ࡱ> #% !" W$bjbjxx 7&x+vvv8l.$JJ```!!!!!!$E9vc} E``c~`v`_|h` < 0xv3EE : The 2016 Household Incomes Report and the companion report using Non-income Measures (the NIMs Report): Summary The Household Incomes Report and its companion report using non-income measures (NIMs) provide information on the material wellbeing of New Zealand households from two perspectives: household incomes: the reports use disposable household income (total after-tax income from all sources for all members of the household), adjusted for household size and composition non-income measures (NIMs): this approach more directly measures the material wellbeing of households in terms of having: the basics such as adequate food, clothes, accommodation, electricity, transport, keeping warm, maintaining household appliances in working order, and so on, and freedoms to purchase and consume non-essentials that are commonly aspired to. The survey data used in the reports comes from Statistics New Zealands Household Economic Survey (HES), 1982 to 2015, and from MSDs Living Standards Surveys (LSS), 2004 and 2008. The reports include extensive international comparisons. Though most of the survey data is from Statistics New Zealand, the responsibility for the analysis and findings is MSDs alone. The 2016 releases update the tables, charts and commentary with analysis based on the 2014-15 HES. This survey was undertaken before the April 2016 Child Material Hardship package changes, so does not reflect any impact of those. The 2016 NIMs report updates with the new data, and also strengthens the previous reports description and technical account of MSDs Material Wellbeing Index (MWI) and of the material hardship or deprivation index (DEP-17). The next update using the 2015-16 HES is planned for June 2017. Overview and Key Findings document The Overview is a new feature of the 2016 release. It brings together the key definitions and findings from both reports in the one place in an integrated 40 page summary. In addition to the Key Findings themselves, the Overview highlights three themes that are important for interpreting the results: The findings are based on data from sample surveys and therefore have statistical uncertainties. The uncertainties are greater for smaller groups than for larger ones, and for high and low incomes than for the rest. For most figures, changes from one survey to the next are not a reliable guide to real change. The findings are at their strongest when looking at clear trends over several surveys or longer, and at differences between groups. A households income on its own is not a reliable guide to its material wellbeing relative to others. This does not mean that income is not important for households nor that income redistribution is not an important policy instrument for governments. The point is rather that there are many factors in addition to income that also impact on household material wellbeing. The reports therefore monitor both incomes and the more direct non-income measures of material wellbeing to give a fuller picture. Material disadvantage is multidimensional and can also have different trends at different depths. No one measure of poverty is adequate on its own. The report therefore uses a multi-measure multi-level approach to better capture the real world story and to provide information relevant to informed public and political debate. Glossary A glossary and list of abbreviations is given in Appendix One. Key Findings Each new update builds on the analysis and findings of previous issues. Unless there is a major shock to the economy such as the global financial crisis (GFC) or a natural disaster, or a major policy change that directly impacts in a major way on the labour market or incomes, findings using the latest available survey data can be expected to be in line with previously identified levels and trends in all the main areas monitored by the reports. They can also be expected to reveal the same relativities between different groups. In addition to confirming existing knowledge, one of the main values of the updates is that uncertainties can be removed in situations where recent trends have been volatile. In a few cases the new survey data can establish new trends that were suggested by previous data but were not clear enough to be reported as reliable information. There were no major shocks to the economy or major changes in government policy that could impact on the 2014-15 data. The updated figures (2015 HES) are generally in line with previous trends and relativities. In a few cases previous ambiguities or uncertainties are now clear. These are noted in the summary below. Household incomes From HES 2014 to HES 2015 median household income continued the rising trend shown in the post-GFC recovery phase on average this has been at 3% pa in real terms (ie 3% pa above CPI inflation): Median disposable household income after taxes and transfers was $73,500 in the 2015 HES. This is the figure before adjusting for household size and composition. In real terms, this is 12% up on the pre-GFC median of $65,800, 