, 141, 535 samnasaCvsa, 577 smaGera, 169, 171, 378, 384, 388, 394, 500 smaGerapabbajj, 394 samatha, 234, 410 Samathakkhandhaka, 407 Sammdimmhi, 108 sammappadhna, 7, 144 Sammukhvinaya, 407, 410, 416, 422 Samodhnaparivsa, 374 sampannaptimokkha, 7 sampannas+la, 214 saCsra, 70, 88, 117, 185, 474 samsric, 111 samudaya, 107 samyagna, 73 saCyojana, 224, 226, 227 SaCyutta Nikya, 9, 102, 122, 144, 157, 161, 215, 231, 233, 289, 387, 388, 432, 463, 467, 592 Sandaka, 82 Sandha, 235 SaEgha Rja, 585 SaEghdisesa, xi, 156, 161, 162, 163, 206, 254, 266, 294, 295, 296, 301, 338, 341, 358, 368, 369, 370, 372, 373, 381, 403, 408, 416, 432, 437, 450, 456, 488, 500, 501, 505, 507, 515, 519, 526, 527, 551 saEghamnatva, 382 SaEghasthavira, 530, 531, 534 SaEg+ti, 97, 189, 261, 568 Sajaya, 18, 82 ZaEkara, 67, 68, 75, 76, 77 Sannys+, 2 santummh+, 182, 219 Sappadsa, 128 Sratthad+pan+, 162, 163, 592 Sriputta, 22, 81, 83, 96, 97, 108, 112, 119, 157, 160, 163, 315, 429, 436, 440, 458, 503, 543, 592 Sarvstivdins, 58, 519, 560 Ssana, 6, 7, 19, 20, 28, 33, 39, 46, 48, 56, 57, 63, 148, 163, 164, 169, 175, 203, 236, 246, 247, 252, 306, 312, 346, 366, 391, 402, 408, 430, 432, 434, 437, 439, 442, 445, 446, 453, 455, 479, 484, 488, 489, 492, 493, 498, 500, 504, 539, 541, 544, 546, 551, 556, 558, 562, 570, 572, 581, 589 Satapatha-BrhmaGa, 320 sati, 96, 107, 110, 218 satisampajaa, 98, 182, 191, 192, 199, 200 Sativinaya, 407, 413, 425 sattabbhantara, 577 sattryaGa, 75 Second Buddhist Council, 263 Sekha, 144, 168 sekha dhamma, 177 sekhapaGGatti, 177 Sekhiya, xi, 58, 255, 518 Sekhiyadhamma, 206 Seniya, 313, 386 Seniya Bimbisra, 313 sensual, 60, 124, 128, 133, 135, 185, 476 semmha, 87 sex, 121, 281, 462, 463, 469, 473, 497, 499, 500, 505, 511, 512 Seyyasaka, 405 Shinran, 283 Shinshk, 283 Shosho shonin, 583 Siddhatta, 81 Sikh+, 129, 543 sikkh, 35, 119, 139, 140, 142, 173, 174, 177, 178, 180, 220, 444, 558 sikkhpada, 32, 46, 55, 149, 150, 151, 153, 155, 156, 160, 163, 164, 166, 167, 169, 171, 172, 173, 175, 178, 180, 197, 203, 205, 206, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 263, 265, 266, 274, 275, 276, 280, 285, 287, 288, 292, 293, 296, 299, 301, 302, 305, 307, 310, 312, 314, 317, 318, 331, 425, 426, 427, 428, 478, 483, 486, 498, 499, 502, 503, 506, 510, 512, 514, 519, 520, 522, 524, 526, 533, 541, 543, 544, 547, 550, 551, 552, 553, 554, 556, 559, 566 s+la, 7, 9, 32, 119, 121, 140, 142, 144, 145, 146, 147, 149, 150, 152, 153, 167, 169, 172, 173, 175, 177, 178, 180, 182, 184, 191, 192, 197, 200, 202, 204, 205, 207, 208, 210, 211, 213, 214, 215, 218, 220, 221, 223, 247, 254, 256, 274, 275, 276, 277, 280, 281, 292, 293, 301, 302, 321, 444, 466, 538 s+lakkhandha, 98, 146, 218 s+laratana, 212 s+lasampanna, 303 s+lav, 145, 146, 168, 181, 192, 215, 303, 464 S+mlakkhaGad+pan+, 588 S+mlaEkra, 581 S+mlaEkrapakaraGa, 582 S+mnayadappana, 584, 588 s+mantarik, 580 S+msaEkarachedan+, 582 sinehadosa, 224 society, 25, 30, 64, 93, 130, 138, 229, 275, 460, 461, 463, 465, 499, 506, 612 solitary, 17, 18, 21, 23, 122, 127, 230, 232, 234, 250, 261, 357, 431 solitude, 22, 83, 234, 236, 247, 304 Som, 468 Sotpatti, 226, 227 spiritual, 8, 12, 13, 16, 21, 29, 63, 66, 69, 92, 100, 102, 122, 127, 129, 136, 139, 140, 142, 145, 146, 147, 148, 155, 166, 167, 176, 178, 180, 182, 190, 191, 193, 194, 197, 200, 206, 208, 222, 223, 226, 230, 234, 236, 239, 240, 243, 251, 286, 288, 294, 311, 333, 337, 430, 435, 440, 441, 445, 446, 449, 450, 452, 460, 467, 468, 469, 474, 475, 480 [ramaGa, 12 Srimadbhagavadg+trthapraksik, 90 strife, 396, 398, 399, 587 student, 15, 79, 321 studentship, 69, 72, 76 Subhadda, 37, 386, 546 suddhi, 219 Sudhamma, 405 Sudinna, 151, 152, 153, 282 sugati, 8, 9 suicide, 129, 275 Sumana, 213 Suspension of the Ptimokkha, 338, 342, 529, 532, 535, 536, 538, 541 sutta, 4, 42, 54, 260, 264 Sutta Pimaka, 42, 54, 146, 280, 312, 386, 395, 433, 438 SuttavibhaEga, 32, 38, 39, 41, 42, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 55, 58, 151, 157, 159, 160, 164, 205, 208, 256, 260, 265, 266, 268, 274, 276, 280, 286, 315, 316, 317, 366, 503, 544, 551, 569 T Tajjaniya kamma, 395 Tlapuma, 243, 244 tapas, 68, 73, 75, 79, 88 Trukkha, 96 Tassappiyyasik, 407, 411, 424 Taw Sein Ko, 582, 597 teacher, 15, 17, 60, 69, 70, 72, 76, 83, 90, 175, 213, 431, 441, 445, 446, 448, 450, 451, 452, 453, 454 tecattr+savatta, 377 tec+varikatta, 251 Tendai, 583 Tevijj, 96, 98 theft, 49, 276, 277, 279, 280, 287, 290 Theravdins, 57, 59, 475, 531, 562 Theriya, 56, 58, 64, 350, 353, 372, 489, 490, 492, 493, 530, 531, 535, 536, 559, 562, 563, 565, 567, 568, 581 Thomas, 1, 50, 51, 591, 597 Thullaccaya, 162, 163, 206, 208 Thullanand, 502, 503 thullavajja, 416 TiGavatthraka, 407, 414, 425 Tissametteyya, 121 tisso sikkh, 140, 177, 178, 212 Titthiyaparivsa, 373, 386, 388, 395 traivedikaC vrataC, 71 tutelage, 377, 405, 446, 450 U Ubbhik, 409 Ubhato VibhaEga, 176, 520 Ubhato Vinaya, 261 Udyi, 196, 231, 549 Uddaka Rmaputta, 18, 81 Uddesa, 42, 43, 45, 254, 256, 259, 260, 304, 317, 321 uddhambhgiya saCyojana, 227, 228 Udumbarikas+handa, 233 Ukkhepaniya kamma, 367, 377, 396 ukkhitta, 366 ukkhittnuvattik, 502 Upajjhya, 441, 443, 444, 446, 448 upakkilesa, 222, 224 upakurvGa, 69 Upli, 238, 239, 261, 521, 561 Upanicadic, 67, 72, 75, 77, 86 uparibhvapariyya, 223 Upasampad, 28, 247, 248, 274, 393, 552, 578, 583 upasampanna, 169, 279 Upasena VaEgantaputta, 236, 237, 301, 549, 555 upekkh, 97, 104, 198 Uposatha, 45, 47, 256, 257, 265, 307, 314, 318, 320, 322, 327, 330, 333, 337, 338, 339, 340, 355, 357, 375, 379, 519, 526, 529, 535, 540, 550, 570, 572, 573, 575 uposathgra, 573 Uposathakamma, 329 Uposathakkhandhaka, 312, 351 uposathaEga, 84 uposathapucchaka, 482 Uruvela Kassapa, 81 uttarimanussadhamma, 284, 286, 288 V Vacchagotta, 386 Vcissara, 582 Vairocana, 77 Vajjiputtaka, 140, 169, 305, 550 Vakkali, 240 Vassakra, 311 Vassvsa, 355 vassikasmika, 517 Vatthkpama, 194, 221, 225, 229 Veda, 71 Vedic, 2, 320, 321, 460 Velitota, 586 vepullamahatta, 159 Veraj, 162, 163 Vessabhk, 109, 543 VessavaGa, 231 veyyvacca, 84 vijjvimuttiphalasacchikiriyatthaC, 116 Vimalasra, 584, 586, 587, 588 Vimuttimagga, 203, 219, 593 Vinayadhara, 522 vipassan, 142, 234 Vipassi, 109, 157, 318, 537, 540, 542, 543 virga, 285 viriya, 84, 85, 218 virtue, 7, 22, 23, 67, 76, 84, 100, 101, 103, 139, 180, 184, 186, 187, 194, 197, 199, 209, 211, 222, 232, 235, 249, 251, 272, 281, 302, 334, 433, 437, 439, 462, 463, 464, 466, 485 visaCyoga, 285 VivddhikaraGa, 362, 423 vote, 417, 419 Vrata, 320, 321 vypda, 100, 221, 224, 225, 227 W wife, 11, 13, 126, 462, 466, 467 Winternitz, 40, 50, 520, 598 woman, 460, 461, 462, 463, 465, 467, 468, 469, 470, 472, 474, 477, 497, 505 Y yaja, 68, 75, 80 yasagga, 159 Yebhuyyasik, 407, 414, 416, 423  BUDDHIST MONASTIC DISCIPLINE Dr. Jotiya Dhirasekera The Buddhist Monastic Order is the earliest corporate organisation in the world where within a framework of a flexible organisation there was evolved ancilary bodies, rules, regulations and codes of conduct XE "conduct"  of the most minute detaill. Every aspect of a monk's life, living in society XE "society"  and together with other monks as well as nuns, has been gone into in the ancient texts. The author has brought to life the ancient organisational forms, rules and codes and the methods adopted to enfforce them without the charge of tyranny being levelled against the Elders. He has shown how the Buddhist concept of ceaseless change has made inroads into the organisation and has been dextrously handled so as to safeguard the doctrine and the organisation. The author draws extensively from the original ancient Pali, Sanskrit, and Chines texts. This book is felt to be of great value to students of Buddhism, students of Asian History and Indologists. The book will be of value also to students of political theory whose sources have so far been confined to Greek, Roman and Sanskrit material. It throws new light on ancient Buddhist social organisation.  Conventionalization and Assimilation in Religious Movements in Social Psychology with special reference to the development of Buddhism and Christianity, p. 24, Riddell Memorial Lectures, Twelfth Series, O.U.P. London, 1940  Monier Williams XE "Monier Williams" , Buddhism., p.75.  A.III.224.  M.II.120.  See S. Dutt, Buddha And Five After-Centuries, p.66 and Further Dialogues, II. SBB.VI.p.160.  Given by Mrs. Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  as occurring at Vinaya Texts, SBE. XIII (edition not given), p.112. [ See her Outlines of Buddhism, p.74 where she has made use of this translation.]. But the 1881 edition of the text which we have used has the following translation which we consider to be reliably accurate : `They will understand the doctrine.'  For the correct and complete quotation see D.I.85; M.I.440; Vin.I.315.  S.Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.85.  Ibid.p.72.  Vism.I.3.  Vibh.245.  Ibid.245-46.  Vin.I.103.  