QUALITY-OF-LIFE AND HAPPINESS: NOT QUITE THE SAME

[Pages:32]QUALITY-OF-LIFE AND HAPPINESS: NOT QUITE THE SAME

Ruut Veenhoven

published in Italian in: G. DeGirolamo et al (eds), 'Salute e qualit? dell vida', Centro Scientifico Editore, 2001, Torino, Italia, pp 67-95

Abstract Quality-of-life is conceived as a broad concept that covers three meanings: 1) quality of the living environment, 2) quality of performance and 3) subjective enjoyment of life. 'Happiness' is understood as part of the latter meaning. It is defined as the overall appreciation of one's life-as-a-whole. This chapter explores the relation of happiness with the first two quality-of-life variants.

A review of empirical happiness-research shows that happiness concurs with several qualities of the living environment, especially with economic affluence, freedom and intimate ties. Yet not all livingconditions deemed beneficial appear to be linked with happiness, for instance not income-equality or full-employment. Empirical research shows also relations between happiness and performance, especially with physical and mental health. Again there are noteworthy exceptions, for instance happiness appears unrelated to intelligence.

The analysis illustrates that quality-of-life is not one encompassing syndrome. Rather than one quality the term denotes in fact combinations of qualities. Hence the term should be used as a token only. Reasoning, measurement and decision-making requires on more discrete concepts.

1. THE QUESTION

The terms 'quality-of-life' and 'happiness' are often equated. This conceptual connection is more or less implied in the use of words. The phrase 'quality-of-life' suggests that life is good in all aspects. Such a good life must be a happy life.

Both terms owe much of their popularity to their suggestion of inclusiveness. They came into use as slogans in discussions. 'Quality' of life was contrasted with mere 'quantity' of life (prolonging life at all cost). 'Happiness' was contrasted with 'successful' life (getting rich). In the heat of these debates precision was not required. Yet now the seminal work is done, a need for greater precision arises. When trying to promote quality-of-life and happiness, we are faced with the question what that is precisely and how these matters relate.

Answering this question requires first of all clear conceptualization. By lack of clear meaning in common language, distinct meanings must be constructed. This chapter proposes a conceptualization in which 'quality-of-life' is a conceptual family and 'happiness' one of the family-members.

Having differentiated matters conceptually the next question is how they relate in reality. To that purpose this chapter reviews the empirical research on links between happiness and other qualities of life.

Correspondence to: Prof. Dr. Ruut Veenhoven Erasmus University Rotterdam, Faculty of Social Sciences,

P.O.B. 1738 3000 DR Rotterdam, Netherlands.

www2.eur.nl/fsw/research/veenhoven

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2. NOTIONS OF 'QUALITY-OF-LIFE'

The term 'quality-of-life' is used to denotes different meanings. The following three main notions can be discerned:

Quality of environment Often the term quality-of-life refers to quality of the living environment. Ecologists use the phrase in appeals against environmental degradation. For instance: building new roads and airports is said to harm the quality-of-life. In a similar way, sociologists speak of quality-of-life when they aim at societal merits. Sociological QOL-indexes involve items on economic affluence and social equality.

In this use of words, external conditions for a good life are in fact equated with the good life itself. A more appropriate term is 'livability'.

Quality of performance The term quality-of-life is also used to denote how well people cope. This use of the word is most common in the therapeutic professions. Medical doctors refer to quality-of-life as (restored) ability to work and love. In their inventories it is often measured by physical ability, sometimes called 'performance-status'. In psychological discourse the term refers typically to mental propensities, such as realism and vitality.Whereas medical conceptions tend to focus on absence of limitating defects (negative health), psychologists also consider ongoing 'actualization' of latent faculties (positive health).

In this use of the term, inner ability to deal with the problems of life is equated with the good life itself. A more appropriate label would seem 'capability for life' or 'art of living'.