32% higher than in 2001 ($55,900), and 57% up on 1994 ($46,900). From HES 2008-09 (just before the GFC impact) to HES 2014-15, household income growth was relatively even across the income spectrum at 8-10% in real terms, from the top of the bottom decile (P10) through to high incomes in the top decile. New Zealands net gains in this period are better overall than for many OECD countries the negative impact was more muted and the recovery has been stronger. For example: the UK median fell through the GFC and has only just returned to its pre-GFC level Italy, Spain, France and Germany were flat through the GFC and have remained so since the US median in 2014 was much the same as in 2008 before the GFC, and was 4% lower than in 2000. The rise in P10 levels from HES 2009 to HES 2015 mainly reflects rises in real terms for New Zealand Superannuation (NZS). Those whose incomes are almost entirely from NZS are at the top of the lower decile and the bottom of the second decile. Incomes for beneficiaries and those reliant only on minimum wage employment (plus WFF if eligible) remained steady in real terms so did not contribute to the rise at P10. In the two decades from 1994 to 2015, median household income grew 57% in real terms, while the after-tax average wage grew only 33%. One of the reasons for the higher growth rate for household incomes compared with wages is the increase in total hours in paid employment per household for many multi-adult households. Increased female labour force participation in the period was a significant driver of this change. For example: out of all two parent families that had at least one parent in full-time employment, the proportion with two earners increased from 58% in 1994 to 69% in 2015 one consequence of this is that the ratio of median two parent income to median sole parent income has increased from 1.57 in 1994 to 1.67 in 2015. A new feature is the strong rise in incomes for many couple households aged 65 to 70 years, reflecting in the main the extra income from employment for this group. For singles there is much more limited increase in employment earnings. Household income inequality There are many inequalities of relevance to public policy for example, inequalities in educational outcomes, access to health care, wages, community amenities, and so on. The Incomes Report monitors inequality or dispersion of household incomes. This is different from wage inequality or wealth inequality. There are several ways to capture income inequality in one number each has its own value and limitations: on all measures, New Zealand experienced a large and rapid rise from late 1980s to the mid 1990s there have been some fluctuations since the mid 1990s, but there is no evidence of any sustained rise or fall in BHC household income inequality in the last 20 years using the Gini and top 1% share, or the last 10-15 years using the 90:10 percentile ratio. The share of income received by the top 1% of tax payers has been reasonably steady in a 7-9% range since the early 1990s, up from 5% in the 1980s: New Zealand ranks in the lower middle of the OECD for this statistic, similar to Australia, Spain and France the US (19%), Germany (14%), the UK (13%), and Canada (12%) all currently have much higher rates for the top 1% share and have experienced much greater rises than New Zealand since the 1980s. In HES 2015, household incomes at the 90th percentile were around four times the incomes at the 10th percentile (ie the 90:10 ratio was 4). The trend was flat from 2004 to 2015. The Gini measure of inequality is a popular one, but because it uses information on all household incomes it is susceptible to showing large fluctuations in the short-term because of sampling issues for very high incomes. Obtaining a consistently representative group of very high income households in a survey sample is a well-known difficulty: the 2015 HES (like the 2011 HES) has an unusually high number of very high income households which leads to a high Gini number and makes the Gini trend unstable for the lower 99% there is no evidence of any sustained rising or falling trend in the last 20 years we know from the tax records that the trend for the top 1% share is also flat, so there is no evidence from the Gini measure / top 1% share data of any sustained rising or falling trend for BHC household income inequality in the last twenty years. Incomes after deducting housing costs (AHC incomes) are more unequal than BHC incomes, as housing costs make up a higher proportion of the household budget for lower income households than they do for higher income households. AHC income inequality was a little higher from 2011 to 2015 compared with the mid 2000s and earlier. The impact of re-distribution New Zealand, like all OECD countries, has a tax and transfer system that significantly re-distributes income and reduces the inequality and hardship that would otherwise exist. For around half of households with dependent children the amount received through welfare benefits and WFF tax credits is greater than the amount they pay in income