M.II.11. lists it under the four sammappadhna XE "sammappadhna" . Ibid.pp.95, 128 list it under the five padhniyaEga XE "padhniyaEga" .  DA.II.479  Monier Williams XE "Monier Williams" , Buddhism, pp.74-75.  M.I.80, 82, 237f; Ud.65.  Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg" , Buddha, pp.60-70.  S.Dutt, Ealy Buddhist Monachism, pp.30-56.  Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids" , Buddhism (Non-Christian Religious Systems) 1886, p.152. Note: This is a revised edition and is the earliest edition available to us.  Even the reprint which was made 26 years afterwards of this learned treatise has not witnessed a change of his view. See 1912 ed. p.152.  Mrs. Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids" , Buddhism, (Home University Library) 1912 ed.p.204.  See Mrs. Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids" , Buddhism (Revised edition, 1934), p.198f.  Mrs. Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids" , Outlines of Buddhism, p.63. See her Buddhism, (1934 ed.) p.201.  Ibid. p.75.  Miss Horner, The Book of the Discipline, I. pp.xviii.  Monier Williams XE "Monier Williams" , Buddhism, p.72.  Ibid.  Vin.I.80f.  S. Dutt, Buddha And Five After-Centuries, p.61.  S.Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.91. Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  and Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg"  too translate it as `Let not two of you go the same way' at Vinaya Texts I, SBE. XIII (1881), p.112. But Mrs. Rhys Davids quotes SBE.XIII (edition not given) as translating this statement as `Go not singly but in pairs.' (See Outlines of Buddhism, p.74.). Neither the grammar of this sentence nor the spirit in which it was made would allow us to accept this latter translation.  Miss Horner, Women Under Primitive Buddhism, p.115.  S. Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.113.  Ibid. p.110. n.84. and Buddha And Five After-Centuries, p.109. n.1.  S. Dutt, Buddha And Five After - Centuries, p.66.  M.I.469f.  M.I.24f, 95f.  S.Dutt, Buddha And Five after-Centuries, p.69. The word nissaya XE "nissaya"  is used to refer to the minimum requirements of a Bhikkhu on which he depends and subsists. They include food XE "food"  (piG apta), clothing (c+vara), shelter (sensana) and medicaments (gilnapaccaya-bhesajja-parikkhra) and are referred to as the Four Nissayas (cattro nissay). See Vin.I.58.  S. Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.92.  Vin.I.58.  S.Dutt, Buddha And Five After-Centuries, p.96.  S. Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.96.  Ibid.p.95.n.23.  S.Dutt, Buddha And Five After-Centuries, p.70.  S. Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.13.  Ibid. p.67.  Ibid.pp.67-68.  Ibid.p.68.  Ibid.p.69.  Vin.I.56.  See S. Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.13.  M.III.10.  Vinaya Texts I. SBE. XIII. xii.  Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg" , Buddha, p.331.  S. Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.13.  Ibid.p.29.  Ibid.p.23.  See Ch.IV.  M.I.445.  Vin.III.9f.  S.Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.36.  Ibid.p.65.  D.II.100.  S.Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.65.  Evam eva pana udyi idh'ekacce moghapuris idaC pajahath'ti may vuccamn te evam haCsu. Kim pan'imassa appamattakassa oramattakassa. adhisallikhatev'yaC samaGo'ti - M.I.449. Ko nu kho bhante hetu ko paccayo yena pubbe appatarni c'eva sikkh XE "sikkh" padni ahesum bahutar ca bhikkhk aya saGmhahiCsu. Ko pana bhante hetu ko paccayo yena etarahi bahutarni c'eva sikkhpadni honti appatar ca bhikkhk aya saGmhahant+'ti - M.I.445. See also S.II.224. Yo pana bhikkhu ptimokkhe uddissamne evam vadeyya kiC pana imehi khuddnukhuddakehi sikkhpadehi uddimmhehi yvad'eva kukkuccya vihesya vilekhya samvattant+'ti sikkhpadavivaGGake pcittiyaC - Vin.IV.143.  S.Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.64.  Ibid.p.66.  Ibid.p.67.  Vinaya Texts I, SBE.XIII, pp.ix-x.  Vin.I.p.xvi.  Ibid.  Vinaya Texts I, SBE.XIII, p.xiv.  WiEternitz, History of Indian Literature II, p.24.  Vin.II.96. It is important to maintain the distinction between these suttas (sutta XE "sutta" ) and the texts of the Sutta Pimaka XE "Sutta Pimaka"  which are referred to as Suttas or Suttantas, and are viewed as belonging to a sphere outside the Vinaya and Abhidhamma XE "Abhidhamma"  Pimakas. Note: Anpatti na vivaGGetukmo iEgha tvaC suttante v gthyo v abhidhammaC v pariypuGassu pacch vinayaC pariypuGissas+'ti bhaGati - Vin.IV.144.  VinA.VI.1197.  Vin.II.97.  Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids" , Buddhism (American Lectures), p.54.  Ch.IX. See also Ch.VIII.  Vinaya Texts. I.SBE.XIII.p.xi.  S.Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, pp.81-84.  Ibid.p.73.  M.II.8; III.10; A.I.230; Vin.I.102; IV.143,144.  S. Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.81.  Ibid.p.74.  M.I.33.  S.Dutt, op.cit.p.75.  Vin.IV.43,144.  S.Dutt, op.cit.p.85.  Miss Horner, The Book of the Discipline, I.p.ix.  Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids" , Buddhism, (American Lectures) p.55.  Ibid.p.56.  Winternitz XE "Winternitz" , History of Indian Literature, II.p.24.  Vinaya Texts I.SBE.XIII.P.xx.  E.J.Thomas XE "Thomas" , History of Buddhist Thought, p.21.  Vin.I. p. xxii.  But it is our belief that these observations on the Dhamma and the Vinaya do not justify the following remarks of B.C. Law with regard to the relation of the Vinaya to the Sutta Pimaka XE "Sutta Pimaka" : `The consideration of all these facts cannot but lead one to surmise that the treatises of the Vinayapimaka point to a sutta XE "sutta"  background in the Vinaya materials traceable in the nikyas particularly in the AEguttara. The sutta background of the Vinaya texts is clearly hinted at in the concluding words of the Patimokkha. EttakaC tassa bhagavato suttgataC suttapariypannaC anvaddhamsaC uddesaC gacchati. * This is far from being true. The word sutta XE "sutta"  in this context has been unfortunately misunderstood. What it means is that the contents of the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  exists as a collection of sutta or rules (note the name SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga" ) which the Buddha has laid down. As for the relation of the AEguttara to the Vinaya, it is the AEguttara which draws freely and extensively from the Vinaya. In places, the AEguttara looks like an anthology of Vinaya material. Law's own reference to A.I.98-100 should prove a sufficient indication of this tendency. The Vinaya contents of the AEguttara show more signs of development and editing than in the Vinaya Pimaka. The reasons for laying down sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  for the disciples as given at A.I. 98 total up to 12 while the standard lists in the Vinaya Pimaka have only 10. (See Vin.III.21) The two additional items are: 1. Consideration for laymen - gih+naC anukampya and 2. To break up the power of miscreant groups - ppicchnam pakkhkpacchedya. These evidently are additions to the original list of the Vinaya Pimaka. * See B.C. Law, History of Pali Literature, I.p.19.  W. Pachow, Comparative study of the Prtimokca, p.11.  See Vin.IV.126,143,152,153.  SA.III.230.  VinA.I.19; DA.I.17; DhsA.19  Vin.I.p.xiii.  Belvalkar XE "Belvalkar"  and Ranade, History of Indian Philosophy, vol.2.p.216.  Ibid.p.135.  See ZaEkara XE "ZaEkara" 's comment on Chnd.6.1.1 He mvetaketo'nurkpaC gurum kulasya no gatv vasa brahmacaryaC. Na caitadyuktaC yadasmatkul+no he somyanankcynadh+tya brahmabandhuriva bhavat+ti brhmaGn bandhkn vyapadisati na svayaC brhmaGav[tta iti.  Dvividho brahmacr+ pkrvatra pratipditah nai[thika upakurvna[ ceti. Medhtithibhsya on Manu.3.1.   sampteh [ar+rasya yastu [u[rksate gurum sa gacchatyajas vipro brahmaGah sadma [svataC - Manu.2.244. The point of special interest here is Medhtithi XE "Medhtithi" 's comment on `brahmanah sadma [svataC which reads as na punah samsraC pratipadyata iti yvat - Ibid.  Ibid. The commentary of Medhtithi XE "Medhtithi"  countenances the possibility of explaining Brahman XE "Brahman"  here either as a personal god or as the Paramtman. Brahma[abdena c'etihsadar[ane devavi[esa[ caturvaktrah tasya sadma sthnavi[esah divi vidyate. VedCtavdinC tu brahma paramtm tasya sadma svarkpam eva tadbhvpattih.  SattriCsadbdikaC caryaC gurau traivedikaC vrataC XE "traivedikaC vrataC"  tadardhikaC pdikaC v grahaGntikameva v - Manu.3.1.  KathaC punartribhirvarsairvedah [akyo grah+tum. Bhavati ka[cin medhvitamah. Medhtithi XE "Medhtithi" 's comment on Manu.3.1.  Ammhacattl+saC vassni komrabrahmacariyaC carimsu te vijjcaraGapariyemmhiC acarum brhmaG pure - Sn.v.289. So ammhacattl+sam vassni komrabrahmacariyaC carati mante adh+yamno - A.III.224.  The Laws of Manu, Tr. G. Buhler, SBE.XXV, p.74. See note on III.1.  Belvalkar XE "Belvalkar"  and Ranade, History of Indian Philosophy, vol.2.p.125.  