Quality of the result The above two meanings describe pre-conditions for a good life, rather than the good life itself. Consequently a third meaning focusses on the latter connotation and characterizes the quality-of-life in terms of its outcomes. Outcomes are described by 'products' of life and as 'enjoyment' of life.

When quality-of-life is conceived in terms of 'products', it denotes what a life leaves behind. In a biological perspective that is at least procreation, life that does not continuate has failed its evolutional mission. In a socio-cultural perspective the quality of a life is its contribution to the human heritage. In this context it is in fact more appropriate to speak about the 'usefulness' of life than about 'quality' of life.

When quality-of-life is conceived in terms of 'enjoyment', the focus is on personal experience of life. The good life is then a life one likes. Whereas all the above meanings of the term quality-of-life denote merits that can be assessed by an impartial outsider, this latter meaning refers to a quality that can be appraised only the subject himself. Therefore, this variant is often referred to as 'subjective quality-oflife'. 1

These three meanings of the term 'quality-of-life' are summarized in scheme 1.

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Related distinctions in other fields This conceptual differentiation follows a common distinction in biology and in system-theory. Equivalents are presented in scheme 2.

Equivalents in biology Biologists distinguish between 'habitat', 'fitness' and 'survival'. 'Habitat' is the living environment of an organism or species, 'fitness' is how well it can deal with the challenges of that environment and 'survival' is the result in terms of continuation.

Though biologists conceive 'results' of life typically in terms of 'survival', the other outcomes mentioned fit their thinking as well. As humans are cultural animals, contributions to the human heritage can be seen as analogous to physical procreation. Subjective enjoyment of life can be seen as comparable to survival as well. Experiences of pleasure and pain have the biological functioning of signalling good and bad adaptation. Feeling good means mostly that survival chances are good. Hence pleasantness of life is a biologically relevant outcome measure as well.

For biologists it is clear that these three qualities of life do not necessarily coincide. By itself, a rich environment does not guarantee survival, and mere performance does not guarantee survival either. Proficiencies must fit the demands of the environment, in particular they must meet surpass the aptitudes of concurrents. Likewise, survival does not mark an environment as good. High performing individuals can survive in a poor environment. Consequently, biologists seldom err on multi-dimensional QOLindexes.

Equivalents in system-theory The conceptual three-partition is also fits a major scheme in system-theory. System-theorists distinguish between 'input', 'throughput' and 'output'. In this thinking, 'input' denotes the resources available in the system's 'environment'. That is what I referred to as quality of the living-environment. 'Through-put' is the use of these resources by the system, in the case of biological systems a.o. digestion of food. I referred to that phenomenon as 'performance'. Input and throughput result in 'output', part of which is fed back for environmental control and system-maintenance. Output is analogous to what I referred to as quality of life's results.

In system-theory, the quality of life's output can be conceived both in terms of 'products' and as experienced 'pleasantness'. Products can be artifacts, such as houses, which serve on their turn as new input. Pleasant experience is not only nice in itself, but also informs the human system about the adequacy of its course.

Like biologists, system-theorist will not shovel these matters on one heap. By itself, good input (environment) does not guarantee good output, and neither does good throughput (performance). Hence multi-dimension QOL-scales are not fashionable in this field either.

3. HAPPINESS

Over the centuries, the term 'happiness' has been used as a catchword for all above mentioned meanings of 'quality-of-life'. In philosophy the first two meanings mentioned prevailed: in social philosophy the meaning of good living conditions (happiness as the good society) and in moral philosophy the meaning

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of good performance (happiness as virtue). In current social science the third meaning prevails; the word happiness is commonly used to denote subjective enjoyment of life.

Subjective enjoyment of life is not a one-dimensional matter. One can enjoy the thrills of life, but at the same time suffer under its tensions. Likewise one can like life in one domain, such as marriage, but at the same time dislike life in another, such as work. In the literature on subjective quality-of-life, these appraisals are referred to as respectively 'aspect-satisfactions' and 'domain-satisfactions'. These partial appraisals of life are distinguished from subjective appreciation of life-as-a-whole.