tax. For example, single-earner two-child families with less than $60,000 from wages pay no net income tax they receive more from WFF tax credits than they pay in income tax and ACC. When all households are counted, and looking at households grouped in deciles rather than looking at individual households, the total income tax paid by each of the bottom four deciles is less than the total transfers received (tax credits, welfare benefits, NZS and so on). For the fifth decile, total income tax paid and transfers received are close to the same. It is only for each of the top five deciles that total income tax paid is greater than transfers received. In addition to income transfers, taxes collected from all sources are also used to fund a range of government services and subsidies such as education and health services, transport subsidies, and so on. This further re-distribution / investment reduces other inequalities that would otherwise exist, but these are beyond the scope of this report. Housing costs relative to income Housing costs now take a much greater proportion of household income especially for low-income households. For all working age (under 65) households they are up from 14% in the late 1980s to 20% in 2015. For the bottom quintile, they are up from 29% to 54%. This change has had a major impact on the trend in incomes after deducting housing costs (AHC incomes) compared with trends in BHC incomes. For example, after the fall in incomes in the early 1990s: BHC incomes at P20 and P10 returned to their mid 1980s level in the mid 2000s, for AHC incomes, the P20 return was also around the mid 2000s, but for P10 incomes in HES 2015 were still a little below the level of the mid 1980s (in real terms, CPI adjusted). Housing affordability in the Incomes Report is measured from the perspective of households already in their own homes or renting: the measure used is the ratio of gross housing outgoings (rates, mortgage, rent) to household disposable income OTIs for short. In HES 2015 28% of households had OTIs of more than 30% of their disposable (after tax) income. There has been little change in this rate since HES 2009. On average from HES 2011 to 2015, 43% in the bottom income quintile had housing outgoings of more than 30% of income, one in three households spent more than 40% of their income, and one in four more than 50% of their income on housing costs. These are high historically, but it does look as if the rates have plateaued in the last few years for both Q1 and Q2. The bottom quintile has three groups of interest in it in relation to OTIs: those living in HNZC houses and receiving an income related rent subsidy such that their housing costs are less than 25% of income; older New Zealanders receiving NZS, many of whom have low housing costs through their mortgage-free homes; low-income working and beneficiary households in private rental accommodation, many of whom receive the AS. NZS has been rising in real terms in recent years which in part explains the apparent flattening of the OTI line as it acts as a counter to the rising trend for low-income working-age renters. In June 2016, almost all renters receiving the Accommodation Supplement (94%) spent more than 30% of their income on housing costs, three in four spent more than 40% and half spent more than 50%. These figures were all up on what they were in June 2007 (90%, 67%, and 40% respectively). Housing quality Major problems with dampness and mould, difficulty with keeping the house warm, and overcrowding are all issues with housing quality that have impacts on health and wellbeing, especially for children. 7% report a major problem with dampness or mould, and 9% report a major problem with heating the home or keeping it warm in winter. For children the figures are higher. For their households: 10% report a major problem with dampness and mould (~110,000 children) 13% report a major problem with heating / keeping it warm in winter (~140,000) 7% report both issues (~75,000) . The issues are much more prevalent in rental accommodation than in owner-occupied dwellings: 70% of those reporting a major problem were in rental accommodation in HNZ homes, one in four households report having a major problem with damp and mould, and one in three are hard to heat or keep warm in winter. The issues are especially concentrated in households with high deprivation scores these are households already experiencing multiple deprivations across a range of other basics. Census data shows that household crowding declined from 13% in 1986 to 10% in 2001 but has plateaued since, in 2006 and 2013. This analysis uses the Canadian Index which is based on the need for an extra 1 or more bedrooms. The 2013 rate for children (0-14 yrs) was 16% (~130,000 children), and was 5% (~40,000) using the more severe measure of needing 2 or more extra bedrooms. The 2008 Living Standards Survey showed that: 5% of children did not have separate beds 8% did not have separate bedrooms for children of the opposite sex (10+ yrs) 8% of children and 30% of those in the bottom MWI decile lived in