Satyena labhyas tapas hyesa tm samyagjnena brahmacaryena nityaC - MuGd.3.1.5.  Belvalkar XE "Belvalkar"  and Ranade, History of Indian Philosophy, vol.2.p.135.  Hume XE "Hume" , The Thirteen Principal Upanicads, p.380. Tesmevaisa brahmaloko yesC tapo brahmacaryaC yesu satyaC praticmhitaC. Tesmasau virajo brahmaloko na yecu jihmaman[taC na my ceti - Pra[na.1.15.16.  Hume XE "Hume" . op.cit.p.224. Sa enn brahma gamayateca devapatho brahmapatha etena pratipadyamn imaC mnavamvartaC nvartante nvartante - Chnd.4.15.5.  Tadya evaitaC brahmalokaC brahmacaryeGnuvindanti tesmevaica brahmalokah - Ibid.8.4.3.  Atha yadyaja itycakcate brahmacaryameva tad... Ibid.8.5.1.-3.  Hume XE "Hume" , op.cit. p.266.  Belvalkar XE "Belvalkar"  and Ranade, History of Indian Philosophy, vol.2.p.135.  BrahmacaryaC svdhyya grahaGya he bhavati vivat[ycryakule. ZaEkara XE "ZaEkara"  on Chnd.4.4.1.  Zicyatvav[tter brahmacaryasya prdhnycchisyh santo brahmacaryamkcurucitavanta ityarthah. maEkara on B[h.5.2.1.  TattatraivaC satyetaC brahmalokaC brahmacaryeGa str+vicayat[cGtygena .... pdayanti.  Sarvatra samyagjnena yathbhkttmadar[anena brahmacaryeGa maithunsamacreGa ....  Str+vicayat[cGtygarkpabrahmacaryapkrvaka[strcryopade[din ....  He svetaketo'nurkpaC gurum kulasya no gatv vasa brahmacaryaC. Na caitadyuktaC yadasmatkul+no he somynankcynadh+tya brahmabandhuriva bhavat+ti brhmaGn bandhkn vyapadi[ati na svayaC brhmaGav[tta iti.  Vidyprptiprayojanagauravt tyaktargadvecamohercydidocaveva bhktvocatur brahmacaryaC prajpatau. maEkara on Chnd. 8.7.3.  Yo kho bhikkhave rgakkhayo dosakkhayo mohakkhayo idaC brahmacariyapariyosnan ti - S.V.8,16,26.  yassa kassaci bhikkhave bhikkhussa v bhikkhuniy v cakkhu - vieyyesu rkpesu uppajjeyya chando v rgo v doso v pamighaC v'pi cetaso tato cittaC nivraye ..... Na tvaC arahas+'ti tato cittaC nivraye cakkhuvieyyehi rkpehi ... pe - S.IV.195.  Bloomfield, The Atharva-veda, p.89.  Griffith, The Hymns of the Atharva-veda, vol.II.p.68. n.  Ibid.XI.V.1.  Ibid.  Ibid.XI.V.5.  Ibid.  Ibid.XI.V.20,21.  Ibid.XI.V.22.  The term Bodhisatta XE "Bodhisatta"  is used throughout this thesis to refer only to Buddha Gotama XE "Gotama"  during the thirtyfive years of his early life, prior to his enlightenment XE "enlightenment" . This covers both the princely life of twentynine years under the name of Siddhatta XE "Siddhatta"  and the six years of mendicancy XE "mendicancy"  during which he came to be called SamaGo Gotamo. Referring to this earlier period prior to his enlightenment, the Buddha calls himself the Bodhisatta: Pubbe'va me bhikkhave sambodh anabhisambuddhassa bodhisattassa sato - M.I.24; S.II.10.  Icchm'ahaC vuso klma imasmiC dhammavinaye brahmacariyaC caritun'ti - M.I.163.  Atha kho tesaC dvdasanahutnaC mgadhiknaC brhmaGagahapatiknaC etadahosi. Kinnukho mahsamaGo uruvelakassape brahmacariyaC carati udhu uruvelakassapo mahsamane brahmcariyaC carati - Vin.I.36.  Tena kho pana samayena sriputtamoggalln sajaye paribbjake brahmacariyaC caranti - Vin.I.39.  Atha kho assalyana sattannaC brhmanis+naC etaC ahosi moghaC vata no tapo aphalaC brahmacariyan'ti - M.II.155.  M.I.514f. Also see Basham XE "Basham" , The j+vikas, p.17f.  Abhijnmi kho pan'haC sriputta caturaEgasamanngataC brahmacariyaC carit: tapass+ sudaC homi paramatapass+ lkkhassudaC homi paramalkkho jegucch+ sudaC homi paramajegucch+ pavivitta'ssudaC homi paramapavivitto - M.I.77.  Ettha pana ayaC brahmacariyasaddo... imesu atthesu dissati - DA.I.177.  Abhijnmi kho pan'haC sriputta caturaEgasamanngataC brahmacariyaC carit tapassi sudaC hom+'ti lomahaCsanasutte viriyaC brahmacariyan'ti vuttaC - DA.I.179.  J.I.390.  LomahaCsana Sutta = Mahs+handa XE "Mahs+handa"  Sutta - M.I.77.  Atthi nu kho ettha sro'ti bhirakamicchtapaC v+maCsanto caturaEgasamanngataC brahmacariyavsaC vasim - J.I.390  ...bhirakatapaC v+maCsissm+'ti j+vakapabbajjaC pabbajitv acelako ahosi. Ibid.  EvaC caturaEgasamanngataC pana brahmacariyaC caritv bodhisatto maraGakle upammhitaC nirayanimittaC disv idaC vata samdnaC niratthakan'ti atv taC khaGa'eva taC laddhiC bhinditv sammdimmhiC gahetv devaloke nibbatti - Ibid.  See Supra p.22.n.3.  B[h.3.6; Tait.2.6; Chnd.6.3. See Hume XE "Hume" , The Thirteen Principal Upanicads. p.21f.  Chnd.3.14; Kamha.5.2; MuG .2.2.11; MG .2.  S.I.169.  Ibid.180.  SA.I.265.  S.I.180.  Bhagavadg+t XE "Bhagavadg+t" .5.24.  Sr+madbhagavadg+trthapraksik (Adyar Library ed.), p.168.  Ibid.446. See. G+t.18.53.  Brahmabhktamiti brahmhameva brahmeti brahmtmatvena siddho brahmabhktah. Srimadbhagavadg+trthapraksik XE "Srimadbhagavadg+trthapraksik" , 189.  AhaCkraC balaC darpaC kmaC krodhaC parigrahaC vimucya nirmamah [nto brahmabhkyya kalpate  G+t.18.53.  Addhvauso kaccna bhagav jnaC jnti passaC passati cakkhubhkto Gabhkto dhammabhkto brahmabhkto vatt pavatt atthassa ninnet amatassa dt dhammassm+ tathgato - M.I.111; III.195, 224; S.IV.94.  Tathgatassa h'etaC vsettha adhivacanaC dhammakyo iti'pi brahmakyo iti'pi dhammabhkto iti'pi brahmabhkto iti'p+'ti - D.III.84.  Iti dhammakyo ass'ti dhammakyo. Dhammakyatt eva brahmakyo. Dhammo hi semmhammhena brahm'ti vuccati. Dhammabhkto hi dhammasabhvo. Brahmabhktatt eva brahmabhkto - DA.III.865.  Tassa evaC jnato evaC passato kmsav'pi cittaC vimuccati bhavsav'pi cittaC vimuccati avijjsav'pi cittaC vimuccati vimuttasmiC vimuttan'ti GaC hoti kh+G jti vusitaC brahmacariyaC kataC karaG+yaC nparaC itthatty'ti pajnti. AyaC vuccati bhikkhave puggalo nev'attantapo nttaparitpannuyogaC anuyutto na parantapo na paraparitpannuyogaC anuyutto. So anattantapo aparantapo dimmh'eva dhamme nicchto nibbuto s+tibhkto sukhapamisamved+ brahmabhktena attan viharati - M.I.384. 413.  Loke ankpalitt te brahmabhkt ansav - S.III.83.  See Dhammapada, vv.397ff. BrhmaGavagga. SabbasamyojanaC chetv yo ve na paritassati saEgtigaC visamyuttaC tamahaC brkmi brhmaGaC, etc.etc.  Sn.p.50f.  Isayo pubbak suC saatatt tapassino pacakmaguGe hitv attadatthaC acrisum - Sn.v.284.  Brahmacariya ca s+la ca ajjavaC maddavaC tapaC soraccaC avihiCsa ca khanti cpi avaGGayuC - Ibid.v.292.  Na jacc brhmaGo hoti na jacc hoti abrhmaGo kamman brhmaGo hoti kamman hoti abrhmaGo - Ibid.v.650.  Kamman vattat+ loko kamman vattat+ paj kammanibandhan satt rathassG+'va yyato - Ibid.v.654. Tapena brahmacariyena samyamena damena ca etena brhmaGo hoti etaC brhmaGaC uttamaC Ibid.v.655.  Yvat bhikkhave sahass+lokadhtu mahbrahm tattha aggaC akkhyati - A.V.59f.  Mahbrahmuno'pi kho bhikkhave atth'eva aatattaC atthi vipariGmo. EvaC passaC bhikkhave sutav ariyasvako tasmim'pi nibbindati tasmiC nibbindanto agge virajjati pageva h+nasmim - Ibid.  Dkre ito brhmaG+ brahmaloko yasshutiC paggaGhsi niccaC - S.I.141.  Ayameva ujumaggo ayam ajasyano niyyniko niyyti takkarassa brahmasahavyatya. Sv'yam akkhto brhmaGena pokkharastin'ti - D.I.236.  Mayham kho bhante evam ahosi ime kho brhmaG brahmalokdhimutt. Yannkn'haC dhnajniC brhmaGaC brahmnaC sahavyatya maggaC deseyyan'ti - M.II.195f.  SutaC me'taC bho gotama samaGo gotamo brahmnaC sahavyatya maggaC deset+'ti. Sdhu no bhavaC brahmnaC sahavyatya maggaC desetu ullumpatu bhavaC gotamo brhmaGiC pajan'ti - D.I.249.  M.II.195.  A.V.59f.  M.II.195.  D.III.223.  Ayam pi kho dhnajni brahmnaC sahavyatya maggo - M.II.195.  D.I.250f.  So vata vsemmha apariggaho averacitto avypajjacitto asaEkilimmhacitto vasavatti bhikkhu kyassa bhed parammaraG apariggahassa... vasavattissa brahmuno sahavykpago bhavissat+'ti mhnaC etaC vijjati - D.I.252.  Rj kho pannanda makhdevo.... agrasm anagriyaC pabbajito brahmacariyaC cari. So cattro brahmavihre bhvetv kyassa bhed parammaraG brahmalokkpago ahosi - M.II.76.  Katamac'nanda etarahi may kalyGaC vammaC nihitaC ekanta-nibbidya virgya nirodhya upasamya abhiya sambodhya nibbnya samvattati. Ayam'eva ariyo ammhaEgiko maggo seyyath+daC sammdimmhi... sammsamdhi - M.II.82.  Puna ca paraC bhikkhave bhikkhu aataraC devanikyaC panidhya brahmacariyaC carati imin'haC s+lena v vatena v brahmacariyena v devo v bhavissmi devaataro v'ti... evaC assyaC pacamo cetaso vinibandho asamucchinno hoti - M.I.102.  Yena kho j+vaka rgena yena dosena yena mohena vypdav assa so rgo so doso so moho tathgatassa pah+no ucchinnamklo tlavatthukato anabhvakato yatiC anuppdadhammo. Sace kho te j+vaka idaC sandhya bhsitaC anujnmi te etan'ti - Ibid.369f.  Ibid.38,297,369.  Ibid.424.  MettaC rhul'ti kasm rabhi... Mettdibhvanya pana hot+'ti tdibhvassa kraGadassanatthaC imaC desanaC rabhi - MA.III.140.  Arat+'ti arati XE "arati"  pantasensanesu c'eva adhikusalesu dhammesu ca ukkaGmhitat - Ibid.  Tattha yasm dito'va agriyabhkte satte vatthukmesu kilesakm mohayanti te abhibhuyya anagriyabhvaC upagatnaC pantesu v sensanesu aataraataresu v adhikusalesu dhammesu arati XE "arati"  uppajjati. Vutta c'etaC pabbajitena kho vuso abhirati dukkar'ti - SnA.II.389.  Pabbajitena panvuso kim dukkaran'ti. Pabbajitena kho vuso abhirati dukkar'ti - S.IV.260.  S.II.206, 208, 218, 267.  