3.1 Concept of happiness Happiness is the degree to which a person evaluates the overall quality of his present life-as-a-whole positively. In other words, how much one likes the life one leads.

Synonyms The word `life-satisfaction' denotes the same meaning and is often used interchangeably with 'happiness'. An advantage of the term life-satisfaction over the word `happiness' is that it emphasizes the subjective character of the concept.

An other current synonym is `subjective well-being'. Though this phrase makes clear that it is the subject who makes the appraisal, it is not so clear what the subject appraises. The term is also used for more specific self-appraisals, such as self-esteem and anxiousness.

Scope of evaluation The concept of happiness denotes an overall evaluation of life. So the appraisal that life is `exciting' does not mark it as `happy'. There may be too much excitement in life, and too little of other qualities. The overall evaluation of life involves all the criteria figuring in the mind of the individual: how good it feels, how well it meets expectations, how desirable it is deemed to be, etc.

The object of evaluation is life-as-a-whole, not a specific domain of life, such as work-life. Enjoyment of work will add to the appreciation of life, but does not constitute it.

Temporal range Appraisals of life can concern different periods in time: how life has been, how it is now, and how it will probably be in the future. These evaluations do not coincide necessarily; one may be positive about past life, but negative about the future. The focus of this paper is on satisfaction with present life.

Appreciation of present life is not the same as mood of the moment. One may be dissatisfied with life, but still feel euphoric occasionally. Momentaneous affect may influence the perception of lifeexperiences and the global judgement of life, but it is not synonymous with happiness as defined here.

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3.2 Measures of happiness

Measurement is often understood as `objective' and `external' assessment, analogous to the measurement of blood-pressure by a doctor. Happiness cannot be measured that way however. Steady physiological correlates have not been discovered, and probably never will be. Nor have any overt behaviors been found to be consistently linked to inner enjoyment of life.

Like most mental phenomena, happiness is only partially reflected in behavior. Though some social behaviors tend to be more frequent among the happy (active, outgoing, friendly), such conduct is also observed among unhappy persons. Likewise, non-verbal behaviors such as frequent smiling or enthusiastic movements appear to be only modestly related to self-reports of happiness. Consequently, estimates of someone's happiness by his peers are often wrong. Suicidal behavior is probably more indicative of happiness. Almost all people who attempt or commit suicide are quite unhappy. However, not all the unhappy seek resort to suicide. In fact, only a fraction does.

Inference from overt behavior being impossible, we must make do with questioning. That is, simply asking people how much they enjoy their life-as-a-whole. Such questions can be posed in various contexts; clinical interviews, life-review questionnaires and survey interviews. The questions can be posed in different ways; directly or indirectly, and by means of single or multiple items. Some common questions are presented in scheme 3.

The most usual practice is single direct questions in the context of survey interviews. However, the validity and reliability of such simple self-reports is doubted. Elsewhere I have considered the objections and inspected the empirical evidence for claims about bias. I will summarize the main points below. For more detail and references, see Veenhoven 1984 chapter 3.

3.2.1 Validity doubts Critics have suggested that responses to questions on life-satisfaction actually measure other phenomena. Rather than indicating how much the respondent enjoys life, answers would reflect his normative notions and desires.

No notion? One of the misgivings is that most people have no opinion at all about their happiness. They would be more aware of how happy they are supposed to be, and report that instead. Though this may happen incidentally, it does not appear to be the rule. Most people know quite well whether or not they enjoy life. Eight out of ten Americans think of it every week. Responses on questions about happiness tend to be prompt. Non-response on these items is low; both absolutely (? 1%) and relatively to other attitudinal questions. `Don't know' responses are infrequent as well.