a household that reported a serious restriction regarding space for study and play for children. Low incomes and material hardship In the richer nations poverty is about being excluded from a minimum acceptable way of life in ones own society because of inadequate resources. It is about resources not meeting basic needs. In practice, household incomes have traditionally been used to measure resources, with low incomes used as a measure of income poverty. The limitations of this approach are well-known and are briefly discussed in Appendix Two. Monitoring trends in low incomes is nevertheless an important exercise as many low-income households have very limited or no financial or other assets and their income is the main in-house resource available for survival. The approach taken in the reports is to focus on the trends for a range of measures, and to tell the fuller story based on this information, rather than to focus on any particular level at a point in time: For monitoring trends in low income, the Incomes Report uses as its primary indicators two anchored line AHC low income measures, one set at 50% and the other at 60% of the 2007 median. As the primary measures for monitoring material hardship, the NIMs Report uses MWI thresholds representing less and more severe hardship, in line with the practice in the EU (Eurostat). Fully relative income measures (BHC and AHC) are also reported but are considered secondary. The table below shows the rates (%) using the primary measures for before the GFC (2008) and in HES 2014 and 2015, with the high point in between for comparison (2011). ALL65+0-17 yrsHES year ==>avg 07+082011avg 14+15avg 07+082011avg 14+15avg 07+082011avg 14+152014-15 numbersAHC 60, 2007 ref yr18191614108242622240,000AHC 50, 2007 ref yr131412754171916170,000MWI d" 9 (less severe)10138453142114150,000MWI d" 5 (more severe)465111810880,000Note:  2011 = highest rate during GFC and associated recession. MWI d" 9 is equivalent to 7+/17 deprivations using DEP-17 MWI d" 5 is equivalent to 9+/17 deprivations using DEP-17 The population as a whole Low incomes, anchored lines: there is no evidence of any rise in recent years in income poverty trends using anchored line measures, either BHC or AHC. The trends are either flat or declining, depending on the start point or measure used. for the AHC 50% of median anchored line measure, the low income rate was steady at around 12% from 2008 to 2015, except for a small spike during the GFC. for the AHC 60% anchored line measure, the population low income (poverty) rate declined from its peak of 19% in the recession to 16% in HES 2014 and 2015, below its average pre-GFC rate of 18%. Material hardship: the less severe measure shows the rise in hardship during the recession and the decline to a lower rate (8%) for 2014 and 2015 after the recovery phase the rate for more severe hardship remained fairly flat (~5%), with those in deeper hardship not greatly impacted by either the downturn or the recovery. Children (aged 0-17 yrs) Low incomes, anchored lines: as for the population as a whole, there is no evidence of any rising child poverty trend in recent years using the anchored line AHC or BHC measures. The trends are either flat or falling depending on the start point or measure used for the AHC 50% anchored line measure, the 2014 rate was close to the pre-GFC rate (17-18%) there was a fall to 15% in 2015 but another survey is needed to determine whether this is a blip or a real change for the AHC 60% anchored line measure, the poverty rate for children fell from its pre-recession rate of 24% to an average of 22% in 2014 and 2015 the BHC low income rates (not shown in the table) declined by 3 to 4 percentage points in the period the difference between the BHC and AHC trends reflects the rising costs of accommodation relative to income for low-income households with children. Low incomes, relative or moving lines: there was a large increase in the reported low income rate using the fully relative AHC 60% of median measure from HES 2013 to HES 2014 due to a large rise in the median there was a small fall to HES 2015 (28%) and the rate on this measure is the same as it was in 2001 to 2004 neither the rise nor the slight fall tell us anything about changes in the real incomes of low income households with children they tell us only about their position relative to the median. Material hardship for children: the less severe measure shows a rise in hardship during the recession (21% max) and a decline to a lower rate (14%) for 2014 and 2015 after the recovery phase the rate for more severe hardship in 2014 and 2015 (8%) is close to what it was before and during the GFC with those in deeper hardship not greatly impacted by either the downturn or the recovery. A common misunderstanding involves attributing some or all of the list of deprivations surveyed in the HES and elsewhere to most or all children in low-income households the reports are clear that this is not the case: some develop a narrative that starts with a high number of children in low-income households, then goes