Idhvuso bhikkhu mettsahagatena.... upekkhsahagatena cetas ekaC disaC pharitv viharati......AyaC vuccat'vuso appamG cetovimutti. Yvat kho vuso appamG cetovimuttiyo akupp tsaC cetovimutti aggaC akkhyati. S kho pana akupp cetovimutti su rgena su dosena su mohena - M.I.297f.  Ibid.129.  Uppajjate sace kodho vajja kakackpamaC - Thag.v.445. See also M.I.189.  So v+targo pavineyya dosaC mettaC cittaC bhvayaC appamGaC rattim divaC satataC appamatto sabb dis pharate appamaaC - Sn.v.507.  Mettaca sabbalokasmiC mnasaC bhvaye aparimGaC - Sn.v.150. ......brahmam etaC vihraC idha-m-hu - Sn.v.151.  Puna ca paraC gahapati bhikkhu mett XE "mett" -sahagatena... upekkh XE "upekkh" -sahagatena cetas ekaC disaC pharitv viharati.... So iti pamisacikkhati ayam'pi kho upekkh-cetovimutti abhisaEkhat abhisacetayit. YaC kho pana kici abhisaEkhataC abhisacetayitaC tadaniccam nirodhadhamman'ti pajnti. So tattha mhito... anuttaraC yogakkhemaC anuppunti - M.I.351.  So dhammaC deseti dikalyGaC majjhekalyGC pariyosnakalyGaC stthaC sabyajanaC kevalaparipuGGaC parisuddhaC brahmacariyaC pakseti - D.I.62; M.I.179, 267 etc.  Dukkha: This is a word whose meaning in Buddhism is so wide that it cannot easily be given in a single word like pain, suffering, or sorrow. Sometimes the word Ill is used to cover the totality of its connotation. Each one of these words can be regarded as being valid in its own context. The word `unsatisfactoriness' is now believed to be having a very satisfactory coverage of the concept dukkha XE "dukkha" .  See also S.II.24.  Op.cit.10-11  Tassa mayham bhikkave yoniso manasikr ahu paya abhisamayo avijjya kho sati XE "sati"  saEkhr honti avijj paccay saEkhr'ti. Iti h'idaC avijjpaccay saEkhr saEkhrapaccay viGaC...... Evam etassa kevalassa dukkhakkhandhassa samudayo hoti... Evam etassa kevalassa dukkhakkhandhassa nirodho hoti - S.II.10f.  M.I.46f.  Vin.I.10.  S.II.10.  Op.cit.5.  D.II.1f. They are Vipassi XE "Vipassi" , Sikkh+, Vessabhk XE "Vessabhk" , Kakusandha XE "Kakusandha" , KongamaGa and Kassapa XE "Kassapa"  and conform, more or less, to the pattern of the historical Buddha Gotama XE "Gotama" .  Pubbe'va me bhikkhave sambodh anabhisambuddhassa bodhisattassa sato etadahosi. KicchaC vat'yaC loko panno jyati ca j+yati ca m+yati ca cavati ca uppajjati ca. Atha ca pan'imassa dukkhassa nissaraGaC nappajnti. Kud'ssu nma imassa dukkhassa nissaraGaC payissati jarmaraGass'ti. Tassa mayhaC bhikkhave etadahosi. Kimhi nu kho sati XE "sati"  jarmaraGaC hoti kiC paccay jarmaraGan'ti - S.II.10.  Vin.I.40.  Adhigato kho me ayaC dhammo gambh+ro duddaso duranubodho... layaramya kho pana pajya layaratya layasammuditya duddasaC idaC mhnaC yadidaC idappaccayat pamiccasamuppdo idam'pi kho mhnaC duddasaC yadidaC sabbasaEkhrasamatho sabbkpadhipaminissaggo taGhakkhayo virgo nirodho nibbna XE "nibbna" C. M.I.167.  See Mrs Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids" , Skya, p.133f.  VuttaC kho pan'etaC bhagavat yo paticcasamuppdam passati so dhammaC passati yo dhammaC passati so pamiccasamuppdaC passat+'ti - M.I.190.f. See Mrs. Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids" , Ibid.  Gambh+ro c'yaC nanda paticcasamuppdo gambh+rvabhso ca. Etassa nanda dhammassa ananubodh appamivedh evaC ayaC paj tantkulakajt gulguGmhikajt mujababbajabhkt apyaC duggatiC samsraC n'tivattati - D.II.55.  IdaC kho pana bhikkhave dukkhaC ariyasaccaC jti'pi dukkh jar'pi dukkh vydhi'pi dukkh maraGaC'pi dukkhaC....Vin.I.10; S.V.420f.  Appiyehi sampayogo dukkho piyehi vippayogo dukkho yaC'p'icchaC na labhati taC'pi dukkhaC saEkhittena pacupdnakkhandh'pi dukkh - Vin.I.10; S.V.420f.  Hare, Woven Cadences, SBB.XV. pp.115-6; Sn.vv.766,767,769,770.  AyaC'pi bhikkhave kmnaC d+navo sandimmhiko dukkhakkhandho kmahetu kmanidnaC kmdhikaraGaC kmnaC eva hetu - M.I.85f.  Idha no bhante aatitthiy paribbjak amhe evaC pucchanti kimatthiyam vuso samaGe gotame brahmacariyaC vussat+'ti. EvaC putmh mayaC bhante tesam aatitthiynaC paribbjaknaC evaC vykaroma dukkhassa kho vuso pariatthaC bhagavati brahmacariyaC vussat+'ti - S.IV.51.  S.V.27-29.  Y ca kho ayaC bhikkhave akupp cetovimutti etadatthaC bhikkhave brahmacariyaC etaC sraC etaC pariyosnan'ti - M.I.197.  NibbnogadhaC hi vuso viskha brahmacariyaC nibbnaparyanam nibbnapariyosnaC - M.I.304. See also.S.III.189; V.29.  Acari bhikkhave paG ito brahmacariyaC samm dukkhakkhayya. Tasm paG ito kyassa bhed na kykpago hoti. So akykpago samno parimuccati jtiy jarmaraGena sokehi paridevehi dukkhehi domanassehi upysehi parimuccati dukkhasm'ti vadmi - S.II.24-25.  M.I.23,38,67; II.39,61. S.I.140.161; II.21-22; III.36.  Ibid.  D.I.62; M.I.179,267,344.  Yad etaC sikkhattayaC brahmacariyaC ekaC'pi divasaC akhaG aC katv carimakacittaC ppetabbatya ekantaparipuGGaC ekadivasaC'pi ca saEkilesamalena amalinaC katv carimacittaC ppetabbatya ekantaparisuddham saEkhalikhitaC likhitasaEkhasadisaC dhotasaEkhasappamibhgaC caritabbaC... MA.II.205.  Brahmacariyan'ti semmhammhena brahmabhktaC cariyaC brahmabhktnaC v buddhd+naC cariyan'ti vuttaC hoti - DA.I.179; MA.II.204.  Pah+najtimaraGo brahmacariyassa keval+ XE "brahmacariyassa keval+"  pannabhro visaCyutto katakicco ansavo - A.I.162.  Brahmacariyassa keval+'ti brahmacariyassa kevalena samanngato paripuGGabhvena yutto'i attho. Kh+Gsavo hi sakalabrahmacr+ XE "sakalabrahmacr+"  nma hoti - AA.II.258.  EvaC desento ca sikkhattaya-saCgahitam sakalassanabrahmacariyaC pakseti - DA.I.179.  Katama ca bhikkhave brahmacariyam. AyaC eva ariyo ammhaEgiko maggo seyyath+daC sammdimmhi......sammsamdhi. Katamni ca bhikkhave brahmacariyaphalni. SotpattiphalaC ....... arahattaphalaC. Imni vuccanti bhikkhave brahmacariyaphaln+'ti - S.V.26.  ArahattamaggasaGkhtassa brahmacariyassa anuttaraC ogadham uttamapatimmhbhktaC nibbna XE "nibbna" C - AA.II.267.  M.I.431.  Yath yath'haC bhante bhagavat dhammaC desitaC jnmi na'y'idaC sukaraC agraC ajjhvasat ekantaparipuGGaC ekantaparisuddhaC saEkhalikhitaC brahmacariyaC carituC. Icchm'ahaC bhante kesamassuC ohretv ksyni vattni acchdetv agrasm anagriyaC pabbajituC - M.II.66 f.  Yassatthya kulaputt sammadeva agrasm anagriyaC pabbajanti tadanuttaraC brahmacariyapariyosnam dimmhe'va dhamme sayaC abhi sacchikatv upasampajja vihsi - M.I.40,172,477.  PabbajjaC kittayissmi yath pabbaji cakkhum yath v+maCsamno so pabbajjaC samarocayi. Sambdho'yaC gharvso rajassyatanaC iti abbhokso ca pabbajj XE "pabbajj"  iti disvna pabbaji - Sn.vv.405-6.  AbrahmacariyaC pahya brahmacr+ hoti virato methun gmadhamm - D.I.63; M.II.181; III.33.  Sn.vv.814f.  MethunaC anuyuttassa metteyy'ti bhagav mussate'v'pi ssanaC - Sn.v.815.  Mussatev'pi ssanan'ti dv+hi kraGehi ssanaC mussati pariyattissanam'pi mussati patipattissanam'pi mussati - Mahniddesa I.143f.  Micch ca pamipajjati etaC tasmiC anriyam - Sn.v.815.  Eko pubbe caritvna methunaC yo nisevati ynaC bhantaC va taC loke h+naC hu puthujjanaC - Sn.v.816.  Yaso kitti ca y pubbe hyatev'pi tassa s etam'pi disv sikkhetha methunaC vippahtave - Sn.v.817.  Itth+ malaC brahmacariyassa etth'yaC sajjate paj - S.I.38.  Supra p.24.  Sdhu bhikkhave sdhu kho me tumhe bhikkhave evaC dhammaC desitaC jntha. Anekapariyyena hi vo bhikkhave antaryik dhamm vutt may ala ca pana te pamisevato antaryya. Appassd km vutt may bahudukkh bahkpys d+navo ettha bhiyyo - M.I.133.  .... upsak ca gih+ odtavasan brahmacrino rdhak upsak ca gih+ odtavasan kmabhogino rdhak. EvaC idam brahmacariyaC paripkraC ten'aEgena - M.I.492.  Santi kho pana me cunda etarahi upsak svak gih+ odtavasan brahmacrino - D.III.124.  D.III.124. Also M.I.492.  So vata bhikkhave bhikkhu evaC caranto evaC viharanto sikkhaC paccakkhya h+nyvattissat+'ti n'etaC mhnaC vijjati. TaC kissa hetu. yaC hi tam bhikkhave cittaC d+gharattaC vivekaninnaC vivekaponaC vivekapabbhraC taC vata h+nya vattissat+'ti n'etaC mhnaC vijjati - S.IV.191.  Idha pana bhikkhave ekacco kulaputto saddh XE "saddh"  agrasm anagriyaC pabbajito hoti otiGGo'mhi jtiy jarmaraGena sokehi paridevehi dukkhehi domanassehi upysehi dukkhotiGGo dukkhapareto app'eva nma imassa kevalassa dukkhakkhandhassa antakiriy payeth'ti. - M.I.196,460; A.I.147.  Nay'idaC sukaram agraC ajjhvasat ekantaparipuGGaC ekanta- parisuddhaC saEkhalikhitaC brahmacariyaC carituC - D.I.63; M.I.179,267,344.  Socanti jan mamyite na hi santi nicc pariggah vinbhvasantaC ev'idaC iti disvngraC nvase - Sn.v.805.  D.I.63; M.I.179, 267, 344.  Sambdho gharvso'ti sace'pi sammhihatthe ghare yojanasatantare v dve jayampatik vasanti tath'pi tesaC sakicanapalibodhammhena gharvso sambdho ye'va. Rajopatho'ti rgarajd+naC ummhnammhnan'ti MahmmhakathyaC vuttaC - DA.I.180; SA.II.179; AA.III.187.  Idha me aggivessana pubbe'va sambodh anabhisambuddhassa bodhisattass'eva sato etadahosi. Sambdho gharvso...... agrasm anagriyaC pabbajeyyan'ti - M.I.240.  Jahanti putte sappa tato t+ tato dhanaC pabbajanti mahv+r ngo chetv'va bandhanaC - Thig.v.301.  Yassatthya kulaputt sammad'eva agrasm anagriyaC pabbajanti tadanuttaraC brahmacariyapariyosnaC dimmh'eva dhamme sayaC abhi sacchikatv upasampajja viharissath'ti - M.1.40, 172, 477.  