A related assertion is that respondents mix up how happy they actually are, with how happy other people think they are, given their situation. If so, people considered to be well off would typically report to be very happy, and people regarded as disadvantaged should characterize themselves as unhappy. That pattern is observed sometimes, but it is not general. For instance, in The Netherlands good education is seen as a pre-requisite for a good life, but the highly educated appear slightly less happy in comparison to their less educated counterparts.

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Colored answers ? Another objection concerns the presence of systematic bias in responses. It is assumed that questions on happiness are interpreted correctly, but that responses are often false. People who are actually dissatisfied with their life would tend to answer that they are quite happy. Both egodefense and social-desirability would cause such distortions.

This bias is seen to manifest itself in over-report of happiness; most people claim to be happy, and most perceive themselves as happier than average. Another indication of bias is seen in the finding that psycho-somatic complaints are not uncommon among the happy. However, these findings allow other interpretations as well. Firstly, the fact that more people say to be happy than unhappy does not imply over-report of happiness. It is quite possible that most people are truly happy (some reasons will be discussed below). Secondly, there are also good reasons why most people think that they are more happy than average. One such reason is that we reason like the critical scientists and think that unhappiness is the rule. Thirdly, the occurrence of head-aches and worries among the happy does not prove response distortion. Life can be a sore trial some times, but still be satisfying on a balance.

The proof of the pudding is in demonstrating the response distortion itself. Some clinical studies have tried to do so by comparing responses to single direct questions with ratings based on depth interviews and projective tests. The results are generally not different from responses to single direct questions posed by an anonymous interviewer.

3.2.2 Reliability doubts Though single questions on happiness seem to measure what they are supposed to measure, they measure it rather imprecisely. When the same question is asked twice in an interview, responses are not always identical. Correlations are about +.70. Over a period of a week, test-retest reliability drops to circa +.60. Though responses seldom change from `happy' to `unhappy', switches from `very' to `fairly' are rather common. The difference between response-options is often ambiguous. The respondent's notion about his/her happiness tends to be global. Thus the choice for one answer-category or the next is sometimes haphazard. Because choice is often arbitrary, subtle differences in interrogation can exert considerable effect. Variations in place where the interview is held, characteristics of the interviewer, sequence of questions and precise wording of the key-item can tip the scale to one response or the other. Such effects can occur in different phases of the response process; in the consideration of the answer as well as in the communication of it.

Bias in appraisal Though most people have an idea of how much they enjoy life, responding to questions on this matter involves more than just bringing up an earlier judgement from memory. For the most part, memory only indicates a range of happiness. Typically, the matter is re-assessed in an instant judgement. This re-appraisal may be limited to recent change (are there any reasons to be more or less happy than I used to be?), but it can also involve quick re-evaluation of life (what are my blessings and frustrations?). In making such instant judgements, people use various heuristics. These mental simplifications are attended with specific errors. For instance the `availability' heuristic involves

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orientation on pieces of information that happen to be readily available. If the interviewer is in a wheelchair, the benefit of good health is salient. Respondents in good health will then rate their happiness somewhat higher and the correlation of happiness-ratings with health variables will be more pronounced. Several of these heuristical effects have been demonstrated by Schwarz and Strack (1991).

Bias in response Once a respondent has formed a private judgement, the next step is to communicate it. At this stage reports can be biassed in various ways as well. One source of bias is inherent to semantics; respondents interpret words differently and some interpretations may be emphasized by earlier questions. For example, questions on happiness are more likely to be interpreted as referring to `contentment' when preceded by questions on success in work, rather than items on mood. Another source of response-bias is found in considerations of self-presentation and social-desirability. Self-rating of happiness tends to be slightly higher in personal interviews than on anonymous questionnaires. However, direct contact with an interviewer does not always inflate happiness reports. If the interviewer is in a wheel-chair, modest self-presentation is encouraged.

