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":ЁDЁD!$џџџџџџˆііііііі nnnnŠ UіЊРРРРРРРд ж ж ж ж ж ж $KRВњ і_ РР_ _ њ ііРР# # # _ RіРіРд # _ д # # V, @іі„ Рž nщлgЦnБ l д %0Ux OЧ RO„  ііііOі„ PРєДЎ# b Œю qРРРњ њ  dn  nPurges, Proscriptions, and the Archaeology of Roman Social Organisation: an Agent Based Simulation of an Ancient Society Shawn Graham, PhD, RPA, MIFA Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Roman Archaeology, University of Manitoba One of the central issues in the social sciences concerns individual agency and its relationship to wider society, of how individual actions (free will) give rise to social reproduction and collective behaviour. Turning the question around we can ask what happens to collective behaviour when individuals are lost from society? This research offers a novel examination of this problem in the light of an archaeological case study. Using archaeological evidence for social relationships in Roman Central Italy, I have been investigating the self-organisation and robustness (the ability to withstand stress) of ancient Roman Society. This work has been carried out as a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the University of Manitoba. The project homepage is  HYPERLINK "http://home.cc.umanitoba.ca/~grahams" http://home.cc.umanitoba.ca/~grahams. Initial results were published in the December 2005 edition of the Archaeological Computing Newsletter. This work is a natural outgrowth from my PhD thesis, which dealt with a number of aspects of the non-agricultural exploitation of primary resources in the Roman world, in particular the complex social and physical dynamics of the exploitation of clays for building materials for the City of Rome. I looked at the social and physical networks which enabled this exploitation, and the dynamic interplay between the different social levels involved: that of manufacturer and landowner. These are the social networks that I reanimate and study with agent based modelling. In that initial study, I found that these two social levels exhibited different kinds of structural organisation at different times, and that the changing dynamic between the two levels could help explain otherwise contradictory aspects of the Roman economy. It was also found that these dynamics indicate ways in which the structure of social relationships in Roman culture may account for particular developments in Roman history. The thesis work formed the basis for my contributions to the British School at Rome’s Leverhulme-funded ‘Tiber Valley Project’. The methodology involved discerning geophysical relationships in brick assemblages from a wide variety of sites, and tying these into the wider social relationships recorded in stamps on the bricks. The stamps recorded the name of the landlord and often that of the manufacturer. Oftentimes, the landlords were significant figures in Roman society (including the Emperor and other members of his household). Tying these relationships together (whether physical or social) creates a network pattern. The shape of the network has implications for the structure of society; in using archaeological data a picture of the changing shape over time may be developed, which allows the results to be placed firmly in social and historical context. In this larger picture, episodes of elite self-extermination mark many passages of Roman History, yet seemingly without any fundamental consequences for society at large. What was it about the structure of society in the Roman world which allowed it to weather the loss of major figures in social and economic life? In a culture where the economy was embedded in social and political networks, the changing pattern of those networks had important ramifications for understanding historical change. The initial aim of my current research using agent based models has been therefore to understand and explain the structural dynamics of Roman society from the point of view of individuals. Ultimately the project aims to answer the questions: how robust was Roman society, and did this robustness arise through a process of self-organisation? In addition to their intrinsic interest, the answers to these questions have wider implications for the social sciences and humanities as a whole, in particular, for debates on agency and its relationship to the creation of society (an agenda championed by the sociologist Anthony Giddens in his ‘structuration theory’). Roman archaeology is seldom studied for its relevance to wider issues in the social sciences, despite the wealth of material remains and literary sources from the Roman period which could be investigated; in this regard, this project represents an important first step. The project uses brick and tile from Central Italy as an indicator of the nature of land and agricultural exploitation (and by association social organisation), from the Julio-Claudians until the reigns of the Gothic Kings (the first five centuries AD). Brick and tile are suitable for this purpose because the stamps on the bricks record the names of the individual landowners and manufacturers. These names include men and women from every level of Roman society, up to and including major figures such as the Emperor himself (the importance of landed wealth for social and political legitimacy in the Roman world is a commonplace). Also, the physical relationship between the different fabrics of the bricks can be used to discern the changing patterns of land exploitation. From the appearance of named individuals in the stamps, coupled with the patterns of land exploitation, the networks of social relationships between manufacturers and landlords, and their social equals, can be deduced. My research transforms the static ‘snapshots’ of the social relationships apparent in brick into agent-based models of Roman society. Agent-based models are ones where thousands of independent software ‘agents’ interact with each other, given basic rules of behaviour (and these rules can evolve). The emergent behaviour of agent-based models can provide insight into extinct cultures which is otherwise unobtainable. The value of this kind of modelling is that it is dynamic and contingent on the interactions of individuals. In effect, the model produces different kinds of behaviour dependent on the pattern of interactions indicated by the archaeological evidence (the networks uncovered in the brick evidence). By altering the pattern on which the agents interact, replicating purges and other social shocks, we will have a tool for exploring various hypotheses regarding the nature of the Roman economy and society, its ability to withstand stress, and the relationship of individual to collective behaviour. This is the first time that such models will have been attempted using Roman material, for which, (given the richness of this material), it is ideally suited. In order to do this, I have been engaged in the following work: Drawing out the social and physical networks from the brick of different periods. Several centuries of work on brick stamps have determined many of the kith and kin relationships in the brick industry. Modeling the networks. The modelling language used is Netlogo, a freely available and easily understandable shareware programming environment from the Centre for Connected Learning at Northwestern University. To model the social interactions, software agents are instructed to interact according to Game Theory approaches for exploring social interaction and co-operation. Evaluating the model. The interactions are modelled in a way where each agent can only interact with other agents following the patterns discerned from the archaeology. A series of these simulations are being run, playing the different kinds of ‘games’, from the various starting positions (based on the archaeological patterns for each period, and also from a purely random configuration to provide a ‘control’). Analysing the results. The historical and sociological analytical framework is provided by considering how and why and in what regard, do the various ‘runs’ of the model concur with, or differ from, the known history of the region. The modelling framework also allows various ‘what-if’ scenarios to be explored. Because the software agents interact in archaeologically determined patterns, it should be possible to correlate the types of behaviour which emerge with the constraints and potentials for action of historic individuals. It is also possible to identify key individuals in the network and then to ‘kill’ them (remove them from the model), thus testing the robustness of the networks to proscriptions, purges, suicides, and so on. An alternative approach I am working on, which is much more theoretically sound involves building constraints into the model where purges and proscriptions are generated spontaneously from the social interactions and the possibilities for social advancement in the model. The agent-based modeling approach is desirable for historians and archaeologists (and indeed, all researchers in the Humanities) not for its ability for us to build simulacra of particular situations. Rather, it is in the possibilities it holds out for us to translate our narrative, explanatory descriptions of historical change into models we can explore and test in a rigorous fashion, to see whether our ideas actually work. In this way, it holds out the promise of revolution, of paradigm shift. 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