Ohrayitv gihivyajanni sachinnapatto yath pricchatto ksyavattho abhinikkhamitv eko care khaggavisGakappo - Sn.v.64.  So eva kho te mahnma dhammo ajjhattaC appah+no yena te ekad lobhadhamm'pi cittaC pariydya timmhanti dosadhamm'pi. cittaC pariydya timmhanti mohadhamm'pi cittC pariydya timmhanti. So ca hi te mahnma dhammo ajjhattaC pah+no abhavissa na tvaC agraC ajjhvaseyysi na kme paribhujeyysi - M.I.91  Idha pan'haC bhante bhikkhk passmi yvaj+vaC pGakomikaC parisuddhaC brahmacariyaC carante - M.II.120.  araC me idha ubbandhaC ya'ca h+naC pun'care - Thig.v.80.  SatthaC v harissmi ko attho j+vitena me kathaC hi sikkhaC paccakkhaC klaC kubbetha mdiso - Thag.v.407.  MaraGam h'etaC bhikkhave ariyassa vinaye yo sikkhaC paccakkhya h+nyvattati - S.II.271.  Sikh+ XE "Sikh+"  yath n+lag+vo vihaEgamo haCsassa nopeti javaC kudcanaC evaC gih+ nnukaroti bhikkhuno munino vivittassa vanamhi jhyato - Sn.v.221.  Tatr'pi tvaC phagguna ye gehasit chand ye gehasit vitakk te pajaheyysi - M.I.123.  Seyyathpi nma pakkh+ sakuGo yena yen'eva eti sapattabhro'va eti evam'eva bhikkhu santummho hoti kyaparihrikena c+varena kucchiparihrikena piG aptena yena yen'eva pakkamati samdy'eva pakkamati - M.I.180, 268  Manuss ujjhyanti kh+yanti vipcenti aputtakatya pamipanno samaGo gotamo vedhavyya pamipanno samaGo gotamo kulkpacchedya pamipanno samaGo gotamo - Vin.I.43.  Ptubhkt kho me tta kumra devadkt dissanti sirasmiC phalitni jtni. Bhutt kho pana me mnusak km. Samayo dibbe kme pariyesituC - M.II.75.  Cattr'imni bho rammhapla prijuni yehi prijuehi samanngat idh'ekacce kesamassum ohretv ksyni vatthni acchdetv agrasm anagriyaC pabbajanti. Katamni cattri. JarprijuaC vydhiprijuaC bhogaprijuaC tiprijuaC - M.I.66.  Lkkhappasann hi vuso manuss - Vin.III.171.  Na kho vuso gotama sukhena sukhaC adhigantabbaC dukkhena kho sukhaC adhigantabbaC - M.I.93.  Supra p.26.  ...yo c'yaC attakilamathnuyogo dukkho anatthasamhito - Vin.I.10.  Na kho pan'haC imya kamukya dukkarakrikya adhigacchmi uttariC manussadhamm alamariyaGadassanavisesaC. Siy nu kho ao maggo bodhy'ti - M.I.246.  So evam ha atthi vo nigaGmh pubbe ppaC kammaC kataC. TaC imya kamukya dukkarakrikya nijjaretha - Ibid.93.  Sn.vv.433, 434.  SnA.II.389.  Nad+naC api sotni ayaC vto visosaye ki ca me pahitattassa lohitaC nkpasussaye - Sn.v.433.  Atthi saddhh tato viriyaC pa XE "pa"  ca mama vijjati evaC maC pahitattam'pi kiC j+vaC anupucchasi - Sn.v.432.  Api ca kho me aticiram anuvitakkayato anuvicrayato kyo kilameyya kye kilante cittaC khaeyya khate citte r cittaC samdhimh'ti - M.I.116.  M.I.77f., 92. Also see A.I.240f. under c+varapaviveka, piG aptapaviveka and sensanapaviveka.  Na kho ahaC tassa sukhassa bhymi yaC taC sukhaC aatr'eva kmehi aatra akusalehi dhammeh+'ti. Tassa mayhaC aggivessana etadahosi. Na kho taC sukaraC sukhaC adhigantuC evaC adhimattakasimnaC pattakyena.Yannkn'haC o7rikaC hraC hreyyaC odanakummsan'ti - M.I.247.  Etha tumhe'pi bhikkhave eksanabhojanaC bhujatha. EksanabhojanaC kho bhikkhave tumhe'pi bhujamn appbdhata ca sajnissatha apptaEkata ca lahummhna ca bala ca phsuvihra c'ti - M.I.124  Ehi tvaC bhikkhu bhojane mattau hohi pamisaEkh yoniso hraC hreyysi n'eva davya na madya na maG anya na vibhksanya yvad'eva imassa kyassa mhitiy ypanya vihimskparatiy brahmacariynuggahya - M.III.2. See also M.I.10, 273, 355; II.138.  A.I.147f.  UttimmhapiG o hro pktimutta ca bhesajaC sensanaC rukkhamklaC paCsukkla ca c+varaC yass'ete abhisambhutv sa ve ctuddiso naro - Thag. v. 1059.  M.I.10, 158; Vin.I.58 Also infra pp.175ff.  Ime kho samaG sakyaputtiy sukhas+l sukhasamcr subhojanni bhujitv nivtesu sayanesu sayanti - Vin.I.77f.  N'haC vuso etaCkraG pabbajito piG ya carissm+'ti. Sace me dassatha bhujissmi no ce me dassatha vibbhamissm+'ti - Vin.I.57f.  Ime kho samaG sakyaputmiy dhammacrino samacrino brahmacrino saccavdino s+lavanto kalyGadhamm - Vin.I.73.  Sace kho mayaC samaGesu sakyaputtiyesu pabbajeyyma evaC mayam pp ca virameyyma kalyGa ca kareyym'ti - Ibid.  A.III.330.  A.III.330. Appamdagravat and pamisanthragravat 331. Hirigravat and otappagravat 423. Sovacassat and kalynamittat  A.I.230 f.  MA.II.313.  MA.I.157.  See Chapter V.  Dialogues of the Buddha I [ SBB.II.], p.59.  DA.I.182.  M.I.355.  Vism.I.1.ff.  S.I.13, 165.  M.III.2.  M.III.134.  D.I.63-69. Milindapaha too, recognises this threefold division. Miln. 399.  M.I.179f, 345f.  D.I.64 a. tulkkma-kaCsakkma-mnakkma. b. ukkomaGa-vacana-nikati-sciyoga c. chedana-vadhabandhana-viparmosa-lopasahaskra.  M.I.445.  M.I.437.  D.I.64.  Vin.IV.85: Pc.37.  Ibid.  Vin.IV.143.  VinA.I.224.  VinA.I.213.  Supra p.45 f.  VinA.I.213.  M.I.445.  S.II.224.  Vin.III.9ff.  For a different type of Ptimokkha ritual XE "ritual"  which is said to have been adopted by the Buddhas XE "Buddhas"  of the past see Mahpadna XE "Mahpadna"  Sutta. (D.II.48f.) and nandattherauposathapahavatthu XE "nandattherauposathapahavatthu"  (DhpA. III.236f.).  D.II.1-54.  S.II.5ff.  Supra p.48.  Vin.III.30, 33 etc. under Prjika XE "Prjika"  I; Ibid.116 under SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  I.  Ibid.36 under Prjika XE "Prjika"  I; Ibid.118 under SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa" . I.  Vin.IV.II. under Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  2.  Ibid.185 ff.  MA.III.154 ff.  VinA.I.213.  Vin.III.21; IV.9. See A.I.98 for an enlarged list. Also see supra p.17.n.1.  M.I.33,355; III.2,134; A.II.14 etc.  Vin.I.83.  See Smaaphala Sutta: D.I.63f.  S.II.167f.  M.I.47.  See Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  51: Vin.IV.108-10.  J.I.360f.  M.I.123ff., 271ff.; II.239.  AA.III.217, 228, 410.  See also M.I.33,36; III.2,134; S.V.187; A.II.14.  M.II.27.  D.I.70-71; M.I.179-80, 267-68, 345-46.  See also M.I.179ff, 267ff, 345f.  A.IV.99.  A.IV.336.  M.I.462. Also A.III.95.  Sn.v.144.  D.III.224f.  DA.III.1009f.  DA.III.1017.  Ibid.1016.  S.II.194.  M.III.2, 134  M.I.124, 437, 448.  M.I.38.  M.III.2.  M.I.448.  Ibid.473.  Vin.IV.76f.  Vin.IV.81.  Ibid.85.  S.V.132; A.IV.46.  A.IV.49.  S.II.218.  A.I.113.  Vism.I.15f.  D.I.71; M.I.181.  PtimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto'ti ettha ptimokkhan'ti sikkhpadas+laC - Vism.I.16.  Vinayo nma buddhassanassa yu vinaye mhite ssanaC mhitaC hoti - DA.I.11.  Vimuttimagga XE "Vimuttimagga" : The Path of Freedom. Introduction p.xliv.  Ibid.17.  Vism.I.20f.  Ibid.16, 30. It must be mentioned here that Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa" , in his definition of j+vaprisuddhis+la XE "j+vaprisuddhis+la" , first refers to the six rules drawn from the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  and then to the conditions discussed under s+la XE "s+la" . This is apparently due to the overwhelming authority which the Vinaya had acquired in his day.  D.I.8. Sec.20; Ibid.67 Sec.55.  Katamo ca bhikkhave micch j+vo. Kuhan lapan nemittakat nippesikat lbhena lbhaC nijigiCsanat. AyaC bhikkhave micch j+vo - M.III.75.  Iti din nayena brahmajle vuttnaC anekesaC gahaGaC veditabbaC - Vism.I.30. Also see Mahs+la at D.I.9f, 67f.  j+vahetu j+vakraG ppiccho... bhujati. AyaC s j+vavipatti XE "j+vavipatti"  sammat - Vin.V.146.  Vism.I.22  Ibid.16, 30.  j+vaprisuddhim'pi kho ahaC thapati s+lasmiC vadmi. M.II.27. See also items 37-43 in the lists of s+la XE "s+la"  given in the Brahmajla XE "Brahmajla"  and Smaaphala Suttas.  Vism.I.16, 30.  D.I.63.  DA.I.181f.  The clause which pertains to the Thullaccaya XE "Thullaccaya"  offence XE "offence"  occurs outside the Ptimokkha but is still within the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga" .  Vism.I.16.  M.I.10.  Vism.I.16  Supra p.58, 60.  Vism.I.30f.  Pts.I.42.  Vism.I.46.  Pts.I.42f.  Supra p.61.  Arahattamaggena sabbakilesnaC pahnaC s+laC - Pts.I.47.  M.I.33.  Also SA.III.230.  PtimokkhasaCvarasaCvuto'ti catunnaC s+lnaC jemmhakas+laC dassento evam ha - SA.III.230.  Itarni pana t+ni s+lan'ti vuttammhnaC nma natth+'ti vatv ananujnanto ha. IndriyasaCvaro nma chadvrarakkhanamattaC eva. j+vaprisuddhi dhammen'eva samena paccayuppattimattakaC pamiladdhapaccaye idamatthan'ti paccavekkhitv paribhujanamattakaC. Nippariyyena ptimokkhasaCvaro'va s+laC - SA.III.230. Also MA.I.155.  Sattame kyasucaritavac+sucaritni ptimokkhasaCvaras+laC manosucaritaC itarni t+ni s+ln+'ti catuprisuddhis+laC kathitaC hoti - SA.III.230.  Kyikavcasikaajjhcranisedhanato c'esa kyaC vcaca vineti. Tasm vividhanayatt visesanayatt kyavcnaca vinayanato vinayo'ti akkhto - VinA.I.19. See also DA.I.17. and DhsA.I.17  SA.III.230.  MA.II.5-6.  Vism.I.35, 36, 40, 43.  Ibid.43f.  Ibid.43-44.  Tatryam di bhavati idha paassa bhikkhuno indriyagutti XE "indriyagutti"  santummhi ptimokkhe ca saCvaro. DhA.IV.107.v.375.  Tatra indriyagutt+'ti indriyasaCvaro santummh+ XE "santummh+" 'ti catupaccayasantoso. Tena j+vaprisuddhi c'eva paccayasannissita ca s+laC kathitaC - DhA.IV.III.  Vimuttimagga XE "Vimuttimagga" :The Path of Freedom. p.24.  Dasakammapatha are the ten modes of acting classified under thought (3), word (4) and deed (3).  