Correction for error Much of these biases are random, and balance out in large samples. So in large samples, random error does not affect the accuracy of happiness averages. Yet it does affect correlations, random error 'attenuates' correlations. Random error can be estimated by means of multipletrait-multiple method (MTMM) studies, and correlations can be corrected (disattunuated) on that basis. A first application on satisfaction measures is reported by Saris et all (1996).

Some biases may be systematic; especially bias produced by technique of interrogation and sequence of questions. Bias of that kind does affect the reliability of distributional data. In principle it does not affect correlations, unless the measure of the correlate is biassed in the same way (correlated error). To some extend, systematic error can also be estimated and corrected. See also Saris et al 1996.

3.2.3 Comparability across nations Average happiness differs markedly across nations. In scheme 4 we will see that Russians score currently 5.4 on a 0-10 scale, while in Canada the average is 7.7. Does that mean that Russians really take less pleasure in life? Several claims to the contrary have been advanced. Elsewhere I have checked these doubts (Ouweneel & Veenhoven, 1991, Veenhoven 1993). The results of that inquiry are summarized below. The first objection is that differences in language hinder comparison. Words like `happiness' and `satisfaction' would not have the same connotations in different tongues. Questions using such terms would therefore measure slightly different matters. I checked that hypothesis by comparing the rankorders produced by three kinds of questions: a question about `happiness', a question about `satisfaction with life' and a question that invites to a rating between `best- and worst possible life'. The rankorders appeared to be almost identical. I also compared responses on questions on happiness and satisfaction in two bi-lingual countries, and found no evidence for linguistic bias either. A second objection is that responses are differentially distorted by desirability-bias. In countries where happiness ranks high in value, people would be more inclined to overstate their enjoyment of life. I inspected that claim by checking whether reported happiness is indeed higher in countries where

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hedonic values are most endorsed. This appeared not to be the case. As a second check, I inspected whether reports of general happiness deviate more from feelings in the past few weeks in these countries; the former measure being more vulnerable for desirability distortion than the latter. This appeared not to be the case either.

A third claim is that response-styles distort the answers dissimilarly in different countries. For instance, collectivistic orientation would discourage `very' happy responses, because modest selfpresentation is more appropriate within that cultural context. I tested this hypothesis by comparing happiness in countries differing in value-collectivism, but found no effect in the predicted direction. The hypothesis failed several other tests as well.

A related claim is that happiness is a typical western concept. Unfamiliarity with it in nonwestern nations would lead to lower scores. If so, we can expect more `don't know' and `no answer' responses in non-western nations. However, that appeared not to be the case. See scheme 4.2

Next to these tests of specific distortions I also conducted several global validity tests. One involved association with other measures of wellbeing in nations, such as mental distress and life-expectancy. Though these matters are not identical, one would at least expect some correlation. Significant correlations appear indeed. Another global validity test involved correlation with other nation characteristics. If measures of happiness are heavily biassed, they will reflect error mostly and hence produce at best small correlations with well observable matters such as economic prosperity. Below in scheme 5 we will see that correlations tend to be high.

3.3 Level of happiness Throughout time, social critics have bemoaned the miseries of life. Man is said to be basically unhappy, and real happiness is projected in past paradise or future utopia. Such bilious claims have always been denounced by optimists, who stressed human adaptability and social progress. By lack of an empirical gauge, the discussion remained inconclusive. During the last few decades many surveys have been carried out, some drawing on world samples. These surveys support the optimist view.

Above subsistence level most people enjoy life The first representative surveys were carried out in Western countries and showed an uneven distribution of happy and unhappy citizens; the happy outweighing the unhappy by about 3 to 1. This finding raised much doubt about the validity of survey questions (as discussed previously). However, later crossnational studies showed that unhappiness prevails in third world nations, where a large proportion of the population lives at subsistence levels. This latter finding put to rest many of the aforementioned validity doubts.

No mere resignation Nevertheless some social critics are still reluctant to believe that modern man is really happy. Reported happiness is discounted as sullen adjustment. Rather than really enjoying their life, people would just

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