on to make it sound as if all these children suffer many serious deprivations the reports make it clear that this is not the case, and that such narratives produce misleading accounts an example using a specific item illustrates the issue: HES collects information on the degree of any problem with dampness and mould (no problem, minor problem, major problem) 110,000 children are in households with a reported major problem re dampness and mould 50,000 of these children live in households in the bottom AHC income quintile and 60,000 in other households this low income group (bottom quintile) has 20% of all people, and 27% of children in it (290,000) so, only 17% of these children (50,000 / 290,000) live in homes that report this issue: though this is 17% more than what most would consider acceptable, it is well off 100% or even most of the income poor the same analysis applies to many other individual deprivation items the evidence shows that the common claim that all or most children under a given low-income line have all or most the deprivations that society does not want children to experience is false the information in the reports does not support the claim, and shows them to be unfounded. Child poverty by work status of adults For children in workless households, the AHC 60% anchored line poverty rate is around 65%, compared with 10% for those with at least one parent in full-time employment. Around 40% of children in poverty (ie in low-income households) come from households where at least one parent is in full-time employment or is self-employed note that there are many more children in working households than in workless households. For those in material hardship, the split between children in working and children in workless households is around 50:50. Tenure Seven out of ten children in low-income households are in rental accommodation (50% private, 20% HNZ). Older New Zealanders (aged 65+) Older New Zealanders have much lower AHC low-income and material hardship rates than all other age-groups. The relatively good position of older New Zealanders reflects the mix of universal public provision (mainly NZS) and the private provision built up by most of the current cohort over their lifetime, especially via mortgage-free home ownership. Ethnicity Low-income rates are consistently higher for those in Maori and Pacific ethnic groups than for those in the European/Pakeha ethnic group (around double the rate). As the European/Pakeha group is much larger than other groups, just under half (47%) of those in low-income households are in the European/Pakeha group, even though the low-income rate is much lower for this group. Around a quarter are Maori, 9% Pacific and 20% from other ethnic groups. International comparisons Household income trends In the seven years from just before the GFC impact (HES 2008), to HES 2015, household income growth was relatively even across the income spectrum at 10-12% in real terms, from the top of the bottom decile (P10) through to high incomes in the top decile. New Zealands net gains in this period are better overall than for many OECD countries. For example: the UK median fell through the GFC and has only just returned to its pre-GFC level Italy, Spain, France and Germany were flat through the GFC and have remained so since the US median in 2014 was much the same as in 2008 before the GFC, and was 4% lower than in 2000. Income inequality The share of income received by the top 1% of tax payers has been reasonably steady in a 7-9% range since the early 1990s, up from 5% in the 1980s: New Zealand ranks in the lower middle of the OECD for this statistic, similar to Australia, Spain and France the US (19%), Germany (14%), the UK (13%), and Canada (12%) all currently have much higher rates for the top 1% share and have experienced much greater rises than New Zealand since the 1980s. Using measures like the 90:10 ratio and the Gini trend line, New Zealands income inequality is a little higher than the OECD average, around the same as Australia. Wealth inequality Wealth inequality is usually around double the level of income inequality. For example, the most wealthy 10% of New Zealand households hold around 50% of all household wealth, whereas the top 10% of households receive a 25% share of all income. NZs household wealth inequality is about average for the OECD, similar to Norway, Canada and France. Poverty and material hardship The OECD and EU publish international league tables that rank countries on their income poverty rates using 50% and 60% of median poverty lines respectively (BHC). OECD 50%EU 60%All0-17All0-17NZ10131820OECD / EU10131721On the latest available figures (c 2012), New Zealand is in the middle of the rankings for both population poverty rates and child poverty rates, as shown in the table. These figures are however really about income inequality in the lower half of the income distribution. They do not tell us anything about how actual living conditions differ from country to country as median incomes differ so much in purchasing power terms, depending largely on