M.I.36.  See also M.I.521; II.226.  M.I.60, 144, 412.  Sn.v.66.  S.V.24.  M.I.36; S.V.92, 94, 108; Sn.v.66.  M.I.361; III.275.  See D.I. 1 and 246.  M.I.433.  Ibid.47.  D. I.71. The paca n+varaGa XE "n+varaGa"  are abhijjh XE "abhijjh"  (kmacchanda XE "kmacchanda" ), vypda XE "vypda" , th+namiddha, uddhaccakukkucca and vicikicch.  M.I.36.  M.I.141,465. The five orambhgiya saCyojana XE "orambhgiya saCyojana"  are sakkyadimmhi XE "sakkyadimmhi" , vicikicch, s+labbataparmsa, kmacchanda XE "kmacchanda"  and vypda XE "vypda" .  Note: As a samyojana, only one aspect of rga XE "rga" , viz. kmarga XE "kmarga"  (kmacchanda XE "kmacchanda" ) seems to be eliminated at the stage of Angmin XE "Angmin" . Even under the uddhambhgiya saCyojana XE "uddhambhgiya saCyojana"  an aspect of rga seems to linger on under the names of rkparga and arkparga. It is also sometimes referred to as bhavarga.  The five uddhambhgiya saCyojana XE "uddhambhgiya saCyojana"  consist of rkparga, arkparga, mna, uddhacca and avijj.  M.I.37  Ibid.42  Also M.I.42, 97  M.II.266; III.302; S.V.157.  Vin.III.171.  A.III.138.  M.I.33; A.V.131.  Also A.IV.21.  See also A.V.202.  Vin. III. 8.  Thag.vv.436-7  Rahula, History of Buddhism in Ceylon, p.199f.  Vin.I.95f. This is the modified procedure XE "procedure" . The original suggestion was that the Nissayas be made known before the conferment of Upasampad XE "Upasampad" . See Vin. I. 58. See supra. p.42.  Vin.III.171.  M.I.30-31.  M.I.30.  Ibid.31.  Ibid.214; S.II.187, 202.  A.III.108f.  S.II.208f.  M.I.438, 440f, 473; A.I.230.  A.I.230. See Chapter IX on the Ritual of the Ptimokkha.  See infra p.370.  Pc.72 and 73 presuppose the existence of the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital" . See Vin.IV.143f.  Vin.I.p.xv.  Vin.III.21; IV.185.  Vin.I.p.xv.  Vinaya Texts I [SBE.XIII], p.xi.  Whether one holds the Commentarial tradition in high esteem or not, one cannot fail to be impressed here by the fact that this interpretation seems to be more than adquately supported by the evidence of the Canonical XE "Canonical"  texts.  S.Dutt, Buddha and five After-Centuries, p.77.  Vin.III.178.  M.III.10; A.1.230; Vin.IV.144.  Vin.IV.144.  Taisho, Vol.22.p.127 B.  Vin.II.96f.  Vin.I.65  Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  has discovered in a Burmese manuscript the reading ubhato vibhange in place of this. See Vinaya Texts III [ SBE.XX. ], p.376. n.1. See also B.C. Law, History of Pali Literature I. p.16. We are fully in agreement with the view expressed by Rhys Davids regarding this reading. Strange enough, we also discover the Buddha Jayanti Tripitaka Series [Sri Lankan Edition] adopting the ubhato vibhaEge and reporting that the Burmese has ubhato vinaye. We recently discovered that the newly reprinted edition of the Cambodian Tripitaka at the Buddhist Institute in Phnom Penh preserves the reading ubhato vinaye and reports Burmese as having ubhato vibhaEge. We are of the opinion that ubhato vinaye is the more meaningful reading in this context.  S. Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.73.  Vin.I. p.xxix.  S.Dutt - op.cit. p.73.  Ibid. p.74.  VinA.VI.1197.  Vin.I.p.xvi.  Ibid.p.xvii.  Ibid.  Vin.IV.35f, 110f, 111f, 113 respectively.  Ibid.34.  Ibid.117.  Vin.IV.115, 124 respectively.  Vin.I.p.xix.  Ibid.22, 56, 82.  M.I.444; S.II.224  Vin.III.73.  Vin.IV.124.  Vin.I.96f.  Ibid.96.  Ibid.97.  S.Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.66.  Note: antamaso tiracchnagaty'pi of AkaraG+ya XE "AkaraG+ya"  1 and Prjika XE "Prjika"  1. Vin.I.96 and Vin.III.23. as well as pdaC v pdrahaC v atirekapdaC v of AkaraG+ya 2 and Prjika 2. Vin.1.96 and Vin.III.45, 47.  See Miss Horner, Book of the Discipline, I. p.xxiv.  This does not occur in the lists of s+la XE "s+la"  which are given in the Suttas. See D.I.4ff., 63ff.; M.I.179f. etc. As an item of discipline for the monks it occurs in the Ptimokkha as Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  51. See Vin.IV.108-10.  See supra p. 84.  Buddhistic Studies, ed. B.C.Law, p.381: Dr. M. Nagai XE "Nagai"  on Buddhist Vinaya Discipline.  Miss Horner, Book of the Discipline, I.p.xvii f.  Ibid.p.xxiv.  Ibid.p.xxv.  Vin.III.19.  Miss Horner, Book of the Discipline, I.p.159.  M.I.209.  Vin.IV.23 f. See also Miss Horner, Book of the Discipline, II.p.xxxix.  A notable exception to this is Citta XE "Citta" , the householder, who as a layman XE "layman"  had attained uttarimanussadhamma XE "uttarimanussadhamma"  alamariyandassanavisesa as far as the fourth jhna and was declared to be an Angmin XE "Angmin" . See S.IV.301.  Vin.II.110. See Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg" , Buddha, p.351.n.2.  S.IV.290f.  See Miss Horner, Book of the Discipline, I. p. xxiv: 'The fourth Prjika XE "Prjika" , alone of the Prjikas, does not find any corresponding matter among the s+las.'  Also D.I.8. Sec.20.  D.I.63.  Ibid.63f.  Vin.IV.2.  Ibid.12.  See SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  8-13: Vin.III.158-86  Book of the Discipline, I.p.281: SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  8.  See SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  10 and 11: Vin.III.171-77  Book of the Discipline I.p.299: SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  10  Ibid.p.297.  See SaEghdisesa XE "SaEghdisesa"  12 and 13: Vin.III.177-86  Book of the Discipline I.p.310.  See Ch.XIV for a comparative study of Bhikkhu and Bhikkhuni Ptimokkhas  Pc. 6, 63-65, 71-73, 76, 77, 79-82  Vin.IV. 37-39: Pc. 69 and 70  Ibid.167-73: Pc. 85-92  Ibid.169  Ibid.39-46, 91, 155f: Pc.14-18, 41, 82  Ibid.39  Vin.III.265; IV.156  Vin.III.195-203: Nissaggiya XE "Nissaggiya"  1-3.  Vin.IV.143-44.  Vin.II.288. See Appendix II.  M.I.33,355; II.2,134; S.V.187; A. II.14.  Whether we use the word ritual XE "ritual"  with reference to this event or not, it is said to have been performed with definite regularity and with a seriousness of purpose which had a religious significance. When we describe the recital XE "recital"  as being ritualistic XE "ritualistic"  in character it is at the later stage when the spirit of the old Uddesa XE "Uddesa"  had faded away and the recital had come to be burdened with many technicalities of an external character which have hardly any connection with its earlier aims. In contrast to this we use the word ritual with reference to the Ptimokkha recital from its earliest phase.  See supra, pp. 2, 7.  S. Dutt, The Buddha And Five After-Centuries, p.65f.  Ibid.  M.I.445. See supra p.48ff.  M.III.7  Vin.I.101ff.  Vin.I.101  Ibid.102  Vin.III.9  M.III.10  S. Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.81.  See Ibid. p.74.  See M.III.10; Vin.IV.144  Vin.IV.142 ff.  S. Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.81.  S. Dutt, Buddha And Five After-Centuries, p.76  S. Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.81  Ibid.p.82  Vin.I.101. On the adaptation by the Buddhists of this respect for the 8th, 14th and 15th days of every fortnight see Anguttara Nikya I.142-45  See Vin.I.102  S. Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.83  M.III.10  Vin.I.106-11. See Appendix III.  M.III.10  Kkvt.14  M.III.10  VinA.V.1034f.  Vin.I.118  Ibid.125  VinA.V.1063  BhikkhuptimokkhagaGmhid+pani, p. 6. A Pali work ascribed to a Thera Nnakitti and printed in Ceylon in 1889.  Vin.I.106. See also Appendix III.  Ibid.I.120.  M.III.10  See also Vin.III.186, 194, 266; IV.174, 184, 206  Vin.I.103  Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids"  and Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg"  seem to find further support for this idea through an etymological analysis of the words Ptimokkha and Prtimokca. See Vinaya Texts I. [SBE..XIII ], p.xxvii f.  See also D.I.85; M.I.440; III.247; Vin.II.192  D.I.85  Vin.II.192  Gilgit MSS.III.3.p.107f.  Further, the Mahvagga XE "Mahvagga"  records the state of affairs of a time when disciplinary action against offenders had to be taken after careful consideration of the temperament and mood of the offenders. For they were not only capable of openly expressing their resentment but were also bold enough even to threaten bodily harm to the prosecuting members. (Tena kho pana samayena pesal bhikkhk chabbaggiye bhikkhk oksaC krpetv pattiy codenti. Chabbaggiy bhikkhk labhanti ghtaC labhanti appaccayaC vadhena tajjenti. Bhagavato etamatthaC rocesuC. Anujnmi bhikkhava kate'pi okse puggalaC tulayitv pattiy codetun'ti. Vin.I.114).  Vin.I.103. See also Kkvt.16  Ibid.II.226ff. See Appendix I  Ibid.I.120  Vin.I.120  Ibid.  Ibid.I.126  Ibid.II.240  Ibid.I.125f.  Ibid. See also Ibid.I.103  Ibid.II.241. See also Ibid.I.125f.  Ibid.II.244  Ibid.  S.Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.85  Ibid.p.86  Ibid.p.86f.  Vin.IV.144  See Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg" , Buddha, p.373. n.1  See Ibid.p.372.n.1  Vin.I.120f. Kkvt.14  See also Vin.II.240  Taisho, Vol.22.p.128 C  See Vin.III.109, 186  Vin.I.125f.  Ibid.126  Kkvt.11f.  Vin.I.159  Cf. Vin.I.120  Ibid.163  Ibid.164. Cf. Ibid.125f. See also Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg" , Buddha, p.375.n.1.  Ibid.II.244  Ibid.I.164  Vin.IV.135  Ibid.  See Pc.69: Vin.IV.137  Vin.IV.218  Note Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg" 's remarks: `It deserves to be noticed that in the same way as the Pabbjaniya kamma XE "Pabbjaniya kamma"  is not mentioned in the Ptimokkha, neither is there any mention of the similar proceedings of the Ukkhepaniyakamma, etc., however much occasion for it might appear.' Vin. I. p.xix. But this does not mean that these two forms of punishment XE "punishment" , banishment (Pabbjaniya) and Suspension (Ukkhepaniya) were not known to the Ptimokkha. SaEgh.13 uses the term pabbjenti with obvious familiarity. Note:...... tdisikya pattiy ekaccaC pabbjenti ekaccaC na pabbjenti.Vin.III.184. Likewise, Prjika XE "Prjika"  7 of the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Ptimokkha XE "Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha"  (Prjika 3 of the Bhikkhun+vibhaEga) knows not only of Bhikkhus who have been suspended (ukkhittaC bhikkhuC) but knows also the fact that such disciplinary action has been taken by the collectively responsible body of the SaEgha (samaggena saEghena ukkhittaC bhikkhuC. Vin.IV.218). It should also be pointed out here that in the Bhikkhu Ptimokkha XE "Bhikkhu Ptimokkha"  where disciplinary action in terms of Banishment and Suspension appears to be evident it is still left informally in the hands of the Bhikkhus. The responsibility does not seem to be vested in the SaEgha (So bhikkhu bhikkhkhi evamassa vacan+yo ... pakkamat'yasm imamh vs. Alan te idha vsen'ti. Vin.III.184. Also Vin.IV.135).  Vin.III.118  Vin.II.38f.  Ibid.38ff.  Supra p.100  Vin.II.40  Gangnth Jh Research Institute Journal Vol.X. Appendix p.13  Vin.II.48ff.  Ibid.43ff.  Ibid.32.  VinA.VI.1166 on Vin.II.32  Vin.II.35  Ibid.32.  Ibid.  Ibid.32-33.  Ibid.pp.5, 8, 14,19 and 27 respectively.  In interpreting the condition bhikkhkhi na sampayojetabbaC in the manner given above we choose to agree with Miss Horner who translates it as 'He should not quarrel XE "quarrel"  with monks'. This translation is, in fact, supported by the Commentary. Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg"  renders it as `ought not to associate with the bhikkhus'. Vinaya Texts II. [SBE.XVII] p.339  IHQ.Vol.29. No.2. p.174  Vin.III.186  Kkvt.51.  Journal of the Gangnth Jh Research Institute, Vol. X. Appendix p.13.  For a closer examination of these views the reader is referred to S. Dutt's Early Buddhist Monachism, p.147f.  Vin.I.82  Ibid.69  M.I.494  Ibid.512  D.II.152  S.II.21  Vin.I.69  D.II.152; M.I.391, 494, 512; S.II.21  Vin.I.69  D.II.152; M.I.391, 494, 512; S.II.21  Vin.I.69  VinA.V.1009  Vin.II.1-28  Ibid.4. See Book of the Discipline, V.p.6  Ibid.13f.  Ibid.18f. See Book of the Discipline, V.p.26 f.  M.I.398  Vin.I.351f.  M.II.245  Ibid.245-46  See SaEgh.8-12; P c.2, 3,17, 63, 71, 76, 78  A.III.252; Vin.II.4  Vin.III.158  Vin.II.73-104  See Book of the Discipline, V.pp.96-140  Vin.II.73ff.  Ibid.3  Ibid.102 and 88  Vin.II.85  Ibid.4-5; also 86  Ibid.78ff.  Ibid.80  Ibid.82  Ibid.  VinA.VI.1194  Vin.II.94  Ibid.95  Infra p.126  Vin.II.92  Vin.II.84  Ibid.99  M.II.247  Vin.II.73ff.  VinA.I.14f.  DA.I.13  Journal of the Ganganath Jha Research Institute, vol.X. Appendix.  D.II.100,154; Vin.II.188  M.III.8  M.I.46  M.III.302  Vin.III.177  Vin.II.255  M.I.32  Ibid.124  Vin.I.22  M.I.32  Vin.I.45  See Chapter IV  VinA.V.990  Vin.I.Intr. p.xii. n.2  The Book of the Discipline IV.84. n.1 See also Miss Horner's art. Abhidhamma XE "Abhidhamma"  Abhivinaya, IHQ.Vol.XVII.291ff.  Vin.I.60, 62, 80. Nissaya: In this context it means the dependence of the pupil XE "pupil"  on his teacher XE "teacher"  for guidance XE "guidance"  and instruction. The Vinaya prescribes a compulsory period of such tutelage XE "tutelage"  for young pupil monks.  Vin.1.60, 62  Vin.1.62  S.Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, 149f.  VinA.V.988  Vin.1.92  Ibid.50. These terms are translated as recitation, interrogation, exhortation and instruction respectively at BD.IV.67f.  Vin.A.V.982  Vin.I.49  Ibid.1.44f.  Ibid.50f.  Ibid.1.79  Vin.I.54  Ibid.84  Ibid.54f.  Vin.IV.126  Ibid.147  See SaEgh. 9: Vin.III.166f.  See Pc.79, 80: Vin.IV.151f.  Vin.III.171f.  Ibid.175  Vin.II.1f.  Vin.IV.12  Vin.III.181  Vin.II.14; III.182  Altekar XE "Altekar" , A.S., The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p.204-5  Altekar XE "Altekar" , A.S., op.cit. p.208  A.IV.265f.  S.IV.328f.  Ibid.243-44  Prabhu, Hindu Social Orgnisation, p.284  A.IV.269f.  i.e., 'What, O monks, does that foolish man think that a mother XE "mother"  would not feel lustfully attached to her son or the son to his mother.' See Gradual Sayings, III.p.55 for a different translation of this passage which we consider to be incorrect.  See Gradual Sayings, III.p.57  Jaina XE "Jaina"  Sktras I [SBE.XXII], p.81  Deo, S.B., History of Jaina XE "Jaina"  Monachism, p.493. See supra p.38  M.I.130  A.IV.274; Vin.II.253  Ibid. The other schools of Buddhism too, besides the Theravdins XE "Theravdins" , do not appear to have challenged the historicity of this incident.  Jaina XE "Jaina"  Sktras II. [SBE.XLV], 122.n.3  M.I.305  Taisho Vol.22.p.923 B  M.I.124  Vin.II.255  Ibid.259  Vin.IV.51f.  Ibid.313, 315. See Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  56, 59  Vin.IV.51  Vin.IV.127, 216, 239  Ibid.II.257-58  Op.cit.255-56.  Taisho, Vol.22. p.186. A  Vin.II.258  D.II.14; Vin.II.287. See Appendix. II  Taisho, Vol.22.p.927 A  Vin.II.289  Note the Buddha's remarks to Pajpati Gotami before her passing away at Apadna II.535.v.79  Taisho, Vol.22. p.186. B  Vin.II.p.289. See also Ibid.256  Taisho, Vol.22. p.186 A  Ibid.p.923 C. See also Vin.II.256  Miss D.N. Bhagavat, Early Buddhist Jurisprudence, p.164ff.  The numbering of the additional rules of the Bhikkhunis here is in accordance with the abridged text of the Bhikkhun+vibhaEga (Vin.IV.211-251) where only the asdhraGa paatti XE "asdhraGa paatti"  are listed. Hence these numbers do not indicate the real position of the sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  in relation to the complete text of the Bhikhun+ Ptimokkha.  M.I.305  Vin.IV.218  Ibid.137  Ibid.IV.218  This sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  is not given in the SuttavibhaEga XE "SuttavibhaEga"  as it is only the Bhikkhuni version of a sdhraGa paatti held in common with the Bhikkhus. Hence the number 147 is in terms of the complete text.  Vin.IV.66  S.II.219f.  M.I.122  The real position of this sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  in the complete Ptimokkha of the Bhikkhunis would be Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  No.115. As this is a sdhraGa paatti it is not listed in the Bhikkhun+vibhaEga.  Vin.IV.226, 231  Ibid.227f, 233, 234  Ibid.235-42  Vin.III. 06, 209  Ibid.234-35  Ibid.243  See Nissaggiya XE "Nissaggiya"  Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  No.1 in the Bhikkhun+ XE "Bhikkhun+"  Ptimokkha XE "Bhikkhun+ Ptimokkha" . Looked upon as a new rule it is placed in the Bhikkhun+vibhaEga. Vin.IV.243  VinA.IV.919  Vin.III.253  Ibid.263  Vin.IV.243  Ibid.246, 247  Ibid.248-54  Ibid.255, 256  Ibid.258-345  Vin.IV.127  Ibid.130, 327  Ibid.133, 160  Ibid.166  Ibid.171  Ibid.123  Ibid.168  Ibid.172  Vin.IV.175-84  Miss D.N. Bhagavat, Early Buddhist Jurisprudence, p.164f.  The Book of the Discipline, III. p. xxxii. n.1 and p. l viii.  Ibid.p.xxxi  Journal Asiatique, 1913, p.548  B.C.Law, History of Pali Literature, I.46-47, 49 Winternitz XE "Winternitz" , History of Indian Literature, II.24 N.Dutt, Early Monastic Buddhism, 1960, p.152 S.Dutt, Early Budhist Monachism, p.75 Miss Horner, Book of the Discipline, I.p.x. Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids" , Buddhism, its History and Literature, 1896, p. 54. However, in The Questions of King Milinda XE "Milinda"  he says that the regulations in the Ptimokkha are only 220 in number. See SBE 35, p.203.n.1 (1890).  DA.I.13  A.IV.140, 279; V.71  AA.IV.66  DA.I.17; VinA.I.18; DhsA.18  See S.Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p.73f.  Kkvt.p.165  DA.I.17; VinA.I.18; DhsA.18  Vin.I.125 and Vin.II.240  Vin.II.236ff.  Ud.51ff.  A.IV.204ff.  Gilgit MSS.III.3.107f.  Ibid.  Ibid.  Vin.II.236ff.  