differences in GDP per capita. To properly compare countries for actual living conditions, non-income measures are needed. The 2008 LSS data allows us to use an EU deprivation index (EU-13) for international comparisons of material hardship. New Zealand ranks well for older people (65+) and not so well for children, a finding consistent with the relativities produced within New Zealand using AHC income measures and MWI measures. Using the EU-13 gives: a population hardship rate of 13%, at the EU median an 18% hardship rate for children, above the EU median (15%), and ranking NZ below the richer western European nations against whom we have traditionally benchmarked a 3% hardship rate for those aged (65+), ranking near the top among EU nations. Appendix One Glossary and abbreviations HES Household Economic Survey HES 2010 HES 2009-10 the income data mainly reflects incomes in calendar 2009 SoFIE Survey of Family, Income and Employment IS Income Survey BHC Before (deducting) housing costs AHC After (deducting) housing costs NIMs Non-income measures (sometimes called non-monetary indicators) ELSI Economic Living Standards Index MWI Material Wellbeing Index DEP-17 17-item deprivation index (MSD) EU-13 13-item deprivation index (Eurostat) NAOTWE net (after tax) average ordinary time weekly earnings median income the middle income, with the same number of people above as below mean income arithmetic average of all incomes quintile when individuals are ranked by some characteristic and divided into 5 equal groups, each group is called a quintile (each group is 20% of the whole) Q1 a shorthand for the bottom quintile decile when individuals are ranked by some characteristic and divided into 10 equal groups, each group is called a decile (each group is 10% of the whole) vingtile when individuals are ranked by some characteristic and divided into 20 equal groups, each group is called a vingtile (each group is 5% of the whole) percentile when individuals are ranked by some characteristic and divided into 100 equal groups, each group is called a percentile. P10 10th percentile this is at the top of the bottom decile, 10% up from the bottom P50 50th percentile (ie the median) 90:10 ratio the ratio of the income at P90 to that at P10 OTI (Housing) outgoings to income ratio AS Accommodation Supplement NZS New Zealand Superannuation WFF Working for Families GFC Global Financial Crisis anchored line low income (poverty) measure: this is the line set at a chosen level in a reference year (now 2007), and held fixed in real terms (CPI adjusted) sometimes referred to as the constant value line (CV-07 for short) the concept of poverty here is have the incomes of low-income households gone up or down in real terms compared with what they were previously? moving line low income (poverty) measure: this is the fully relative line that moves when the median moves (eg if median rises, the poverty line rises and reported poverty rates increase even if low incomes stay the same) sometimes referred to as the REL line for short the concept of poverty here is have the incomes of low-income households moved closer or further away from the median? Appendix Two The income-wealth-consumption-material-wellbeing framework The income-wealth-consumption-material-wellbeing framework used in the reports is shown below: Household income and financial and physical assets together largely determine the economic resources available to most households to support their consumption of goods and services and therefore their material standard of living. Households with resources that are not adequate for supporting consumption that meets basic needs (those experiencing poverty or material hardship) are of special public policy interest. For low-income households that have very limited or no financial assets their income is the main in-house resource available to generate their standard of living. Such households not only struggle in varying degrees to meet basic needs, but are also very vulnerable to the negative impacts of shocks such as even a small drop in income or an unexpected expense. The framework recognises that factors other than incomes and assets can also impact on material wellbeing. These factors are especially relevant for low-income / low-asset households, and can make the difference between poverty/hardship and just getting by.         To measure material wellbeing more directly the NIMs report uses both MSDs material wellbeing index (MWI) which covers the whole spectrum from low to high material living standards, and its deprivation index (DEP-17) which focuses on the low living standards end of the spectrum. The MWI and DEP-17 rank households in almost exactly the same order for the lower 20% of the population. The framework shows how it can be that not all households with low incomes are in hardship, and not all in hardship have low incomes. The overlap between similar-sized groups of those identified as in material hardship and those with low incomes is typically only 40 to 50%, not 100%.      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