Ibid.III.109  We should here take note of the explanation which the Commentaries XE "Commentaries"  give for the exclusion XE "exclusion"  of the guilty XE "guilty"  monk from the assembly which had met for the recital XE "recital"  of the Ptimokkha by the Buddha. It is said that if the Buddha recited the Ptimokkha with the guilty monk present in the assembly it would have spelt disaster for the guilty monk: sattadh tassa muddh phlessati. Thus, out of compassion for him the Buddha declined to recite the Ptimokkha in that assembly. See UdA.296; AA.IV.112  The Commentarial tradition maintains that the recital XE "recital"  of sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada"  as the Ptimokkha (G ptimokkha XE "G ptimokkha" ) belongs exclusively to the Bhikkhus and not to the Buddha. See VinA.I.187; UdA.298.  M.III.10; Vin.I.103; IV.144  Taisho, Vol.22. p.128 C  Taisho, Vol. 22. p.447 B  i.e. other than in the story of the Suspension of the Ptimokkha XE "Suspension of the Ptimokkha"  which occurs at Vin.II. 236f, Udna 51f, A.IV.204f.  D.II.46ff.  A tradition in the Dhammapadammhakath makes out the recital XE "recital"  to be held every seventh year. See DhpA.III.237  Dhammapada vv.183,184,185. See DhpA.III.237.  Ibid.v.185. It is a pity that Sukumar Dutt has completely missed this very significant stanza. See his Early Buddhist Monachism, p.71  DA.II.479  S.II.5-9, 106; A.II.21; Vin.III.7ff.  DhpA.III.236  However, this is not true of the extant Mahpadna XE "Mahpadna"  Sutta which gives a detailed account of the Ptimokkha recital XE "recital"  of the Buddha Vipassi XE "Vipassi" . See D.II.47- 49  VinA.I.186f.  Vin.II.236ff.  The Sutta, however, does not use the term ovda XE "ovda"  ptimokkha XE "ovda ptimokkha"  with reference to this recital XE "recital" .  DhpA.III.236  D.II.48-50  See VinA. I.186 f. where Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa"  quotes extensively from Vin.II.240. SabbabuddhnaC hi im tisso ovdaptimokkhagth honti. T d+ghyukabuddhnaC yva ssanapariyant uddesaC gacchanti. AppyukabuddhnaC pamhamabodhiyam eva sikkhpadapaattiklato pabhuti Gptimokkham eva uddis+yati. Ta ca kho bhikkhk yeva uddisanti na buddh. Tasm amhkam'pi bhagav pamhamabodhiyaC v+sativassamattaC eva idaC ovdaptimokkhaC uddisi. Tato pammhya bhikkhk GptimokkhaC uddisanti. VinA.I.187  Vin.III.7-9  Ibid.II.240. See also Vin.I.125  See also M.I.437f, 448f; A.I.230, 236; Vin.III.177, IV.142f.  Vin.II.284f.  M.I.449  Vin.IV.142f.  A.I.230.  Vin.IV.142f. Pcittiya XE "Pcittiya"  72.  Ibid.III.77f.  Ibid.178  Ibid.IV.43  Inspite of the diversity of opinion which existed regarding the identity of the khuddnukhuddaka XE "khuddnukhuddaka"  sikkhpada XE "sikkhpada" , the followers of the AEguttara tradition seems to have maintained this division up to the time of Buddhaghosa XE "Buddhaghosa" . Note: ImaC pana aEguttaramahnikyavalajanakcariy cattri prjikni mhapetv sesni sabbni'pi khuddnukhuddakn+'ti vadanti. AA.II.348. See Vin.II.288 for the diversity of opinion referred to above.  D.II.154: Yo vo nanda may dhammo ca vinayo ca desito paatto XE "paatto"  so vo mam'accayena satth.  Vin.II.287, 290. See also D.II.154  A.I.231ff.  D.II.154 and Vin.II.287  Taisho, Vol.23.p.449 B  Ibid. Vol.22.p.191 B  Ibid.p.967 B  Taisho, Vol.22.p.492 B-C.  Ibid.p.492 B  Ibid.p.492 C  Ibid.  Ibid. p.491 B-C.  VinA.I.13  It is said that the MahsaEghikas branched off from the parent Theriya XE "Theriya"  tradition after the ten disputed points of Vinaya which they put forward had been rejected by the orthodox Theriya group. See D+pavaCsa XE "D+pavaCsa" , Ed. Oldenberg XE "Oldenberg" . p.36  Rhys Davids XE "Rhys Davids" , The Questions of King Milinda XE "Milinda" , Part I. [SBE.35] p.202  Loc.cit.  DA.II.592f. See also Miln.144  Vin.II.290  M.II.8; III.10  Ibid.III.10  Vin.I.56  Ibid.106.  This interpretation is supported by the Samantapsdik which takes nigama, nagara and gma to be all in the same category: Ettha ca nigamanagarnam'pi gmen'eva saEgaho veditabbo. VinA.V.1050. PTS Dictionary equates gmantavihr+ to raaka XE "raaka" . This is obviously a mistaken identification, for the two terms are regularly used in antithesis as is clearly seen from the following example: raaken'pi kho vuso moggallna bhikkhun ime dhamm samdya vattitabb pageva gmantavihrin'ti. M.I.273. See also M.I.30f. See supra p.7.  The Samantapsdik defines an abbhantara as being twenty-eight cubits in length. See VinA.V.1052  VinA.V.1052  M.II.8  See The Book of the Discipline IV. p.145  See VinA.V.1053, 1055, 1056  Malalasekera XE "Malalasekera" , Pali Literature of Ceylon, p.202  Bode, Pali Literature of Burma XE "Burma" , p.39.n.1.  See Taw Sein Ko XE "Taw Sein Ko" 's Preliminary Study of the Kalyni Inscriptions of Dhammaceti XE "Dhammaceti" . 1476 A.D. (Ind. Ant. xxii, p.11f.).  Malalasekera XE "Malalasekera" , op.cit. p.251  Kanjin XE "Kanjin"  arrived at Nara XE "Nara"  in Japan XE "Japan"  in 753 A.D.  See Sir Charles Eliot, Japanese Buddhism, p.231f.  The statements within inverted commas which are reproduced above are extracts from the English summary of the introduction to the S+mnayadappana XE "S+mnayadappana"  of DhammlaEkra XE "DhammlaEkra"  Thera (published 1885 A.D.). This treatise, as would be clear from the notes above, was in support of the charge that the S+m at Balapitimodara XE "Balapitimodara"  in Ceylon was ritualistically invalid and it attempts to meet the arguments of the S+mlakkhanadipan+ of Vimalasra XE "Vimalasra"  Thera which was written in defence of the said S+m. (Published 1881 A.D.).     PAGE  PAGE xiv Preface to the Second Edition Abbreviations Chapter I - Introduction  PAGE 601 Chapter II - Brahmacarya: The Quest for Emancipation and Immortality Chapter III - The Early Buddhist Ideal of the Monk Chapter IV Chapter IV - The Foundations of Monastic Life Chapter V - Further Aids to Monastic Perfection Chapter VI - The New Role of S+la in Buddhist Monasticism Chapter VII - The Discipline and Development of the Mind Chapter VIII - The Codified Law of the Sagha Chapter IX - The Ritual of the Ptimokkha Chapter XI - Additional Punitive Regulations Chapter XII - Spiritual Leadership and Life in the Community Chapter XIII - Women and the Religious Order of the Buddha Chapter XIV - The Disciplinary Code of the Bhikkhunis Appendix I - The Exclusion of Guilty Monks From The... 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P0 P2 P4 P6 P8 P: Px@P> P@ PB PD PF PH PJ PL P@PP P@PT P@PX P@P^ P` Pb Pd Pf Ph Pj Pl Pn Pp Pr Pt Pv Px Pz P| P~ PUnknown Gz Times New Roman5Symbol3& z ArialITimes_CSX+-RomanI& ??Arial Unicode MS5& zaTahomaiNormanWP MultinationalB Couriera Times_NormanTimes New RomanAIskoola Pota5Mangal=Times_CSX+KTipitaka_Sinhala1"1h+F:,F :  y  y!884~ ~ 2QHX ?0V2qBuddhist Monastic Discipline - A study of its origin and development in relation to the Sutta and Vinaya Pitakas1Professor Dhammavihari Thero (Jotiya Dhirasekera)My|                       Oh+'0 \h (4 T ` lxtBuddhist Monastic Discipline - A study of its origin and development in relation to the Sutta and Vinaya Pitakas4Professor Dhammavihari Thero (Jotiya Dhirasekera)CHAPTER I Introduction CHAPTER II Brahmacarya: The Quest for Emancipation and Immortality CHAPTER III The Early Buddhist Ideal of The Monk CHAPTER IV The Foundations of Monastic Life: Sīla, Sikkhā and Sikkhāpada CHAPTER V Further Aids to Monastic Perfection CHAPTER VI The New Role of Sīla in Buddhist Monasticism CHAPTER VII The Discipline and Development of the Mind CHAPTER VIII The Codified Law of the Saṅgha CHAPTER IX The Ritual of the Pātimokkha CHAPTER X Penalties and Punishments CHAPTER XI Additional Punitive Regulations CHAPTER XII Spiritual Leadership and Life in the Community CHAPTER XIII Women and the Religious Orde CHAPTER XIV The Disciplinary Code of the Bhikkhunis APPENDIX I The Exclusion of Guilty Monks From The Recital of the Pātimokkha APPENDIX II The Abolition of the Lesser and Minor Rules of Training APPENDIX III The Concept of Sīmā: Its Origin and Development Normal.dotMy11Microsoft Office Word@=@g@ )gy  ՜.+,D՜.+,X hp|  :~  rBuddhist Monastic Discipline - A study of its origin and development in relation to the Sutta and Vinaya Pitakas TitleL  8@ _PID_HLINKSA 8_Toc1899909208_Toc1899909198_Toc1899909188_Toc1899909178_Toc1899909168_Toc1899909158_Toc1899909148_Toc1899909138_Toc1899909128_Toc1899909118_Toc1899909108z_Toc1899909098t_Toc1899909088n_Toc1899909078h_Toc1899909068b_Toc1899909058\_Toc1899909048V_Toc1899909038P_Toc1899909028J_Toc1899909018D_Toc1899909009>_Toc18999089998_Toc18999089892_Toc1899908979,_Toc1899908969&_Toc1899908959 _Toc1899908949_Toc1899908939_Toc1899908929_Toc1899908919_Toc1899908909_Toc189990889  !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~      !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~      !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~      !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~      !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~      !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~      !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~      !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~      !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~                           ! 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